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Yatsu-ga-take,  Haku-san  and  Tate-yama.    By  B.  W.  Atkinson,  B.  So 1 

Proposed  Arrangement  of  the  Korean  Alphabet.    By  W.  G.  Aston  68 

Notes  on  Stone  Implements  from  Otarn  and  Hakodate.    By  John  Milne,  F.G.8.    61 
Hideyoshi  and  the  Satsnma  Clan  in  the  Sixteenth  Century.    By  J.  H.  Gubbins    92 

Land  Provisions  of  the  Taih6  Bid.    By  0.  J.  Tarring 145 

On  the  Japanese  Letters  "Chi"  and  "Tso."    By  J.  Edkins,  D.  D 156 

BeplytoDr.  Edkins  on  "  Chi "  and  "  Tsu."    ByEmeetSatow    164 

Catalogue  of  the  Birds  of  Japan.    By  T.  Blakiston  and  H.  Pryer 172 

The  "Kana" Transliteration  System.    By  F.  V.  Diekins 242 

Notes  on  the  Porcelain  Industry  of  Japan.    By  B.  W.  Atkinson,  B.  So 267 

A  Short  Memoir  from  the  Seventeenth  Century.    By  Basil  Hall  Chamberlain . .  277 
Suggestions  for  a  Japanese  Rendering  of  the  Psalms.  By  B.  H.  Chamberlain. .  285 

Ancient  Sepulchral  Mounds  in  Eaudzuke.    By  Ernest  Satow   318 

The  History  of  Japanese  Costume.    By  Josiah  Conder,  M.  B.  I.  B.  A 888 

Contributions  to  the  Agricultural  Chemistry  of  Japan.  By  Edward  Kinch,  Pro- 
fessor of  Chemistry 869 

On  the  Systematic  Position  of  the  Itachi.    By  Professor  D.  Brauns 416 

The  Seven  Gods  of  Happiness.    By  C.  Puini,  translated  by  F.  V.  Diekins. ...  427 

Manufacture  of  Sugar  in  Japan.    By  K.  Ota  462 

Influence  of  Chinese  Dialects  on  the  Japanese  Pronunciation  of  the  Chinese^ 

Part  of  the  Japanese  Language.    By  J.  Edkins,  D.  D 478 

Minutes  of  Meetings  i-xvi 

Report  of  Council x  vii 

List  of  Members xxii 

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ni  u  *j  §    i  wi 



By  R.  W.  Atkinson,  B.  Sc.  (Lond.) 

[Read  October  U,  1879.] 

I  have  selected  the  three  mountains  above  named  as  a  heading  for 
this  paper,  because  they  stand  out  prominently  in  my  recollection  from 
the  other  districts  visited,  and  because  they  may  also  serve  to  mark  the 
divisions  of  the  journey  I  took  during  the  past  summer  (1879)  into 
Shinshiu,  Hida,  and  Etchiu,  in  company  with  my  friends  Prof.  Dixon 
and  Mr.  Nakazawa.  We  proposed  to  pass  directly  from  Musashi  into 
Shinshiu  by  following  the  direction  of  greatest  length  of  the  former  , 
province,  and  then,  having  crossed  over  the  range  Yatsu-ga-take,  to 
make  for  the  southern  point  of  Hida,  and,  traversing  the  western  boun- 
dary, to  ascend  Haku-san,  a  sacred  mountain  situated  at  the  point 
where  the  three  provinces, — Eaga,  Hida,  and  Echizen, — meet.  De- 
scending on  the  same  side,  we  intended' to  cross  eastwards  to  the  largest 
branch  of  the  Jindzu-gawa,  and  to  sail  down  to  Toyama,  in  Etchiu, 
from  which  we  could  ascend  Tate-yama,  and  cross  over  the  Harinoki 
tdge  into  Shinshiu  by  the  Shindo. 

This  programme  was 'carried  out  with  one  exception.     For  reasons 
to  be  given  hereafter  we  descended  Haku-san,  not  on  the  Hida,  but  on 
the  Eaga  aide,  which   compelled   us  to   abandon   the   sail   down   the 
.  Jindzu-gawa,  a  circumstance  we  verjr  much  regretted,  as  glowing  ac- 
counts had  reached  us  of  the  beauty  of  the  scenery. 

VOL.  VIII.  1 

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As  a  contribution  to  the  geography  of  some  little  known  parts  of 
this  island,  I  have  ventured  to  put  into  shape  some  notes  taken  during 
the  trip,  and  have  appended  a  sketch  map  of  the  route,  as  well  as  tables 
giving  the  approximate  heights  of  places  through  which  we  passed,  and 
the  names  of  some  of  the  more  striking  flowers  which  were  in  bloom  at 
the  time. 

With  regard  to  the  heights  given  in  the  tables,  a  few  words  are 
necessary  to  explain  how  far  they  are  to  be  relied  upon.  All  of  them 
were  determined  by  means  of  an  anerbid  barometer,  by  Negretti  and 
Zambra,  kindly  lent  to  me  by  Mr.  Satow,  and  graduated  from  81  to  21 
inches.  In  every  case  I  noted  the  reading  in  inches  as  well  as  the 
time,  and  whenever  we  remained  an  hour  or  more  in  one  place  I  took  the 
reading  at  the  end  as  well  as  at  the  beginning  of  our  stay.  At  night  I 
usually  took  two  readings,  one  immediately  on  entering  the  tea-house, 
and  another  later  in  the  evening,  about  8  or  9  o'clock ;  whilst  in  the 
morning  I  took  only  one,  except  occasionally. 

Professor  Mendenhall  has  been  so  good  as  to  compare  the  aneroid 
with  the  standard  mercurial  barometer  of  the  Eaga  Yashiki  observatory, 
and  has  furnished  me  with  comparison  curves  of  the  two  instruments 
from  observations  taken  during  a  fortnight,  Aug.  19th  to  Sept.  2nd, 
from  which  it  appears  that  the  aneroid  had  been  only  partially  compen- 
sated for  temperature.  The  small  difference  between  the  readings  .fpf 
the  aneroid  and  the  mercurial  barometer,  when  the  latter  had  been  cor* 
.rected  for  temperature,  has  been  corrected  in  the  numbers  given  in  the 
tables,  and  they,  therefore,  represent  the  actual  height  of  the  mercury, 
corrected  for  temperature,  at  any  given  time.  I  am  also  indebted  to 
Prof.  Mendenhall  for  the  barometric  readings  in  T6kiy6  during  the  whole 
of  the  period  of  our  trip,  and  this  has  enabled  me  to  calculate  the  approxi- 
mate height  corresponding  to  the  readings  observed.  At  the  same  time 
many  circumstances  may  interfere  to  render  the  heights  incorrect  to  some 
extent ;  indeed  it  is  scarcely  probable  that  the  average  error  is  less  than 
100  ft.,  and  it  has,  therefore,  seemed  unnecessary  to  give  the  exact 
numbers  obtained  by  calculation,  and  in  place  of  them  I  have  chosen  the 
nearest  ten  to  the  number  found.  Thus,  supposing  the  calculated  height 
of  any  place  to  be  2437  ft.,  I  have  given  xthe  number  2440  ft.,  although 
even  in  that  number  the  height  is  given  with  more  apparent  accuracy 

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that  the  method  warrants,  for,  as  only  one  reading  was  taken  in  the 
majority  of  cases,  a  local  disturbance  would  tend  to  raise  or  lower  the 
apparent  height  by  as  much  as  50  or  100  feet.  In  order  to  get  a 
smaller  error  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  institute  a  series  of  obser- 
vations extending  oyer  a  week  or  a  fortnight,  and  to  compare  them  with 
readings  taken  at  similar  times  at  the  sea-level,  or  some  other  place,  the 
exact  height  of  which  was  knowD.  In  this  way  Mr.  Knipping  as- 
certained the  height  of  Fuji-san,  and  found  a  number  closely  agreeing 
with  the  one  found  by  Mr.  Stewart  from  trigonometrical  measurements. 

I  have  to  thank  Mr.  Matsumura,  of  the  Tokiyo  Daigaku,  for  assistance 
in  the  determination  of  many  of  the  plants  obtained  during  the  trip.  It 
would  probably  lead  to  the  discovery  of  many  new  species,  were  those 
who  wander  into  parts  of  Japan  not  much  known,  to  carry  with  them  a 
collecting  portfolio,  and  to  preserve  the  dried  plants  till  their  return  to 
Tokiyo,  where  the  flowers  could  be  examined.  In  collecting,  I  employed 
two  portfolios,  one  for  .pressing,  and  another  for  storing.  Each  con- 
sisted of  two  flat,  strong,  boards,  about  18  by  11  inches,  holding  a 
number  of  sheets  of  a  thick,  grey;  bibulous  paper,,  and  fastened  round 
with  a  pair  of  ordinary  rug  straps.  As  soon  as  my  collecting  book  was 
full,  the  plants  then  collected  and  already  partially  dried,  were  trans- 
ferred to  the  storing  portfolio,  in  which  they  remained  until  I  reached 
Tokiyo.  Some  had  become  a  little  mouldy,  but  the  mould  was  easily 
removed  by  painting  the  plants  over  with  a  solution  of  carbolic  acid  or 
salicylic  acid,  and  again  subjecting  them  to  pressure  in  fresh  paper.  In 
this  way  most  of  those  which  were  not  very  succulent  had  preserved 
their  form  and  colour  very  well. 

Before  starting  we  had  many  discussions  as  to  the  best  form  of 
foot-gear  to  adopt.  Opinions  on  this  point  were  very  conflicting,  and 
after  having  tried  various  kinds  during  this  excursion,  I  can  understand 
why  it  should  be  so.  Different  observers  will  be  apt  to  lay  stress  upon 
different  points,  and  of  the  three  kinds  of  walking  apparel  I  have  tried, 
each  has  advantages  over  the  others  under  special  circumstances.  The 
principal  objection  to  the  use  of  our  ordinary  boots  is,  that  there  is  not 
sufficient  friction  between  the  soles  and  the  road- way.  Along  level  or 
slightly  sloping  ground,  this  is  not  felt,  and  the  "  spring  "  there  is  in 
the  sole  assists  the  power  of  walking  very  materially,  whilst  walking  in 

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waraji  becomes  extremely  fatiguing  under  such  circumstances.  But,  if 
the  road  becomes  greatly  inclined,  and  perhaps  stony,  as  in  ascending 
the  greater  number  of  passes  in  Japan,  waraji  have  the  advantage  over 
boots  on  account  of  the  greater  friction  between  them  and  the  roads. 
They  are,  however,  no  protection  to  the  feet;  there  being  no  " spring  "* 
in  them  the  foot  falls  "dead"  upon  the  ground.  The  ball  of  the  foot 
thus  .  gets  many,  unpleasant  shocks,  and  a  tendency  for  the  tendons  of 
the  foot  to  contract  shows  itself,  and  this  makes  walking  very  painful. 
But  it  is  in  going  down  hill  over  a  stony  road  that  waraji  show  themselves 
to  least  advantage.  In  this  case  the  fault  just  referred  to  is  exaggerated, 
and  the  feet  become  so  sensitive  to  the  smallest  pebble,  that  it  is  agony 
to  proceed.  After  trying  waraji  in  conjunction  with  tabi  a  few  times, 
over  this  kind  of  ground,  I  abandoned  the  tabi,  anc^  fastened  the  waraji 
on  the  outside  of  my  boots,  an  arrangement  which  gave  all  the 
advantages  of  both.  The  waraji  can  be  very  quickly  made  by  a  skilful 
workman,  although  it  is  better  to  have  a  supply  made  before  starting, 
having  a  kind  of  cap  formed  of  three  or  four  cross  strings  proceeding 
from  the  centre  and  two  sides  of  the  toe  end.  These  strings  then  pass 
backward,  through  the  side  loops,  and  are  fastened  in  the  usual  way. 
This  I  consider  to  be  the  best  arrangement  for  ordinary  walking,  if  care 
be  taken  to  see  that  the  fit  is  perfect.  If  they  do  not  fit  well  they  are 
apt  to  slip  to  one  side  and  give  endless  trouble. 

*  But  in  ascending  such  mountains  as  Haku-san,  where  the  ascent 
has  to  be  made  up  the  bed  of  a  stream,  or  where  one  has  to  climb  along 
the  face  of  a  rock  with  scarcely  anything  to  rest  upon,  or  in  crossing 
over  a  talus  of  loose  earth,  it  is  necessary  to  wear  waraji  with  tabi  and 
without  boots.  The  greater  flexibility  permitted  to  the  foot  enables  one 
to  hold  on  to  ground  from  which  boots  would  certainly  slip  away,  in 
addition  to  which  they  allow  one  to  walk  in  the  water,  or  to  wade  from 
one  side  to  the  other*  of  a  stream  without  the  necessity  of  wasting  time 
by  taking  off  and  putting  on  boots.  Climbing  Haku-san  and  Tate-yama 
in  this  way,  I  found  comparatively  easy ;  the  greatest  difficulty  was  in 
descending,  for  the  reason  that  the  straw  string  which  passes  between 
the  toes  gets  pressed  against  the  skin,  and  seems  as  though  it  would 
cut  right  through.  But,  as  boots  are  quite  out  of  the  question,  nothing 
remains  but  to  get  used  to  the  feeling. 

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atkinson:  yatsu-ga-take,  haku-sak,  and  tate-yama.  5 


Early  on  the  morning  of  the  16th  of  July  we  left  Tokiyo  by  kuruma, 
intending  to  .reach  Kawagoye  the*  same  evening.  We  rode  along  the 
Nakasend6  as  far  as  the  new  police  station  at  Itabashi,  which  stands  at 
the  meeting  of -two  roads,  the  Nakasendd  and  the  Kawagoye-kaid6. 
Here,  of  course,  we  took  the  left  road,  which  was  much  narrower  than 
the  other,  and  resembled  an  English  lane  bordered  on  either  side  with 
trees.  As  far  as  Akatsuka-mura,  four  ri  from  Nihombashi.  this  kind 
of  road  continued,  after  which  for  four  ri  more  to  Oi,  the  road  was  lined 
with  cryptomerias.  At  this  place  we  heard  of  a  shorter  road  which 
would  permit  us  to  get  several  ri  further  on  our  way  without  passing 
through  Kawagoye,  ^ind  after  lunch  we  started  for  Kurosu,  3$  ri  distant. 
We  found  the  road  very  narrow,  in  many  places  little  wider  than  an 
ordinary  foot-path,  and  running  for  the  greater  part  of  the  way  through 
plantations  of  nara,  matsu,  etc.  Acacia  treed  and  seedlings  seemed 
abundant,  and  in  one  place  in  the  plantation  I  found  a  group  of  "Dutch 
pipes,"  Japanese  Oranda  kiseru  (Aeginetia  indica),  growing  almost 
hidden  from  sight.  About  half  a  ri  before  reaching  Kurosu  the  road 
through  the  plantations .  opened  out  into  fields  planted  with  indigo, 
sato-imo,  satsuma-imo,  beans,  etc.,  and  we  obtained  a  good  view  of  the 
valley  which  lay  between  us,  and  the  hilly  country  beyond.  Hitherto* 
we  had  been  traversing  an  elevated  plateau,  but  a  few  cho  from  Kurosu 
the  road  very  sharply  descended  to  the  village,  which  is  situated  on  a 
bank  of  the  Iruma-gawa.  Kurosu  is  a  small  village,  but  appears  cleaner 
and  better  kept  than  others  through  which  we  had  passed.  The  next 
morning  we  started  at  5.25,  and  a  walk  of  about  10  cho  brought  us  to 
the  wide  gravelly  bed  of  the  river,  the  water  of  which  flowed  in  a 
beautifully  limpid  stream  through  a  narrower  channel,  sufficiently  wide, 
however,  to  require  a  boat  to  take  us  across.  On  the  other  side  a 
narrow  path  along  the  bank  of  the  river  brought  us  to  a  small  village, 
Sasai,  where  we  diverged  to  the  right  along  the  road  to  Hanno.  For 
nearly  the  whole  distance,  two  ri,  we  passed  through  somewhat  gloomy 
plantations,  which  opened  out  near  Hannd  into  fields.  The  whole  of 
this  part  of  the  road  seemed  singularly  wanting  in  plant-life,  a  circum- 
stance which,  perhaps,  gave  the  gloom  to  it.     HannO  is  a  small,  respect- 

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able  looking  village,  but  appears  to  be  little  visited,  inasmuch  as  we 
searched  in  vain  for  a  tea-house.  About  10  cho  beyond  the  village  the 
road  winds  about  among  a  series  of  small  hills,  and  now  rice- fields 
begin  to  appear  from  the  greater  abundance  of  water  than  in  the  plain 
over  which  we  had  come.  Here  two  road  separate :  the  winding  road  to 
the  left  is  the  one  to  Agano  or  Saka-ishi  machi,  and  after  following  this 
for  half  a  ri  over  the  hills,  we  entered  the  valley  of  the  Komagawa,  flowing 
E.  by  S.  This  valley  resembled,  with  its  su#i-clad  sides,  many  another 
valley  in  Japan,  and  presented  many  beautiful  glimpses  of  wood  and 
water.  Flowers  also  were,  abundant,  especially  the  lilies  Funkia  ovata, 
and  Lilium  aurantium,  the  latter  of  which  was  even  oppressive  with  its 
fragrance.  After  enteririg  this  valley  we  had  to  cross  the  river  ten 
times  before  we  reached  Saka-ishi- machi,  three  times  by  wading,  six  times 
over  narrow  planks  stretched  across,  and  finally,  just  before  entering 
the  town,  over  a  well-built  bridge.  The  old  name  of  this  place  was 
Agano,  but  had  been  recently  changed  to  Saka-ishi-machi.  Here  we 
learnt  that  horses  could  not  go  over  the  pass  which  lay  between  this  and 
Omiya,  our  resting  place  for  the  night,  but  that  the  baggage  must  be 
carried  by  oxen.  After  lunching,  we  again  started  and  followed  the 
road  running  along  the  banks  of  the  Komagawa.  About  2  H  from 
Agano  we  came  to  Saka-ishi-mura,  from  which  the  ascent  of  the 
•  Shdmaru  toge  may  be  said  to  commence.  From  this  point  the  valley  is 
very  close  and  winding,  well  timbered,  and  supplying  various  kinds  of 
wood'.  As  we  near  the  top  of  the  pass,fc  very  fine  views  are  obtained  of 
the  hills  we  entered  in  the  morning  and  of  the  plain  over  which  we 
passed  between  Tokiyo  and  Kurosu.  The  highest  point  of  the  pass  is 
about  1940  ft.  above  the  sea.  The  descent  on  the  other  side  was  rather 
steep ;  the  sides  of  the  path  were  luxuriantly  supplied  with  flowers,  the 
Deinanthe  bifida,  with  a  flower  like  a  fully  developed  Hydrangea,  being 
especially  noticeable,  and  in  no  other  part  of  the  country  did  I  find  it.  At 
the  foot  of  the  descent  we  entered  the  valley  of  the  Obukdkawa,  following 
which  we  ultimately  arrived  at  Omiya.  Before  getting  there,  however, 
darkness  overtook  us,  and  as  the  road  was  very  narrow,  and  in  one  or 
two  places  was  reduced  to  a  mere  plank  crossing  the  river,  our  progress 
was  not  very  rapid.  The  brilliancy  of  the  fire- flies  was  remarkable ;  on 
several  occasions,  indeed,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  resist  the  belief  that 

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the  light  proceeded  from  a  cottage  door.  At  another  part  of  the  road 
we  saw  in  the  distance  a  peculiar,  unnatural  glare  upon  the  dark  sw/i 
lining  the  hanks,  caused  by  the  torches  carried  by  villagers  fishing  in 
the  bed  of  the  stream.  At  Omiya  we  were  unable  to  find  room  in  any 
except  a  second  class  hotel,  the  town  appearing  to  be  very  full.  Our 
baggage,  which  started  from  Saka-ishi-machi  at  2  p.  m.,  did  not  reach 
Omiya  until  8.  a.m.,  having  taken  18  hours  for  7  ri. 

Omiya  is  a  small  town  consisting  of  a  principal  street  running  S.  S. 
W.,  and  one  or  two  at  right  angles.  It  is  the  centre  of  a  silk  district,  and 
is  on  that  account  visited  by  Italians  in  search  of  cards.  There  are  a 
few  shops  in  which  foreign  goods,  including  wines  and  beer,  are  for  sale. 
Looking  down  the  main  street,  several  hills  are  visible  not  very  far  away, 
Bukozan,  Urayama,  Hashitate,  and  others.  Immediately  after  leaving 
Omiya  we  entered  the  valley  of  the  Arakawa,  the  upper  part  of  the  river 
which  runs  through  Tdkiyd  under  the  name  of  the  Todagawa,  or  Sumida- 
gawa.  Here  it  was  flowing  almost  directly  east.  For  about  1}  ri  the 
road  was  quite  level,  running  some  distance  from  the  right  bank  of  the  river 
through  fields  planted  with  beans,  mulberry  trees,  etc.;  but  as  we  as- 
cended the  valley  the  road  rose  and  continued  along  a  terrace  high  above 
the  river  as  far  as  where  it  has  to  be  crossed  to  reach  Niyekawa.  From 
many  points  of  this  terrace,  looking  backwards,  we  had  magnificent 
views  of  the  valley,  and  one  of  our  party  who  had  been  in  Yamato  said 
that  it  resembled  the  famous  Yoshino,  except  that  high  mountains 
replaced  the  lower  Yoshino-yama.  Suddenly,  when  we  came  in  sight 
of  the  white  walls  of  the  •  Niyekawa  houses,  the  road  descended  very 
rapidly  to  the  river,  which  we  crossed  in  a  Jy>at  with  the  help  of  a  rope 
stretched  from  bank  to  bank,  and  then  ascended  as  rapidly  to  Niyekawa-, 
which  is  very  beautifully  situated,  commanding  a  fine  view  of  the  valley. 
In  the  principal  hotel,  Isoda-ya,  one  of  the  rooms  projects  from  the  main 
part  of  the  building,  and  here  one  can  enjoy  the  beauty  of  the  scenery, 
while  the  attention  bestowed  upon  travellers  is  all  that  can  be  desired. 
We  were  'shown  a  map  of  the  district  jChichibu),  a  copy  of  which  from 
Omiya  to  the  Jumonji  tdge,  showing  the  branching  of  the  road  at 
Ghichibu  no  Ochiai,  is  appended.  After  a  good  night's  rest  we  started 
early,  keeping  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  along  the  road  which, 
having  to  cross  the  low  spurs  thrown  out  by  the  hills,  rose  and  fell 

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frequently.  The  river  winds  in  and  out  in  a  very  picturesque  way,  and 
into  the  main  gorge,  which  is  very  narrow,  many  smaller  ones  enter. 
Hills  on  either  side,  luxuriantly  wooded  to  the  top,  rise  to  nearly  a 
thousand  feet.  At  this  point  the  valley  runs  N.  N.  E.,  but  a  little  way 
beyond  it  bends  a  second  time  nearly  at  right  angles. '  Beyond  the  bend 
the  character  of  the  valley  is  bolder  and  the  scenery  more  magnificent 
than  anything  I  had  hitherto  seen  in  this  country,  and  indeed  will  bear 
comparison  with  some  parts  of  the  famous  Yosemite*  valley.  At  the 
point  where  the  third  bend  occurs,  a  sharp,  bold  rock  stands  out  like  a 
sentinel,  and,  though  on  a  smaller  scale,  recalls  £1  Capitan  in  the 
Yosemite*  valley.     On  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  another  valley  enters. 

The  highest  part  of  the  road  before  reaching  Ochiai  is  where  the  path 
crosses  the  rock  alluded  to  above,  and  at  this  elevation  there  are  a  few 
houses  which  bear  the  name  of  Oda-hara  mura.  In  one  or  two  of  the 
houses  were  exposed  for  sale  the  antlers  of  the  deer,  and  the  smaller 
horns  of  the  sheep-faced  antelope,  called  the  Kamoshika  or  Kurashishi. 
Beyond  this  point  we  turned  to  the  right  and  descended  into  a  more  open 
valley,  more  cultivated,  and  much  less  picturesque.  The  descent  was 
pretty  rapid  as  far  as  the  river,  where  there  are  a  few  houses,  and  a 
bridge  leading  to  the  opposite  side,  which,  however,  we  did  not  cross, 
but  continued  to  follow  the  path  on  the  left  bank  of  the  stream  as  for  as 

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Ochiai,  a  part  of  Otaki,  8  ri  distant  from  Niyekawa.  The  name  Ochiai 
is  given  to  the  place  where  two  rivers  meet,  and  as  the  same  name  is 
given  to  a  village  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  pass,  this  one  is  distin- 
guished by  the  name  Chichibu  no  Ochiai  (Chichibu  being  the  name  of 
the  district),  while  the  other  is  called  Shinshiu  no  Ochiai.  A  short 
distance  above  this  village  we  came  to  a  tributary  of  the  Arakawa,  about 
the  same  size,  called  Nakatsu-gawa.  The  road  crosses  this  stream1 
and  follows  its  right  bank  for  a  short  distance  before  separating  from 
the  right  and  broader  road,  which  keeps  to  the  level  of  the  river  and 
is  called  "  Shi-ju-hasse  "  (forty-eight  shallow  reaches),  and,  running 
up  the  valley  Shin  Otaki,  finally  passes  over  the  Mikuni  tdge  into 
Shinshiu.  The  left  branch  of  the  road,  which  we  took,  rises  pretty 
sharply  to  the  top  of  the  ridge,  from  which  many  very  pretty  views  of 
the  Shin  Otaki  valley,  with  its  charming  Swiss-looking  cottages,  are 
obtained.  At  the  top  of  the  ridge  the  path  crosses  from  the  Shin  Otaki 
valley  into  the  "valley  of  the  Arakawa  again,  here  called  the  Ko  Otaki 
valley,  which  we  ascended  to  Tochimoto,  whence  the  ascent  of  tne 
Jumonji  t6ge  is  made.  The  road  in  this  valley  is  little  more  than  a 
narrow  ledge,  running  at  varying  elevations  above  the  river,  never  less 
than  400  ft.,  but  rising  to  500  and  600  ft.  It  winds  in  and  out  of  all  the 
smaller  side  valleys,  and  is  remarkably  pretty  all  the  way  to  Tochimoto. 
About  a  ri  or  a.  ri  and  a  half  from  Ochiai  we  passed  through  a  small 
village  of  about  half  a  dozen  houses  called  Okubo.  From  this  1£  ri  more 
brought  us  to  Tochimoto,  where  we  rested  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Omura, 
the  principal  farmer.  During  the  whole  of  the  last  two  days  the 
luxuriance  of  plant  life  had  been  extraordinary,  especially  of  the  large 
Japanese  lily,  which  here  attains  a  size  not  seen  elsewhere.  On  one 
plant  I  counted  no  less  than  15  flowers  on  one  stem. 

Although  we  had  reached  Tochimoto  quite  early  in  the  day,  we 

'were  obliged  to  rest  in  order  to  commence  the  journey  over  the  Jumonji 

toge  early  the  next  morning.     We  received  somewhat  alarming  accounts 

of  the  difficulty  of  the  pass,  which  fortunately  proved  to  be  exaggerated, 

but  it  is  quite  a  common  habit  of  country  people  to  overestimate  the 

1In  many  maps,  even  in  the  one  lately  published  by  the  Geographical  bureau, 
the  road  to  the  Mikuni  tdge  is  represented  as  leaving  the  other  road  before  the 
Nakatsugawa  is  crossed. 

TOL.    Till.  •  2 

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difficulties  to  intending  travellers.  Shortly  after  leaving  the  village,  a 
smaller  road  branched  off  on  the  left,  which  would  lead  into  Koshiu. 
The  right  path  led  by  a  steep  and  continuous  ascent  to  a  small  shrine 
erected  to  twelve  Buddhist  deities,  and  called  Ju-ni  ten.  This  point  is 
about  650  feet  above  Tochimoto.  After  a  slight  descent  the  path  again 
ascended  through  quantities  of  bamboo  and  sword  grass,  wet  with  dew, 
by  which  in  a  very  short  time  we  were  thoroughly  soaked.  After  a 
steady  climb  of  two  hours  from  starting  we  arrived  at  a  small  shrine,  said 
to  be  1  ri  80  cho  from  Tochimoto,  a  rate  of  not  more  than  2-3  miles  per 
hour.  The  road  all  the  way  was  so  narrow  that  neither  horses  nor  oxen . 
could  have  carried  our  luggage,  so  that  we.  had  to  engage  coolies  to  do  so. 
A  short  distance  from  the  shrine  down  the  side  of  the  slope  there  was 
a  little  water,  which  we  were  glad  to  drink,  as  we  learnt  that  for  the 
next  2J  ri  we  should  come  across  none. 

Beyond  the  shrine  the  road  .was  tolerably  level  for  a  short  distance, 
and  seemed  to  lie  along  a  long  ridge  separating  the  two  valleys  of  Otaki, 
for  we  soon  came  to  a  pathway  on  the  right,  which  came  from  Nakatsu- 
gawa.  After  a  short  descent  the  road  again  ascended  to  another  flat 
ridge,  and  then  rose  again  to  the  second  highest  point  of  the  road,  5,100 
feet  above  the  sea,  and  2,900  feet  above  Tochimoto.  Just  before 
reaching  this  point  we  caught  a  glimpse  of  Yatsu-ga-take  W.  N.  W.,  and 
Asama-yama,  20°  W*  of  N.  Afterwards  the  road  descended  and  emerged 
from  under  the  trees,  which  hitherto  had  protected  us  from  the  burning 
sun,  to  a  wide  space  where  all  the  vegetation  had  been  destroyed 
by  fire,  and  from  which  we  obtained  a  good  view  of  the  valley.  The 
path  was  exceedingly  narrow  and  ran  along  the  face  of  a  very  steep 
slope,  which  descended  below  us  for  several  thousand  feet,  and  which 
recalled  the  rounding  of  Cape  Horn  on  the  Pacific  Railroad.  The 
Ghichibu,  Kdshiu,  and  Shinshiu  ranges  were  all  prominent,,  and  gave 
the  impression  of  great  height.  The  gold  hill  of  Matano-sawa  was  also 
pointed  out  to  us.  It  is  not  yet  worked  on  the  large  scale,  but  speci- 
mens of  the  ore  were  exhibited  at  the  National  Exhibition  held  at  Uyeno, 
in  1877. 

A  little  beyond  this  point  the  road  had  to  pass  round  a  group 
of  very  remarkable)  rugged  erags,  and  it  then  made  a  continuous 

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descent  amongst  trees  till  we  reached  a  little  glen  where  we  found 
water,  and  here  we  lunched.  This  point  is  a  little  more  than  half  way 
between  Tochimoto  and  Shinshiu  no  Ochiai,  being  8}  ri  from  the  former 
place,  but  nevertheless  it  had  taken  us  5  J  hours  pretty  steady,  though 
not  fast,  walking.  Near  this  spot  I  found  the  only  specimen  of  Anemo- 
nopsis  macrophylla  obtained  .during  the  whole  of  the  trip.  The  great 
abundance  of  plants  on  this  pass  was  very  striking,  including  the 
Cornus  canadensis,  two  species  of  Thalictrum,  Aquilegia  glandulosa, 
Schrophularia  alata,  amongst  the  more  noticeable,  and  the  Monotropa 
uniflora,  a  beautiful,  transparent  little  plant  with  a  drooping  head,  which 
I  have  found  on  Nantaizan  and  on  the  Konsei  t6ge,  where  it  was  called 
yuki-furi-sS  (snow  fall  grass). 

After  resting  some  time  we  again  started  commencing  to  climb 
immediately  along  the  face  of  the  side  of  the  valley  until  we  reached 
what  must  have  been  the  upper  end  of  the  Eo  Otaki  valley,  for  the 
road  now  ran  across  a  narrow  ridge  almost  at  right  angles  to  its  former 
direction,  from  which  the  two  valleys,  Shin  Otaki  and  Eo  Otaki,  were 
seen  to  the  right  and  left  respectively.  Having  crossed  this  ridge,  we 
had  now  come  to  the  strip  which  separated  the  valley  of  the  Nakatsugawa 
from  that  of  the  Chikumagawa,  and  for  some  distance  the  path  led  us 
along  the  Nakatsugawa  side,  and  then  after  a  long  steep  ascent  we  came 
to  the  highest  point  of  the  dividing  ridge,  a  short  distance  on  this  side 
of  the  post  marking  the  boundary  line  between  the  two  provinces  of 
Musashi  and  Shinshiu,  or  of  the  Saitama  and  Nagano  prefectures. 

The  Jumonji  tdge  is  the  middle  one  of  three,  the  other  two  being 
the  Mikuni  t6ge,  between  Shinshiu,  Musashi,  and  Eddzuke,  and  the 
Eobushi  tdge,  which  is  at  the  point  of  meeting  of  Edshiu,  Musashi,  and 
Shinshiu,  and  derives  its  name  from  the  initial  characters  in  the  names 
of  the  three  provinces,  Ed-bu-shi.  The  Kdbashi-ga-take  appeared  to 
be  of  considerable  height,  probably  between  7,000  and  8,000  feet.  The 
highest  point  of  the  Jumonji  tdge  is  about  6,000  feet  above  sea-level. 

Here  our  guide,  who  had  observed  that  we  were  collecting  plants, 
made  a  sudden  dive  into  the  recesses  of  the  forest,  and  after  a  •  short 
time  returned  triumphantly  with  a  specimen,  called  Oren,  which  is  used 
as  a  drug,  and  the  root  of  which  has  a  very  bitter  taste.     It  is  a  species 

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of  Coptis,  probably  brachypetala,  and  contains  an  alkaloid,  the. exact 
nature  of  which  is  uncertain.  The  root  is  said  to  be  used  as  a  vermifuge. 
After  passing  the  highest  point,  the  path  descended  gradually  for 
some  distance  through  the  same  kind  of  scenery — a  pine  forest.  After- 
wards we  descended  very  rapidly,  the  road  at  the  lower  path  becoming 
stony  and  hard.  From  one  point  we  saw  £dbushi-ga-take  in  a  direction 
about  17°  W.  of  S.,  after  which  we  rapidly  descended  to  the  level  of  the 
Chikuma-gawa,  which  we  first  touched  1£  hours  after  leaving  the  summit, 
having  descended  nearly  1500  feet.  We  still  continued  to  descend, 
keeping  close  to  the  river  for  15  minutes  more,,  till  we  came  to  a  rude 
kind  of  bridge  crossing  the  stream  and  also  a  small  branch  on  the  left 
bank,  leading  at  once  to  the  Kara,  which  ran  with  a  very  gentle 
inclination  as  far  as  Ochiai.  The  valley  ran  directly  east  and  west,  and 
closing  the  western  end,  as  it  were,  we  saw  the  lofty  and  gloomy  Yatsu- 
ga-take.  The  hills  on  either  side  of  the  valley  were  green,  grassy  slopes, 
very  pleasant  to  look  at,  suggesting  home  scenes,  but  wanting  the  white 
cattle  dotted  here  and  there  over  them.  The  hara,  hitherto  uncultivated, 
is  now  being  cut  up  into  fields  for  the  cultivation  of  buckwheat.  It  is 
a  matter  for  wonder  that  the  utilization  of  such  a  fertile  spot  should 
have  been  delayed,  as  the  general  opinion  is  that  every  available  spot  in 
the  country  is  made  use  of.  That  it  is  a  very  fertile  plain  is  rendered 
evident  by  the  vast  quantities  of  wild  flowers  growing  on  it — the 
luxuriance  of  plant  life  being  as  striking  as  on  the  pass,  though  it  would 
be  evident  to  the  most  casual  observer  that  the  characters  of  the  two 
floras  are  very  different,  the  one  being  an  alpine,  the  other  a  valley ' 
flora.  Most  prominent  were  Epilobium  spicatum,  Platycodon  grandi- 
florum,  Funkia  ovata,  Dianthus  superbus,  Phyteuma  japonicum,  Vero- 
nica virginica,  Geranium  sibiricum,  Hemerocallis  various  species,  and 
numbers  of  Orchidacese.  At  the  point  where  the  road  leaves  the  hara, 
and  descends  rapidly  a  few  feet  to  the  village  of  Ochiai,  a  most  charming 
view  of  the  valley  in  front  is  obtained,  as  agreeable  as  the  sight  of  the 
promised  land  to 'the  Jews  of  old.  A  little  below  the  village  the 
Chikuma-gawa  is  joined  by  the  Adzusa-gawa,  and  the  united  waters  flow 
through  Shinshiu  until  they  meet  with  the  Sai-gawa,  after  which  they 
flow  as  the  Shinano-gawa,  through  Shinshiu  and  Echigo,.and  enter  the 
sea  at  Niigata. 

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We  stayed  all  night  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Tddd,  a  fanner,  there  being 
neither  yado-ya  nor  cha-ya  in  the  village,  as  it  is  a  road  not  often 
traversed  by  travellers.  After  making  enquiries  about  Yatsu-ga-take  we 
were  told  that  Gongen-no-take  was  the  highest  peak  and  that  it  could  be 
ascended  from  Umi-no-kuchi,  and  we  therefore  started  early  on  the 
following  morning,  July  21st,  for  that  place.  Descending  the  valley,  we 
passed  through  two  small  villages,  Igura  and  Hara,  and  after  about 
4£  ri  we  came  to  a  point  where  the  valley  appeared  to  be  blocked  by  a 
range  of  low  hills.  The  river,  however,  here  joined* by  another  stream, 
flowed  round  the  north  side  of  the  hills,  between  them  and  the  opposite 
aide  of  the  valley.  The  road  ascended  the  hill,  and  then  we  found  it  to 
consist  of  an  elevated  plateau  stretching  for  about  a  rt,  and  over- 
looking, the  valley  in  which  Umi-no-kuchi  lies.  This  village  lies  on 
one  of  the  main  roads  between  Shinano  and  K6shiu.  The  Chikuma* 
gawa,  after  bending  round  the  above  mentioned  plateau,  emerges 
again  a  little  way  after  the  road  leaves  Umi-no-kuchi  for  Umijiri. 
In  the  former  place  we  found  the  most  complete  ignorance  prevail- 
ing concerning  the  roads  or  even  the  possibility  of  ascending  the 
mountain,  which  could  be  well  seen  from  part  of  the  village.  At 
last  the  oldest  inhabitant  of  the  village,  on  being  applied  to,  said  that 
it  could  be  ascended  from  Umijiri,  where  a  guide  could  be  obtained. 
The  accompanying  sketch  gives  the  outline  of  the  range  as  seen 
from  Umi-no-kuchi,  where,  however,  the  name  Kasa-dake  was  given  to 
the  highest  peak,  which  at  the  time  was  enveloped  in  mist.     After  lunch 

we  started,  crossing  the  river  a  little  way  from  the  village,  and  following 
the  road,  a  very  good,  broad  and  level  one,  along  the  left  bank,  through 
a  very  pleasant  valley  to  Umijiri,  1  ri  12  ckd  distant.  This  is  a 
remarkable  little  place,  differing  in  appearance  from  the  majority  of  * 
Japanese  villages,  for  the  gable  ends  of  the  houses  face  the  main  street, 
and  thus  form  a  series  of  little  streets  branching  off  at  right  angles.  At 
the  head  of  the  slight  inclination  which  the  town  has  is  the  K'uwaisha, 

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and  that  travellers  can  be  accommodated  is  announced  by  a  large  board 
banging  at  the  entrance  with  the  inscription  "  Hotel  "  on  one  side,  and 
"  Hostel  "  on  the  reverse.  A  tradition  appears  to  exist  that  mosquitoes 
are  unknown,  and  as  a  consequence  nets  are  not  forthcoming.  But  as 
in  fact  these  little  pests  abound,  during  the  night  we  suffered  untold 
misery,  a  bad  preparation  for  the  climb  we  had  before  us  on  the 
morrow.  We  found  that  the  highest  peak  was  called  Aka-dake,  and  was 
the  same  which  was  called  Kasa-dake  at  Umi-no-kuchi.  To  ascend  this  it 
was  necessary  to  go  first  to  the  summit  of  Mikaburi-yama,  then  to  cross  the 
ridge  between  that  and  the  highest  point — in  fact  to  follow  the  outline  of 
the  sketch.  We  were  provided  with  a  guide  who  promised  to  conduct 
us  from  the  summit  of  Aka-dake  to  Kami-no-hara,  on  the  Suwa  side  of 
the  range,  which,  however,  would  require  us  to  camp  out  one.  night. 
Having  divided  our  baggage,  and  sent  the  heavier  portion  to  Kami-no- 
hara  by  the  new  road  open  to  horses,  we  started  early  the  next  morning 
for  the  first  stage,  to  Honzawa,  where  there  are  sulphur  springs. 
Immediately  on  leaving  the  village,  before  crossing  the  bridge,  the  path 
diverged  to  the  left  from  the  main  road.  We  ascended  rapidly  to  the  top 
of  the  slope,  after  which  the  rise  became  more  gradual.  At  this  point 
Asama  was  well  seen  due  north,  and  Mikaburi-yama  W.  S.  W.  Rising 
continuously  over  a  grassy  plain,  with  many  wild  flowers,  we  passed 
two  clumps  of  trees,  which  offered  the  only  shelter  from  the  sun,  which 
even  at  this  early  hour  was  burning.  Near  the  second  group  we  found 
Trollius  japonicus  in  full  bloom,  as  well  as  the  less  conspicuous 
Metanarthecium  luteo-viride.  Having  risen  thus  far  along  the  face  of 
one  of  the  grassy  spurs  from  the  Yatsu-ga-take  range,  we  now  crossed 
over  and  ascended  the  opposite  face,  the  one  nearer  to  Mikaburi-yama. 
From  this  point  we  entered  the  pine  region,  and  until  we  reached  the 
summit  of  the  pass,  we  were  never  out  of  it  except  for  short  intervals 
here  and  there.  The  road,  however,  still  kept  rising,  with  a  single  short 
descent  to  the  stream  just  below  the  baths,  until  we  reached  Honzawa, 
which  we  did  three  hours  and  a  half  after  starting.  The  baths  are 
•  about  8,200  feet  above  Umijiri.  In  the  wood  we  found  many  specimens 
of  the  beautiful  little  Pyrola  rotundifolia,  the  flower  of  which  always 
suggests  the  lily  of  the  valley.  Round  the  baths  the  rhododendrons  were 
in  bloom,  besides  which  we  found  many  other  kinds  of  alpine  plants.     • 

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•  Honzawa  consists  of  a  single  house  of  two  stories,  roughly 
built,  and  partitioned  off  into  rooms  for  the  accommodation  of 
visitors,  of  whom,  however,  there  are  very  few.  There  is  only  one 
bath,  situated  about  1  cho  above  the  house,  and  at  the  side  several 
streams  of  cold  water,  charged  with  iron  and  sulphuric  acid, 
rush  past.  The  bath  consists  of  a  wooden  tank,  into  which  the 
hot  sulphur  water  is  admitted  by  a  pipe.  The  source  of  the  water 
is  covered,  so  that  we  could  not  penetrate  further  in  our  investigation. 
The  water  smells  of  sulphuretted  hydrogen,  though  not  so  strongly  as 
the  water  of  Eusatsu  or  of  Yumoto  (Nikkd).  The  temperature  was 
92-5°  F.  as  it  entered  the  tank,  though  whether  it  mixes  with  cold  water 
before  entering  I  coald  not  ascertain.  There  appears,  therefore,  to  be 
only  one  spring.  Something  having  delayed  our  guide,  it  was  a  quarter 
to  eleven  before  we  were  ready  for  a  start.  We  then  followed  a  toler- 
ably wide,  zig-zag  path  through  a  dense  forest  of  pines  for  forty  minutes, 
when  we  reached  the  summit  of  the  pass  between  Umijiri  and  Kami-no- 
hara,  on  the  Suwa  side.  No  name  having  been  given  to  this  pass,  I 
have  called  it  the  Mikaburi  tdge  throughout  the  paper,  from  the  relation 
it  bears  to  the  mountain  of  that  name.  The  height  of  the  pass  is  about 
1000  feet  above  Honzawa,  and  7,400  ft.  above  the  sea- level.  We  now 
turned  sharply  backwards  to  the  left  and  entered  a  very  dense,  tangled 
growth  of  wood,  through  which  we  passed  with  great  difficulty.  The 
pines  threw  out  their  branches  only  a  few  feet  above  the  ground,  and 
we  had  either  to  creep  underneath,  or  to  climb  over  the  obstruction.  By 
and  by  we  emerged  from  the  wood  and  found  ourselves  at  the  base  of 
the  free  part  of  the  mountain.  When  seen  from  the  baths,  Mikaburi- 
yama  presents  the  appearance  of  a  volcanic  cone  which  has  been  cut  in 
two  by  some  means  and  discloses  its  interior.  There  was  no  evidence 
of  inclined  strata,  but  it  appeared  to  be  built  up  of  horizontal  layers  of 
a  rock  resembling  basalt.  The  general  colour  of  the  broken  part  was  red, 
but  near  the  top  a  mass  of  a  much  darker  brown  colour  was  visible. 

After  leaving  the  pine  wood  our  way  lay  up  the  side  of  the  moun- 
tain, covered  with  a  very  low-growing  kind  of  pine,  called  ne-matsu, 
which  seemed  to  extend  over  the  whole  of  that  part,  intermixed  with  a 
dwarfed  rhododendron,    at    this   time  in    flower.      As    the    branches- 
of  this  pine  crept  above  the  ground  at  a  height  of  6  inches  to  a  foot,  it 

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was  very  tedious  and  difficult  to  avoid  getting  entangled.  Near  the  top 
of  the  mountain  it  disappeared,  and  the  last  part  of  the  ascent  was  by 
the  side  of  the  broken  edge,  which  is  seen  from  the  baths,  up  stony 
ground  to  the  top,  which  we  reached  in  1£  hours  after  leaving  Honzawa, 
and  1050  feet  above  Mikaburi-t6ge.  It  is  therefore  8,450  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea. 

From  the  summit  we  saw  what  appeared  to  be  the  other  side,  or 
part  of  the  other  side  cut  away,  thus  leaving  only  a  ridge  and  the 
summit  of  the  original  mountain.  The  diagram  Fig.  3  is  a  representa-  < 
tion  of  the  relation  of  the  different  points  of  this  part  of  the  range  as 
they  appeared  from  the  summit  and  further  along  the  ridge.  In  all  the 
native  maps  I  have  examined,  the  relative  positions  of  the  peaks  with 
the  same  name  are  different  from  those  observed,  but  whether  that  is  the 
fault  of  the  map-maker,  pr  whether  the  names  of  the  peaks  given  to  us 
by  our  guide  were  incorrect,  is  a  point  I  am  unable  to  decide.  We  then 
descended  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  summit  for  a  short  distance  to  a 
hollow  where  we  could  be  screened  from  the  wind,  marked  X  in  the 
diagram,  and  after  lunching  we  continued  along  the  ridge  in  the 
direction  of  Aka-dake.  From  a  point  a  little  way  along  the  ridge  Fuji- 
san  was  seen  in  a  direction  about  15°  E.  of  S.,  and  the  extreme  end  of 
Suwa  lake  70°  W.  of  N.  Beyond  this  point  the  ridge  became  very  nar- 
row, at  one  point  not  more  than  two  feet  wide,  whilst  the  sides  sloped 
very  rapidly  down  almost  to  the  bottom  of  the  valley,  certainly  for  two* 
or  three  thousand  feet.  At  other  places  our  progress  was  interrupted 
by  gaps  in  the  ridge,  which  necessitated  a  return  to  a  point  from  which 
we  could  pass  below  by  holding  on  to  projecting  rocks,  or  the  stunted 
shrubs  which  were  able  to  grow.  At  another  of  the  more  dangerous 
points  the  whole  of  the  narrow  path  was  covered  with  the  creeping  pine 
found  on  the  lower  part  of  Mikaburi-yama,  and  this  I  think  was  the 
worst  piece  of  climbing  we  had,  for  as  the  branches  hung  over  the  edge 
of  the  rock,  one  could  never  be  quite  certain  of  stepping  upon,  and  not 
over,  the  ridge.  This  part,  I  confess,  I  got  over  on  hands  and  feet 
in  fear  and  trembling,  sincerely  glad  that  we  did  not  intend  returning 
the  •same  way,  little  thinking  that  circumstances  would  compel  us  to  do 
so.  That  point  passed,  we  came  to  the  highest  point  of  the  ridge, 
•  which    is   called    Jizd-san,   and   is    about    280    ft.    higher  than   the 

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sammit  of  Mikabari-yama,  or  about  8,680  ft.  above  the  sea.  For  about 
fifteen  minutes  more  we  managed  to  progress  in  the  direction  ot 
Aka-dake,  but  here  the  guide,*  after  going  a  little  in  advance  to  examine 
the  way,  reported  a  great  chasm  ahead,  which  it  would  be  quite  impos- 
sible to  cross,  and  which  had  been  formed  since  the  last  time  he  ascended, 
three  years  ago.  Although  within  10  cho  of  the  Aka-dake,  which  ap- 
peared towering  high  above  us  and  running  up  to  a  very  sharp  peak, 
for  apparently  500  or  600  ft.  we  were  compelled  to  return.  The 
difficulties  in  returning  were  even  greater  than  before,  for  it  had  now 
begun  to  rain  heavily,  and  to  add  to  our  troubles  a  very  strong'  breeze 
had  sprung  up.  Below  us  a  thunder-storm  was  raging,  which  by  and 
bye  passed  above  us,  and  deafened  us  with  one  of  the  most  violent  peals 
of  thunder  I  have  ever  heard  or  wish  to  hear.  It  seemed  as  though  all 
the  thin  pointed  rocks  must  fall  and  involve  us  in  a  common  ruin. 

We  succeeded  in  retracing  our  steps  without  accident,  but  on 
emerging  to  the  broader  part  of  the  ridge  immediately  below  Mikaburi- 
yama,  we  missed  our  way,  and  descended  some  distance  down  on  the 
Chikuma-gawa  side.  The  mist,  clearing  a  little,  showed  us  the  right 
direction,  and  after  a  stiff  climb  we  found  ourselves  once  more  on  the 
summit  of  Mikaburi-yama,  after  which  we  had  thought  all  our  troubles 
would  have  been  over.  But  from  this  point,  again,  in  descending  we 
took  the  wrong  road,  and  it  was  only  when  .recourse  was  had  to  the 
compass*  and  after  reaBcending  to  the  summit,  that  we  got  the  right 
direction.     Our  guide  seemed  to  have  lost  all  confidence  in  himself,  and 

VOL.  VIII.  '  3 

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from  this  point  Mr.  Nakazawa  took  the  lead,  and  with  the  help  of  the 
magnet  succeeded  in  bringing  us  back  to  the  baths.  We  had  taken 
three  hours  to  descend  from  the  summit  of  Mikaburi-yama  through 
a  drenching  and  severely  cold  rain,  whereas  the  ascent  occupied  15 
minutes  less  than  half  that  time. 

Growing  on  the  sides  and  summit  of  the  mountain  I  observed 
dwarfed  specimens  of  Dicentra  pusilla,  many  kinds  of  ericaceous  plants, 
and  species  of  Aconitum  and  Anemone,  but  as  I  could  not  preserve 
specimens,  I  cannot  be  sure  of  the  species. 

The  next  morning  we  ascended  the  toge  once  more,  but  continued 
this  time  along  the  newly  formed  road  which  is  cut  along  the  ridge 
through  the  pine  forest.  The  soil  was  very  soft  and  "  springy,"  but  the 
rough  cut  edges  of  the  trees  made  walking  very  difficult.  For  some 
distance,  until  the  wood  was  passed  the  descent  was  gradual,  but 
beyond  the  wood-cutter's  hut,  as  far  as  the  first  crossing  of  the  stream, 
the  road  descended  steeply.  From  this  it  ascended  and  descended  till 
we  reached  the  hara,  beyond  which  the  descent  was  continuous  and 
gradual.  We  passed  through  one  or  two  villages  before  reaching  Kami- 
no-hara,  which  is  said  to  be  6  ri  from  Honzawa,  but  is  probably  more. 
From  Kami-no-hara  the  range  of  Yatsu-ga-take  could  be  seen  distinctly, 
and  probably'  could  be  best  ascended  from  that  point;  but,  as  the 
intervening  slope  is  -very  long,  two  days  would  be  required.  It  is  not 
very  easy  to  find  out  the  correct  names  of  the  prominent  peaks  of  the 
range.  Sometimes  the  same  name  is  applied  to  two  peaks,  as,  for 
example,  Gongen-no-take,  and  at  others  the  same  peak  has  two  or  more 
names,  as  in  the  case  of  Aka-dake,  which  at  Umijiri  is  called  Kasa-dake. 
The  order  in  which  they  are  seen  from  Kami-no-hara,  proceeding  from 
the  north,  is  as  follows :  Tate-ahima-yama,  Mikaburi-yama,  Ydko-dake, 
Aka-dake,  and  Amida-ga-take,  all  in  Shinshiu,  except  the  last,  which  we 
were  told  bordered  on  K6shiu.  Ydko-dake  is  probably  another  name  for 
Jizd-san,  the  highest  point  of  the  ridge  between  Mikaburi  and  Aka-dake. 
This  is  a  confirmation  of  the  account  given  by  our  guide,  and  being 
from  the  opposite  side  of  the  range  is  of  considerable  weight. 

From    Kami-no-hara   our  road  lay  towards  Fukushima  on  the 
Nakasendo,  from  which  we  intended  to  enter  Hida.     We  crossed  the 

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valley  passing  through  Chino,  a  small  town  on  the  Kdshiu-kaidd,  which 
lies  .on  the  river  of  the  same  name.  This  is  one  of  the  rivers  running 
into  lake  Suwa,  and  after  about  twenty  minute's  walk  we  crossed  a 
second  river  running  into  the  lake.  From  this  point  the  road  ascended 
gradually  through  Miyagawa,  in  which  we  saw  many  silk- winding 
establishments,  then  through  the  village  of  Jinguji,  in  which  there  is  a 
large  temple  called  Suwa  no  jinja.  After  passing  through  the  gate  and 
along  a  long  covered  way,  lined  with  many  poems  written  on  wood,  a 
torn  to  the  left  led  into  a  square  courtyard,  at  one  side  of  which  was  a 
large  ornamental  gate,  adorned  with  gohei,  and  with  a  fine  group  of 
trees  behind.  This  was  the  entrance  proper  to  the  temple,  which  was 
situated  some  distance  up  the  mountain.  Opposite  the  gate  was  a  kind 
of  shed,  in  which  two  large  pictures,  painted  on  wood,  hung.  One  of 
these  was  remarkable  for  the  enormous  number  of  cranes  represented  in 
it,  numbering  over  a  thousand.  It  was  12  feet  long  and  about  6  feet 
high,  and  was  said  to  have  been  painted  by  Kanko,  during  the 
chronological  period  Kayei,  1848-54.  The  temple  is  said  to  be  very  old, 
though  its  age  is  unknown,  and  it  underwent  repairs  during  the  period 
Tempo  (1830-1844). 

Beyond  this  village  the  road  continued  along  the  side  of  the  low 
hills  west  of  Suwa,  with  a  view  Of  the  lake  and  of  Yatsu-ga-take  behind. 
Beyond  Aruga  the  road  ascended  rapidly  to  the  top  of  the  low  grassy 
hills,  the  highest  point  being  about  850  feet  above  the  lowest  point  of 
the  valley,  which  was  crossed  at  the  second  river,  and  was,  therefore,  a 
very  little  higher  than  the  level  of  the  lake.  From  the  highest  point  we 
descended  between  grass-covered  hills  of  the  same  kind  into  the  valley 
of  the  Tenriu-gawa  to  Hiraide,  on  the  Ina-kaidd  leading  to  Takatd, 
one  hour  and  45  minutes  after  leaving  the  summit.  From  this  point  a 
fine  view  of  Koma-ga-take  in  ShinBhiu  is  obtained.  Between  Hiraide 
and  Inabe,  a  town  lower  down  the  valley,  the  road  is  quite  level  and 
practicable  for  kuruma.  The  distance  is  said  to  be  4  ri,  but  is 
probably  more  than  that,  as  our  kuruma  took  three  hours,  going 
pretty  fast  most  of  the  Way.  About  half  way  between  the  two  places 
we  passed  through  Matsushima,  which  seems  to  be  mainly  filled  with 
tea-houses.  The  ride  down  the  valley  was  very  delightful,  as  it  is 
pretty  open  in  the  direction  of  its  length,  and  at  the  same  time  we 

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got  magnificent  views  of  the  two  ranges  of  high  mountains  on  either  side, 
of  the  K6shiu  range  including  Koma-ga-take  and  Jizd-dake,'  and  of  .the 
south  Shinshiu  range,  with  the  other  Koma-ga-take  and  Kazegoshi-yama. 
Inabe  is  situated  at  the  base  of  Shinshiu  no  Koma-ga-take  towards  the 
north,  and  the  road  to  Fukushima  crosses  the  range  at  the  lowest 
point,  directly  to  the  north  of  this  mountain. 

After  a  good  night's  rest  at  the  hotel  of  Toyo  Seibei,  we  started 
early  in  the  morning  of  the  25th  July,  and  retracing  our  direction  of 
the  day  before  for  a  short  distance,  turned  to  the  left  and  ascended  the 
sloping  plain  which  lies  at  the  base  of  the  Shinshiu  range.  The  road 
over  this  was  almost  perfectly  straight,  and  had  the  appearance  of  a 
well  kept  gravelled  walk.  After  1^  hours  we  came  to  the  other  side 
of  the  plain,  where  a  sudden  descent  took  us  down  to  a  small  stream 
which  flowed  through  a  wild-looking  valley.  The  upper  part  of  the 
hills  forming  the  sides  of  the  valley  were  covered  with  green,  but  the 
lower  parts  were  in  most  places  much  broken,  revealing,  by  the  jagged 
surfaces,  the  slaty  character  of  the  underlying  rock.  After  ascending 
some  distance  over  the  stony  road  by  the  side  of  the  stream,  we 
diverged  into  a  valley  on  the  left,  which  was  more  wooded.  A  sharp 
ascent  of  1|  hours  from  the  stream  when  we  first  touched  it  brought 
us  to  the  summit  of  the  Gombei  tdge,  from  which,  as  well  as  from  many 
points  during  the  ascent,  we  had  splendid  views  of  the  Tenriu-gawa 
valley  with  the  mountains  on  the  opposite  side,  the  Kdshiu  range,  and 
more  to  the  north,  Yatsu-ga-take. 

On  the  other  side  of  the  pass  the  scenery  was  quite  like  that  of 
many  other  passes,  the  bounding  hills  thickly  "covered  with  trees,  with 
a  mountain  torrent  flowing  through  the  valley.  After  walking  down- 
wards for  one  hour  and  40  minutes  we  came  to  a  bridge  over  the  stream, 
beyond  which  the  path  again  ascended  for  about  80  minutes.  From 
this  we  descended  through  a  very  narrow  close  valley,  which  continued 
to  wind  about,  until  finally  it  opened  out  into  the  broader  valley  of  the 
Kisp-gawa,  where  we  joined  the  Nakasend6,  12  cho  from  Miyanokoshi. 
From  this  to  Fukushima,  where  we  stayed  all  night,  is  a  distance  of 
1  n  80  cho.     This  is  a  curious  town;  built  on  both  sides  of  the  river, 

'KurAgAchi  was  given  as  the  name  of  this  mountain  at  one  place  near  Inabe. 

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and  having  communication  by  means  of  two  bridges,  although  the  busy 
part  of  the  town  is  situated  on  the  left  bank.  Like  all  large  towns,  it 
possesses  no  good  hotel ;  we  stayed  at  the  best,  and  found  it  very 


Leaving  Fukushima  we  took  the  road  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  for  some  distance,  then  turned  to  the  right  amongst  low,  wooded 
hills  towards  Kurozawa.  A  little  beyond  half-way  we  came  to  the 
entrance  of  a  very  beautiful  glen,  at  the  opening  of  which  stood  an 
immense  crag  of  some  silicious  rock,  approached  by  a  bridge  over  the 
rivulet.  It  evidently  was  held  sacred,  from  the  fact  that  a  platform  had 
been  built  in  front,  and  at  various  places  round  about  images  were 
placed.  After  about  20  minutes'  walk  through  the  glen  we  came  to  a 
more  open  and  elevated  part  of  the  valley,  near  a  small  rest-house  called 
Nakazawa,  from  which  we  had  a  magnificent  View  of  the  glen,  with  the 
dark,  gloomy  mass  of  the  Shinshiu  Koma-ga-take  in  the  background. 
From  this  point  the  road  kept  ascending  and  winding  till  the  torii  facing 
Ontake- san,  just  above  Kurozawa,  was  gained.  Ontake  lay  60°  W.  of 
N.,  and  behind  us  was  Shinshiu  no  Koma-ga-take  5°  S.  of  E.  Below 
us,  the  valley  of  Kurozawa  appeared  like  a  sort  of  amphitheatre,  lined 
with  dense  cryptomerias,  and  from  it  we  could  almost  trace  the  road  up 
the  mountain.  From  the  village  it  lies  nearly  N.  W.,  and  is  ascended 
during  the  late'  part  of  the  summer  by  bands  of  pilgrims.  There  is  a 
very  comfortable  hotel  kept  by  Mr.  Hara. 

A  short  distance  from  Kurozawa  two  rivers,  Odaki  and  Nishino, 
join,  but  from  that  point  till  they  flow  into  the  Kiso-gawa  no  name  is 
given  to  the  river.  We  wished  to  take  the  road  into  Hida  by  the 
Higesuri  t6ge,  ascending  the  valley  of  the  Odaki,  the  right  stream,  and 
to  the  left  of  Ontake,  but  no  one  seemed  to  be  aware  of  the  existence  of 
such  a  pass.  They  spoke  of  a  Takeguchi  tdge,  and  we  afterwards 
learnt  that  during  the  chronological  period  Tempd  (1880-44)  the  road 
into  Hida  led  over  the  Higesuri  tdge,  but  that  more  recently  this  had 
been  abandoned,  and  a  better  road  made  two  valleys  distant. 

Leaving  Kurozawa,  we  crossed  the  bridge  over  the  Nishino-gawa 

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and  ascended  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Odaki,  winding  in  and  oat, 
now  ascending,  sow  descending,  by  the  road  which  ran  at  some  height 
above  the  river,  on  the  face  of  the  hills.  The  scenery  was  by  no 
means  remarkable,  differing  in  no  respect  from  the  common  valley 
scenery  of  Japan.  About  1|  or  2  ri  from  Eurozawa,  in  one  of  the 
small  side  valleys,  there  was  a  waterfall  of  some  prettiness.  The  water 
flowed  down  a  narrow  channel  between  ledges  of  rock,  and  over  a  series 
of  steps  in  the  same  rock.  At  a  higher  point  in  the  same  valley  the 
water  fell  in  a  pretty  cascade,  although  small,  over  the  irregular  face 
of  the  rock. 

Our  resting-place  was  Odaki,  said  to  be  three  ri  from  .Eurozawa, 
although  probably  the  ri  were  of  50  cho.  The  valley  in  which  it  lies 
runs  at  that  point  nearly  east  and  west.  The  village  is  situated  on  the 
hill  some  distance  from,  and  above,  the  river,  and  appears  to  be  the 
resort  of  numerous  pilgrims  who  come  in  bands  to  ascend  Ontake-san. 
It  is  said  to  be  7  ri,  of  86  cha>  from  this  village  to  the  summit,  while 
the  distance  from  Eurozawa  is  less.  The  time  for  the  great  incursion 
of  pilgrims  had  not  yet  arrived,  but  even  now  there  were  a  great  many 
in  the  tea-houses.  They  form  themselves  into  companies,  and,  under 
the  guidance  of  a  leader,  who  is  generally  elected  on  account  of  the 
number  of  times  he  has  made  the  pilgrimage,  start  on  their  journey  on  a 
particular  day,  and  are  expected  to  arrive. at  the  various  places  on  their 
way  at  fixed  times.  On  that  day  the  hotel  keeper  suspends,  in  a 
conspicuous  place/  one  of  the  small  flags  seen  hanging  in  front  of  the 
house,  with  the  badge  of  the  band  expected,  or  already  in  the  house. 
The  name  of  the  keeper  of  the  principal  hotel  is  Taki. 

On  the  following  morning  we  left  Odaki  to  cross  the  Shindd  into 
Mino.  About  80  cho  up  the  valley  we  passed  the  last  village,  Nikenya, 
to  be  found  on  this  side  of  the  pass.  After  walking  along  the  valley, 
going  up  and  down  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  we  descended  to  the 
bridge  crossing  the  river  a  little  above  the  place  where  it  was  joined 
by  a  tributary  on  the  right  bank.  The  bridge  crossed  over  to  the  foot 
of  a  lofty  crag,  below  which  the  water  was  of  a  brilliant  green  colour. 
Beyond  the  bridge  the  road  followed  the  course  of  the  tributary,  and 
was  very  irregular  and  narrow.  Sometimes  it  passed  over  rough  and 
stony  ground,  sometimes  along  the  face  of  a  crag  where  a  path  had  to 

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be  made  by  placing  trunks  of  trees  lengthwise  and  binding  them  together 
and  to  the  rock  with  the  trailing  stems  of  creepers,  and  sometimes  over 
wet  and  clayey  ground.  After  two  hoars'  walking  from  Odaki,  we  came 
to  the  bank  of  a  little  streamlet,  close  to  the  place  where  it  flowed  into 
the  river  whose  coarse  we  were  following,  and  very  picturesquely 
situated.  Bight  opposite  the  point  where  the  waters  met  rose  a  lofty 
crag,  bare  for  a  great  distance  up,  and  above,  covered  to  the  top,  about 
800  ft.  high,  with  trees.  By  walking  down  to  the  larger  river  over 
the  sandy  and  gravelly  bed,  and  looking  up  the  main  stream,  we  got 
a  most  charming  view  of  the  river  as  it  flowed  through  a  very  narrow 
gorge— rocks  with  parallel  sides,  quite  destitute  -of  vegetation  near 
the  water,  but  above  with  trees  growing  out  and  meeting  above,  forming 
a  sort  of  tunnel,  with  the*  clear,  green,  deep  water  of  the  river  at  the 
bottom.  At  the  upper  end  of  this  gorge  indications  of  the  rapids  could 
just  be  seen,  as  the  river  makes  a  somewhat  sudden  bend  on  entering 
the  gorge.  A  pathway  leads  to  a  small  open  part  of  the  rocky  wall  on 
one  side,  and  here  could  be  seen  the  holes  in  the  opposite  wall,  made 
for  the  purpose  of  fixing  barriers  across  when  it  is  desired  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  wood  which  is  floated  down  this  stream. 

After  two  hours'  more  climbing  over  the  same  kind  of  road  as 
before,  and  always  under  the  shade  of  the  forest  till  just  below  the  top, 
-we  reached  the  summit,  4,670  feet  above  the  sea.  Seven  cho  down  on 
the  other  side  is  a  small  stream  of  good  water,  which  made  an  excellent 
spot  for  lunch.  From  the  summit  the  valley  appeared  to  proceed  in  a 
general  direction  80°  W.  of  S.,  but  the  day  was  too  misty  to  permit  us  to 
make  out  any  of  the  mountains  in  front.  The  distance  from  the  summit 
to  the  bridge  at  the  foot  of  the  pass  on  the  Mino  side  was  49  cho  and 
took  us  1 J  hours.  The  road  on  this  side  was  rather  steeper  than  on 
the  Shinshiu  side,  and  in  many  places  was  very  difficult.  We  descended 
under  the  shade  of  trees,  over  a  road  which  frequently  seemed  to  vanish 
altogether,  ,and  we  were  not  sorry  to  arrive  at  the  bottom.  The 
view  from  the  bridge,  however,  well  repaid  us.  Below  it,  flowed  the 
lovely,  green  water  of  the  Doai-gawa,  and  looking  towards  the  upper  part 
of  its  course,  immediately  above  the  bridge,  we  saw  it  fall  in  a  heavy, 
almost  solid,  mass  over  a  portion  of  its  bed  about  15  ft.  high,  breaking 
into  the  whitest  foam  at  its  base.     The  channel  then  bent  sharply  to 

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the  left,  and  about  10  or  20  feet  below,  again  to  the  right  at  the  point 
where  it  passed  under  the  bridge.  The  sides  of  the  channel  were  ver- 
tical and  high,  covered  at  the  top  with  trees,  and  they  served  to  cast 
into  intense  gloom  the  water  near  the  bridge.  The  intense  blackness 
of  the  water  here  gradually  shaded  off  through  the  most  lively  green  to 
the  most  brilliant  white,  as  it  approached  the  base  of  the  fall,  where  it  was 
illuminated  by  the  sun's  rays.  Below  the  bridge  the  view  was  likewise 
striking  and  beautiful,  but  very  different.  The  river  widened  and 
flowed  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent  between  hills  at  least  2,000  feet  high, 
sharp,  and  thickly  clad  with  trees.  It  then  continued  its  course,  and 
our  road  followed  it  at  a  considerable  height,  along  a  valley  which,  at 
first  very  narrow,  after  a  distance  of  a  n  or  rather  more,  made  a  bend, 
and  then  opened  out  into  a  broad,  well-  cultivated  valley.  The  rocks 
in  this  district  seemed  to  be  much  disintegrated,  for  we  frequently 
passed  over  immense  quantities  which  had  fallen  in  a  broken  condition 
from  the  hills  above.  We  remained  all  night  at  Chikechi,  at  the  house 
of  Mr.  Miyada. 

The  road  we  had  taken  was  a  &hindo>  and  has  now  entirely 
displaced  the  old  Higesuri  toge,  so  that  the  Eochd  at  Odaki  told  us  that 
he  knew  of  no  coolies  acquainted  with  that  way. 

On  the  following  morning  we  left  Chikechi  and  walked  down  the 
valley  for  some  distance, -.then  turned  to  the  right  up  a  hill  and  passed 
through  a  pilgrims'  village,  in  which  all  the  houses  appeared  to  have 
been  quite  recently  built.  From  this  the  road  led  up  over  two  hills, 
about  700  ft.  above  the  village  we  started  from,  and  after  descending 
from  the  second  one,  we  entered  a  broad  valley,  filled  with  rice-fields, 
and  with  a  few  houses  scattered  at  considerable  intervals.  To  the  col- 
lection of  houses  in  this  valley,  separated  from  one  another  often  by 
half  a  mile,  the  name  Kashimo-mura  was  given,  and  the  river  was  called 
Kashimo-gawa.  For  about  1£  miles  the  road  kept  on  the  left  .bank, 
and  then  crossed  over  to  the  opposite  side  and  ascended  a  low  hill  which 
formed  the  dividing  line  between  Hida  and  Mino.  At  the  summit  of  the 
pass  stood  a  large  red  torii,  through  which  on  a  clear  day  could  be  seen 
the  sacred  mountain  of  Haku-san.  From  the  summit  to  the  first  house 
in  Mimaino,  the  village  at  the  foot  of  the  pass  on  the  Hida  side,  was 
said  to  be  10  cho,  but  the  village  was  almost  as  straggling  as  that  of 

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Kashimo.  It  contained  no  tea-houses,  and  we  had  a  walk  of  nearly  a 
ri  before  we  came  to  Nojiri,  where  there*  is  a  very  convenient  resting 
place,  kept  by  Mr.  Imai. 

A  small  stream  flowed  from  the  pass  through  Mimaino  and  Nojiri, 
and  we  continued  to  follow  it  on  the  right  bank  for  about  8  miles,  where 
it  made  a  sudden  bend  to  the  right,  and  was  joined  by  another  stream 
from  a  valley  on  the  left.  Up  to  this  point  the  scenery  had  been  pretty 
and  pleasing — crags  standing  out  here  and  there,  and  crevices  in  the 
rocks  filled  with  vegetation.  But  at  the  bend  the  character  of  the  scenery 
changed : — from  being  merely  pretty,  it  became  grand  and  gloomy.  The 
gorge  of  the  river  was  very  narrow  ;  the  sides  inclined  very  steeply,  and 
were  covered  with  funereal-like  cryptomerias  with  a  luxuriance  hardly  to 
be  imagined.  The  atmosphere  seemed  to  become  oppressive,  and  it  was 
with  a  feeling  of  relief  that,  after  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile,  we  emerged 
into  the  valley  of  the  Masuda-gawa,  an  important  river,  flowing  past 
nearly  at  right  angles  on  its  way  to  join  the  Eiso-gawa.  From  this 
point  we  passed  up  a  broad  valley  bounded  by  moderately  high  hills,  and 
filled  with  rice-fields,  mulberry  plantations,  and  cultivated  fields — all 
indicating  a  pretty  high  degree  of  prosperity  in  this  part  of  Hida. 
We  saw  no  such  signs  in  other  parts  of  this  province  which  we 
visited  afterwards,  but  our  observations  were  confined  to  the  western 
boundary.       • 

We  passed  through  several  good-sized  villages,  Nakaro — and  at 
Gero  we  rested  all  night,  and  endeavoured  to  gain  information  about  the 
proper  route  to  take  to  ascend  Haku-san,  but  we  only  succeeded  in 
ascertaining  the  depth  of  ignorance  in  which  the  people  were  plunged. 
The  next  morning  we  came  to  a  pretty  large  village,  called  Hagiwara, 
with  two  or  three  large  streets,  belonging  to  the  federation  Misato-mura. 
This  is  the  name  given  to  the  collection  of  villages,  of  which  I  have 
mentioned  three,  Nakaro,  Gero  and  Hagiwara,  situated  on  the  banks  of 
the  Masuda-gawa,  and  ruled  by  the  local  government  seated  in  Gero. 
We  afterwards  came  across  two  or  three  instances  of  the  same  arrange- 
ment, in  which  the  mura  seems  to  correspond  to  the  ordinary  word  go. 
There  is  no  definite  spot  called  Misato,  but  this  is  merely  a  name  given 
to  the  collection  of  villages. 

VOL.  VIII.  4 

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At  Hagiwara  we  obtained  coolies  to  carry  our  light  baggage,  the 
greater  part  being  sent  direct  tq  Toyama  through  Takayama.  Our 
intention  was  to  cross  over  tho  hills  between  this  place  and  the  right 
branch  of  the  Masuda-gawa,  called  the  Maze-gawa:  to  ascend  it  as  far 
as  possible,  and  then  to  cross  over  from  that  valley  to  that  of  the 
Shira-kawa,  descending  which  would  bring  us  to  the  base  of  Haku-san, 
which  we  wished  to  ascend  from  the  Hida  side.  The  ignorance  dis- 
played by  thb  inhabitants  of  this  province,  even  when  we  got  quite 
close  to  the  mountain,  was  astonishing,  and  the  accounts  we  received 
from  those  who  professed  to  know  the  road  were  as  alarming  as  they 
proved  to  be  inaccurate.  On  the  map  of  Hida  in  our  possession  a  road 
was  indicated  as  -for  as  Kaware  on  the  Maze-gawa ;  it  then  ceased, 
and  left  a  gap  between  that  .village  and  Oppara.  In  the  same  way,  a 
gap  was  indicated  between  the  valley  of  the  Maze-gawa  and  that  of  the 
Shira-kawa,  and  we  were  at  first  told  that  it  would  be  necessary  to  go 
round  into  Mino,  and  to  reenter  Hida  at  the  head  of  the  Shira-kawa. 
Fortunately,  at  Kaware  we  met  a  man  who  had  gone  as  far  as  the 
upper  part  of  tho  latter  valley,  and  this  proved  that  our  undertaking 
was  possible. 

Starting  from  Hagiwara  we  crossed  the  river  in  a  boat  guided  by 
means  of  a  rope  stretched  across  the  stream,  and  making  straight  away 
from  tho  river,  we  ascended  the  hill  opposite  the  village.  The  road 
was  steep  and  stony,  but  after  an  hour's  walking  we  gained  the  summit, 
from  which  about  2  hours'  walking  down  the  valley  on  the  other  side 
brought  us  to  Nakakiri,  in  tho  valley  of  the  Maze-gawa.  From  here  to 
Euroishi  is  a  little  more  than  half  a  ri:  Below  the  hill  which  separates 
this  from  the  preceding  village,  Sugo,  we  passed  a  very  fine  temple 
belonging  to  the  Ikko-shu  sect  of  Buddhists,  called  Eeirinji.  It  was 
smaller,  but  decorated  in  the  same  style  as  the  Honguwanji  temples. 

From  Kuroishi  to  the  best  house  in  Kaware — that  of  Mr.  Tozo — 
.  is  one  n,  but  we  went  half  a  ri  farther  on,  and  were  lodged  in  a  small 
private  house  belonging  to  Mr.  Yohachi.  All  along  this  valley  the 
mulberry  trees,  which  seemed  to  be  the  principal  thing  grown,  were 
cultivated  in  the  old  fashion,  and  were  allowed  to  grow  to  large  trees, 
thus  giving  the  fields  the  appearance  of  orchards.  The  general  effect 
was  much  more  pleasing  than  that  of  tho  fields  in  Shinshiu  and  other 

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provinces  where  the  modern  method  is  followed  of  catting  down  the 
trees  to  near  the  root,  although  it  is  said  that  in  this  way  much  finer 
leaves  are  obtained. 

The  road  from  Kaware  followed  the  direction  of  the  river  for  nearly 
one  ri  on  the  right  bank,  where  it  crossed  to  the  other  side  over  a  rude 
wooden  bridge.  Thence  it  ascended  and  descended  to  the  level  of  a 
tributary  of  the  Maze-gawa.  This  we  crossed,  and  then  climbed  the 
Hills  between  it  and  the  main  river,  which  we  touched,  and  crossed  at  a 
point  right  opposite  Oppara.  The  valley  of  the  Maze-gawa  is  hero 
much  broader  than  above  or  below,  and  the  ground  seemed  to  be  fairly 
well  cultivated.  The  road  between  Kaware  and  Oppara  did  not  present 
any  difficulties  whatever,  although  it  is  not  indicated  on  any  of  the  maps 
of  Hida.  It  was  nothing  more  than  a  footpath,  it  is  true  :  not  broad 
enough  for  horses  or  cattle,  but  in  this  respect  it  did  not  differ  from  the 
majority  of  the  roads  which  are  marked.  On  the  hills  above  Oppara 
I  found  Scrophularia  alata  and  a  species  of  Cucubalus, 

From  Oppara  to  Naradani  the  road  was  pretty  good,  and  asoended 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Maze-gawa.  There  being  no  tea-house  in  the 
village  we  were  allowed  to  make  use  of  a  largo  temple  called  Yukokuji, 
like  the  one  near  Kuroishi,  to  lunch  in.  After  lunch  we  started  to  cross 
over  the  hills  between  this  and  the  upper  part  of  the  Shira-kawa  valley, 
another  part  not  marked  in  the  map.  We  here  left  the  main  stream  and 
ascended  a  tributary  on  the  right  bank,  up  a  pretty  steep  ascent,  often 
crossing  and  recrossing  the  stream,  to  the  top  of  the  first  pass,  910  feet 
above  Naradani.  From  this  we  descended  under  the  shelter  of  trees  all  the 
way  to  the  right  bank  of  a  small  stream  which  flowed  into  the  Shira-kawa. 
Beyond  the  stream  the  path  again  ascended  to  the  top  of  the  second  pass 
(4,160  ft.  above  sea  level),  from  which  we  obtained  a  fine  view  of  the 
Shira-kawa  valley,  with  Haku-san,  partly  veiled  in  mist,  in  a  direction 
80°  W.  of  N.  A  descent  of  15  cho  between  the  two  branches  of  .the 
Shira-kawa,  called  on  our  left  and  right  respectively  the  Tera-kawa  and 
Miwo-kawa,  brought  us,  after  crossing  the  latter,  to  Kurodani,  throe  ri 
from  Naradani.  Thus  we  had  succeeded  in  traversing  a  second  time, 
without  any  especial  difficulty,  a  part  of  the  road  which  the  map-makers 
had  evidently  considered  too  uncertain  to  be  indicated.  A  moderately 
good  road  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Shira-kawa  brought  us,  after 

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passing  many  small  villages  united  under  the  one  government  of  Shoho- 
kawa-mura,  to  Iwase,  2}  ri  dewn  the  valley.  This  term  mura  includes 
all  the  smaller  divisions  under  the  name  of  kutni.  In  most  of  these 
hamlets  the  thatched  roofs  are  made  very  much  inclined,  to  prevent 
snow  from  lying  on  them  in  winter.  In  the  whole  of  Hida  tea-houses 
appeared  to  he  wanting,  and  indeed,  in  most  of  the  places  we  travelled 
through,  the  ordinary  houses  were  few  and  distant.  We  always  found 
some  difficulty  in  getting  accommodation  for  the  night,  various  excuses 
being  offered,  until  the  Kocho  succeeded  in  persuading  some  one  to  take 
pity  upon  us.  In  none  of  the  villages  did  the  people  seem  to  regard  us 
as  objects  of  curiosity,  as  had  been  the  case  in  most  other  parts  of  Japan 
where  few  foreigners  were  seen,  and  in  Iwase  this  was  explained  when 
we  found  one  old  man  who  professed  the  greatest  astonishment  on 
learning  that  we  were  not  Japanese  officials.  I  have  never  been  in  any 
other  part  of  Japan  where  so  much  ignorance  prevails  on  almost  every 
subject.  Being  cut  off  by  high  mountain  ranges  on  almost  every  side, 
the  inhabitants  hear  no  news,  and  I  should  think  received  no  instruction 
of  any  sort,  judging  from  the  apparent  scarcity  of  schools. 

'  After  leaving  Iwase  we  crossed  to  the  left  bank  of  the  river  a  little 
below  the  village,  after  which  we  continued  down  the  valley,  sometimes 
near,  qnd  sometimes  away  from  the  river.  About  a  ri  beyond  Iwase  we 
crossed  one  of  the  principal  tributaries  to  the  Shira-kawa.  Three  ri 
more,  over  a  very  irregular  road,  brought  us  to  Miboro,  the  village  from 
which  we  were  to  make  the  ascent  of  Haku-san.  For  the  purpose  of 
dividing  our  baggage  once  more,  We  rested  for  a  short  time  at  the 
hotfse  of  Mr.  Toyama,  a  rich  farmer  who  has  well  kept  rooms  and  who 
is  willing  to  accommodate  travellers.  Although  now  reduced  to  the 
most  moderate  dimensions,  with  food  for  4  days  only,  and  sufficient 
covering  to  keep  us  warm,  the  Koch6  said  that  the  baggage  would 
require  6  men,  and  as  the  same  amount  was  afterwards  carried  by  one 
Kaga  man  along  a  level  road,  some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  difficulty 
of  the  ascent  from  this  side.  The  heavier  part  of  the  baggage  was  left 
in  Miboro,  as  we- intended  to  return  there,  and  we  took  with  us  only 
what  was  absolutely  necessary;  but  after  the  experience  of  the  first 
afternoon,  we  could  no  longer  wonder  that  the  load  of  each  man  should 
be  a  light  one.    As  the  summit  of  tho  mountain  is  clear  only  in  the 

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early  morning,  it  is  necessary  to  sleep  at  the  Murodd,  and  to  make  the 

final  ascent  from  that  point,  which  is  9  n  from  Miboro.     But  as  we 

started  too  late  to  reach  the  Murodd  in  one  day,  we  had  to  sleep  in  a 

small  log  cabin,  5  n  up  the  valley.     The  following  day  we  could  go  no 

further  than  the  Murodd,  and  we  therefore  had  to  provide  for  three 

nights'  camping  out. 

We  started  from  Miboro  at   10.30  a.m.   on   the  81st  July,  and 

continued  along  the  valley  path  for  a  short  distance  beyond  the  point 

where  the  Ojira-kawa  flows  into  the  main  stream ;  we  then  turned  back 

at  an  acute  angle  and  ascended  by  the  left  bank  of  this  stream,  which  is 

of  considerable  size  at  this  point.     After  about  45  minutes  of  somewhat 

difficult  climbing,  an  earnest  of  what  was  to  follow,  we  rested  for  lunch, 

and  by  12  o'clock  were  again  ready  for  a  start.     Beyond  this  we  found 

many  extremely  difficult  and   dangerous   places   to  get  over,  such  as 

climbing  up  the  face  of  a  steep  rock  where  the  footing  was  almost  nil 

supported  only  by  the  branch  of  a  tree,  or  by  the  twining  stem  of  a 

creeper.     Two  or  three  times,  having  to  cross  and  recross  the  stream, 

we  were  able  to  do  so  with  the  help  of  stepping  stones,  but  after  the  third 

time  it  had  to  be  crossed  by  fording.     This  was  neither  an  easy  nor  a 

safe  task,  on  account  of  the  depth  and  strength  of  the  current.     Indeed, 

oftentimes  we  should  have  found  it  impossible  to  cross  without  the 

assistance  of  our  coolies,  who,  being  wood-cutters,  were  accustomed  to 

this  kind  of  work.     Up  to  the  first  fording  I  had  been  walking  in  boots 

with  waraji  underneath,  but  on  exchanging  them  for  tali  and  ivaraji  I 

found  the  latter  so  good  for  this  kind  of  climbing,  not  only  because  of  the , 

ease  with  which  one  can  wade  though  water,  but  also  because  the  footing 

on  smooth  rocks  is  so  much  firmer,  that  I  continued  walking  in  them  to 

the  summit.     The  scenery  all  the  way  up  was  splendid ;  at  one  place 

where  we  had  to  ford  the  river  three  times  in  about  ten  minutes,  the 

river  flowed  with  great  speed  through  a  narrow  gorge,  the  vertical  sides 

of  which  were  brilliantly  tinted  with  the  crimson  colours  of  azaleas  and 

the  early  autumn  tints  of  some  creeper.     Having  passed  through  the 

gorge  we  found,  on  coming  to  land  once  more,  that  the  ravine  opened 

out  into  a  semicircle,  with  a  smooth  sandy  beach,  while  everywhere 

about  immense  cryptomerias  formed  a  fit  setting  for  this  little  gem. 

A  short  distance  beyond  this  we  left  the  course  of  the  river,  and  ascended 

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under  trees,  nor  did  we  again  see  the  river  until  4£  ri  from  Miboro  was 
reached,  a  point  from  which  we  saw  one  branch  of  this  river  falling 
over  the  face  of  a  rock  for  about  8§0  feet,  a  splendid  example  of  a  fall. 
The  rock  was  remarkable  :  it  looked  as  though  it  had  been  sliced  right 
through,  the  other  half  having  been  carried  away,  thus  leaving  in  front 
of  the  fall  an  immense  amphitheatre.  The  river  had  worn  a  deep 
channel  in  the  upper  part  of  the  wall,  and  escaped  through  the  bottom, 
just  as  Eegon  no  taki  at  Nikko  does.  The  fall  can  be  seen  only  from 
the  side  of  the  valley,  almost  on  a  level  with  the  top  of  the  fall,  and 
the  point  of  observation  also  recalls  the  Nikkd  waterfall;  The  face  of 
the  rock  appeared  to  be  formed  of  basaltic  columns,  sometimes  vertical, 
sometimes  bending  into  a  funnel-like  form,  and  at  other  times  curved. 
The  second  (the  right)  branch  of  the  river  flows  through  a  chasm  on  the 
opposite  side  of  this  rock,  but  forms  no  fall.  The  name  of  the  water- 
fall is  Shira-midzu  no  taki,  and  the  most  exaggerated  reports  of  its 
height  are  current,  but  the  height  given  above  is  probably  as  near  the 
true  height  as  the  absence  of  accurate  measurements  will  permit. 

The  path  now  bent  round  and  descended  to  the  level  of  the  stream 
a  short  distance  above  the  fall,  and  after  crossing  it,  and  continuing  at 
right  angles  to  the  direction  of  its  flow,  we  descended  sharply  to  the 
level  of  the  right  branch,  at  a  point  where  several  hot  sulphur  springs 
arise.  Here  we  found  the  rude  log  cabin  in  which  we  were  to  spend  the 
night.  It  had  been  built  by  wood-cutters,  and  was  provided  with 
several  hooks,  hanging 'from  the  beam  of  the  roof,  for  the  purpose  of 
supporting  pans  and  kettles  over  the  fire,  which  we  very  soon  had  blazing. 

After  enjoying  a  good  night's  rest,  notwithstanding  the  hardness 
of  the  ground  upon  which  we  had  to  sleep,  we  continued  our  ascent 
the  next  morning,  following  the  right  branch  of  the  Ojira-kawa  for  about 
l£  ri,  jumping  from  stone  to  stone,  or  wading  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
but  always  in  the  bed  of  the  stream,  the  water  of  which  was  intensely 
cold,  slightly  warmed  here  and  there  where  a  hot  sulphur  spring 
on  the  side  sent  its  tiny  rill  into  the  main  stream.  At  the  end  of  the 
H  ri  we  came  to  some  small  solfataras  on  the  left  bank,  from  which 
steam  and  sulphuretted  hydrogen  were  escaping,  and  a  crystalline 
deposit,  consisting  of  sulphur  and  some  white  body,  was  being  formed 
on  the  surface.  '     * 

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Up  to  this  point  wo  had  met  with  nothing  that  could  be  called 
really  hard  climbing,  but  now,  instead  of  being  able  to  jump  from  stone 
to  stone,  or  wading  from  one  side,  of  the  river  to  the  other,  we  had 
to  ascend  the  stream  through  the  ice-cold  water,  just  melted  from  the 
glaciers  above,  and  to  climb  from  stone  to  stone  as  the  inclination  of  the 
valley  became  greater.  Having  ascended  in  this  way  about  half  a  ri  we 
came  to  the  first  glacier,  or  properly  snow-slope.  Being  of  a  moderate 
inclination,  this  was  comparatively  a  relief  to  us,  and  with  the  help  of 
our  iron-shod  poles  we  ascended  easily.  This  valley  faced  the  E.,  and 
in  crossing  from  it  to  the  second  valley,  which  faced  N.  E.,  we 
encountered  some  very  steep  places  of  loose  earth  and  stones,  which 
suggested  remarks  as  to  how  they  were  to  be  descended.  We  ascended 
the  second  stretch  of  snow  with  some  difficulty,  as  the  inclination  was 
greater,  but  our  difficulties  were  much  increased  on  leaving  this  and 
entering  a  smaller  valley,. where  the  inclination  of  the  snow  was  about 
80°.  It  was  so  steep  that  we  could  get  scarcely  any  hold  in  spite  of  our 
spiked  poles,  and  the  only  way  I  found  it  possible  to  make  any  progress 
was  to  drive  down  the  pole  into  the  snow,  rest  my  right  foot  against  it, 
and  with  the  left  scoop  out  a  hole  in  the  snow  to  rest  upon,  while  I 
drew  out  the  pole  in  order  to  drive  it  in  higher  up.  This  was  a  very 
laborious  process,  and  heartily  glad  I  was  when  we  got  to  the  upper 
part  of  this  stretch,  although  tlje  most  dangerous  part  of  the  valley 
still  lay  before  us.  This  was  a  narrow  and  steep  gorge,  apparently 
worn  by  weathering  out  of  a  lava  stream,  and  well  named  Jigohu  dani, 
which  we  might  translate  freely  as  "  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of 
death."  While  climbing  this  we  had  literally  to  hold  on  with  hands 
and  feet,  and  at  one  narrow  place  it  was  only  possible  for  one 
to  ascend  at  a  time,  the  others  keeping  sheltered  under  a  large  rock  just 
above  them,  from  the  shower  of  stones  let  loose  by  the  one  ascending. 
At  first  we  did  not  appreciate  the  danger,  but  while  waiting  uncon- 
cernedly the  ascent  of  the  first  coolie,  we  were  suddenly  started  by  his 
frantic  shouts  and  by  the  sound  of  something  falling.  Instinctively 
creeping  in  towards  the  side  and  under  the  shadow  of  the  rock,  we  were 
only  just  in  time  to  avoid  a  large  fragment  of  stone,  which  would  have 
been  certain  death  to  any  one  in  its  way.  After  that  experience  we  were 
more  careful.    The  difficulties  of  that  valley  were,  however,  not  yet 

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over,  and  one  of  the  worst  places  was  quite  close  to  the  top,  where  the 
earth  was  .so  loose,  and  the  inclination  so  steep,  that  the  danger  of  slipping 
was  very  great.  The  most  active  of  the  coolies  managed  to  get  over  it, 
and  these  assisted  the  rest  over  with  the  help  of  a  pole.  This  brought 
us  to  the  upper  edge  of  the  ridge,  from  which  we  could  see  the  summit 
of  Haku-san  rising  high  above  us,  while  in  other  directions,  an  infinite 
number  of  hills  rolled  away  to  the  horizon.  From  the  Jigoku  dani  to 
the  slope  on  the  other  side,  at  the  base  of  Haku-san  proper,  was  like 
passing  from  winter  to  summer.  On  this  slope  numerous  flowers 
bloomed  in  all  their  native  beauty,  many  which  I  had  not  hitherto  found 
elsewhere ;  most  noticeable  of  all  the  curious  little  FritiUariaKatmcliatensis. 
From  the  edge  of  the  ridge  we  descended  to  the  stream*  and  following 
this  down  a  little  way  we  left  it  and  ascended  a  branch  stream  to  the 
edge  of  the  slope  from,  which  the  summit  of  Haku-san  rises.  After 
walking  about  half  an  hour  over  this,  we  reached  the  Murodo — a  small 
wooden  house  inhabited  during  the  summer  for  80  or  40  days  by  a 
priest  and  hotel-keeper  -in  .one,  who  not  only  provides  for  the  material 
wants  of  the  pilgrims  in  the  shape  of  rice,  but  also  attends  to  the  spiritual 
cravings  of  their  nature  by  accompanying  them  to  the  summit,  from 
which  he  points  out  the  principal  mountains  to  be  seen. 

The  accommodation  was  of  the  rudest  description,  and  deeidedly 
inferior  to  that  of  the  previous  night  at  the  hot  springs,  where  there 
was,  indeed,  a  separate  hut  for  our  coolies.  The  room  in  the  Murodd 
was  larger,  and  divided  by  a  partition  into  two  parts,  but  there  was  no 
difference  as  to  the  desirability  of  sleeping  in  either.  Had  the  night  not 
.been  so  bitterly  cold,  it  would  have  been  pleasanter  to  sleep  in  the  open 
air  than. in  the  hut,  as  we  did,  surrounded  by  our  coolies,  and  by  some 
pilgrims  who  had  arrived  from  Mino,  and  suffocated  by  the  smoke  from 
the  burning  logs  in  the  middle  of  the  floor,  which  had  no  outlet  but  the 
too  small  door. 

We  were  obliged  to  remain  here  the  whole  afternoon,  although  the 
summit  was  free  from  clouds  during  the  greater  part  of  the  time,  because 
the  rest  of  the  country  was  enveloped  in  a  thick  mist,  and  the  growling 
of  the  thunder  indicated  that  a  storm  was  in  progress  somewhere.  The 
next  morning,  rising  before  daylight,  we  were  able  to  reach  the  summit 
before  sunrise.     The  ascent  from  the  hut  is  quite  easy,  and  took  us  only 

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25  minutes.  From  the  top  a  magnificent  view  of  the  Hida  and  Shinshiu 
ranges,  with  others  farther  distant,  was  obtained.  Beginning  with  the* 
most  northerly  we  saw  Tate-yama,  58°  E.  of  N.;  Yari-ga-take,  20° 
N.  of  E.;  Nori-knra,  8°  S.  of  E.;  Yatsu-ga-take  and  Koshiu  no  Koma-ga- 
take  very  faint;  On-take-san,  60°  E.  of  8.;  and  lastly  Shinhhiu  no 
Koma-ga-take  very  faint.  Besides  these  there  were  the  lower  mountains 
immediately  surrounding  Haku-san,  as  Bes-san,  its  nearest  neighbour. 
Haku-san  is  apparently  part  of  the  ridgo  of  an  old  crater,  of  which  there 
-were  probably  two  close  together,  the  peaks  called  Tsurugi  and  Oku-no-in 
forming  the  remains  of  the  other  sides.  All  appear  now  to  be  composed 
of  loose  stones,  lava  of  various  kinds.  Haku-san  itself  is  the  largest  and 
highest,  but  the  other  points  cannot  be  more  than  50  to  100  feet  lower. 
The  relations  of  the  peaks  will  be  seen  by  reference  to  the  diagram  of 
the  summit.     The  dotted  lines  indicate   what  were  probably  the  two 

/<>•    4-. 


M^8*        J 


OfCu-KQ  i-rv 

craters,  each  with  a  lake  at  the  bottom ;  there  is  a  third  smaller  pool 
almost  directly  west  of  the  Koya-ga-ike,  but  which  is  probably  not  a 
third  crater.  The  crater  of  which  Haku-san  forms  one  side  was  probably 
the  earliest,  the  north  one  having  been  formed  afterwards,  and  the 
stream  of  lava  which  apparently  flowed  away  to  the  north  has  been 
subsequently  denuded.  The  water  in  Koya-ga-ike  is  of  a  dull  colour, 
while  that  of  tho  northern  lake  is  of  a  beautiful  turquoise,  both  perfectly 

vol.  vra.  6 

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At  the  west  end  of  Haku-san  is  a  striking  mass  of  rock,  which 
resembles  the  watch-tower  of  an  old  castle,  and  is  called  6takara-no- 
kura  or  "  the  store-house  of  precious  things." 

The  height  of  Haku-san  is  approximately  800  ft.  above  the  Murodd, 
and  8,700  ft.  above  the  sea ;  Koya-ga-ike  is  850  ft.,  and  the  northern 
lake  400  ft.  below  the  summit. 

A  descent  of  25  minutes  brought  us  again  to  the  Murodd,  from 
which  after  a  slight  refreshment  we  started  to  descend  to*  Yumoto,  on 
the  Kaga  side.  The  previous  afternoon  we  had  decided  not  to  return  to 
Miboro,  as  the  descent  of  the  Jigoku  dani  and  the  snow- slopes  would  be 
worse  than  the  ascent,  but  to  endeavour  to  reach  Toyama  by  skirting 
the  range  between  Hida  and  Kaga  and  Etchiu.  This  we  afterwards 
found  was  not  possible,  the  pnly  way  being  to  make  for  Kanazawa  and 
from  that  place  to  get  to  Toyama  by  following  the  main  road,  the 
Hokurokud6.  We  sent  word  to  the  Kocho  of  Miboro  to  send  our 
baggage  to  Toyama,  where  we  found  it  on  our  arrival. 

Leaving  the  Murodo  the  road  continued  for  about  a  ri  and  a  half 
down  the  slope  of  Haku-san,  and  was  very  steep  and  stony,  for  which 
kind  of  road  and  direction  tabi  and  waraji  are  quite  unsuitable.  Beyond 
the  foot  of  the  mountain  proper  the  road  ran  along  a  narrow  spur, 
descending  always,  sometimes  gently,  sometimes  down  very  steep  and 
rugged  parts.  In  many  places  the  back  of  the  spur  was  very  narrow, 
and  it  was  possible  to  look  down  into  a  deep  valley  on  either  side,  that 
on  our  left  being  called  Yanagi  dani,  and  that  on  the  right  Yu  no  tani. 
Through  each  ran  a  river,  the  two  streams  uniting  about  8  cho  below 
Yumoto.  In  passing  one  point  we  could  hear  the  roar  of  a  waterfall, 
but  on  account  of  the  thick  mist  which  enveloped  everything,  we  could 
see  nothing  of  it.     Our  guide  said  that  it  was  40  ken  (240  ft.)  high. 

About  1  ri  before  reaching  Yumoto  the  road  became  very  steep,  and 
even  the  coolies  slipped  several  times.  For  some  distance  the  path  was 
provided  with  cross-bars,  just  as  on  Nantai-zan.  After  four  hours  walk- 
ing we  arrived  at  Yumoto,  situated  on  the  right  branch  of  the  river,  and 
said  to  be  4£  ri  from  the  Murodd. 

The  village  consists  of  a  collection  of  hotels  for  the  benefit  of  those 
who  wish  to  bathe  in  the  chalybeate  waters  of  the  place.  We  stopped 
a  day  and  a  half  at  the  hotel  of  Mr.  Yamada,  where  we  were  very 

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comfortable  and  well  cared  for.  The  village  is  completely  shut  in  by 
densely  wooded  hills,  and  beyond  what  can  be  seen  from  the  village 
itself,  which  is  prettily  situated,  there  is  nothing  to  interest  the 

There  is  only  one  bath,  which  is  divided  by  a  railing  into  two  parts, 
for  men  and  women  respectively.  The  water  is  muddy  and  of  a  greenish 
colour,  whilst  the  towels  which  were  hung  out  to  dry  had  a  reddish  tint, 
proving  the  presence  of  a  proto-salt  of  iron  dissolved  in  the  water, 
probably  ferrous  carbonate  dissolved  in  carbonic  acid.  Besides  this 
there  is  a  spring  the  water  of  which  is  charged  with  carbonic  acid, 
though  not  quite  so  strong  as  the  Nassau  waters.  There  were  no  signs 
of  any  sulphuretted  hydrogen  waters,  which,  taken  into  account  with 
the  very  slight  evidences  of  volcanic  activity  mentioned  above,  the  hot 
springs  and  the  solfataras,  indicates  that  the  volcanic  forces  are  feeble  in 
this  mountain  compared,  for  example,  with  Tate-yama  or  Asama-yama, 
or  even  Fuji-san. 

During  the  winter  the  valley  is  said  to  be  filled  with  snow  to  a 
depth  of  15  or  20  ft.,  but  about  the  4th  or  5th  month  it  is  sufficiently 
cleared  to  permit  the  village  to  be  reinhabited. 

On  the  4th  of  August  we  descended  the  valley  towards  Ushikubi, 
5  ri  from  Yumoto.  The  path  was  narrow  and  stony  in  places,  and 
for  some  distance  the  scenery  did  not  differ  much  from  that  round 
Yumoto.  But  about  8  ri  down  the  valley,  the  left  bank  of  the  stream 
became  bolder — lofty  crags  stood  out,  and  vertical  walls,  covered  in 
patches  with  cryptomerias,.  rose  from  the  river  to  a  great  height. 
The  whole  of  this  part  reminded  me  greatly  of  the  Palisades  of  the 
Hudson.  Below  this  the  valley  became  less  remarkable,  till  we  arrived 
at  Ushikubi,  a  village  of  considerable  size,  remarkable  for  the  great 
height  of  the  houses,  and  the  great  inclination  of  their  roofs,  indicating 
great  depth  of  snow  during  the  winter.  We  lunched  at  a  very  good 
hotel  kept  by  Mr.  Nagai,  a  wealthy  farmer.  About  2£  ri  below  Ushi- 
kubi we  passed  through  Fukazimura,  a  little  way  beyond  which  is  a 
remarkable  bridge  over  the  Tetori-gawa.  It  is  very  high  above  the 
water,  and  the  foundations  are  very  strongly  built,  apparently  to  permit 
the  water  to  raise  very  high  during  the  spring  floods  without  prevent-, 
ing  the  passage  over  it. 

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The  character  of  the  lower  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Tetori,  tho 
river  we  had  been  following,  was  that  of  a  winding,  rocky  and  wooded 
valley.  In  one  or  two  places  the  views  were  striking,  and  different  from 
those  of  most  valleys,  but  on  the  whole  the  scenery  was  monotonous. 
After  resting  all  night  in  poor  quarters  at  Onnawara,  we  continued 
our  way  down  the  valley  through  fields  of  hemp  and  tobacco.  We 
gradually  descended  on  the  level  of  the  terrace  at  some  height  above  the 
river,  and  the  whole  of  the  level  part  seemed  well  cultivated.  Higher 
than  this  road  we  were  on  was  another  terrace,  evidently  an  earlier 
bed  of  the  river,  which  has  now  cat  fpr  itself  a  gorge  through  the  later 
bed.  Passing  through  Yoshino  and  Tsurugi  we  reached  Eanazawa, 
also  called  Oyama  by  the  country  people,  where  we  saw  many  houses 
marked  with  the  ominous  strip  of  yellow  paper,  a  sign  of  cholera  being 
in  the  house.  From*  Eanazawa  we  got  kuruma  to  Tsubata,  where  we 
stayed  all  night  at  Nishijima-ya,  and  found  ourselves  well  treated  and 
very  comfortable. 

Just  beyond  Tsubata  the  road  has  to  cross  a  range  of  low  hills 
between  Kaga  and  Etchiu.  Now  there  is  a  shindo,  along  which  kuruma 
can  go  with  ease  over  the  Amata  toge.  .  The  new  road  branches  off  from 
the  Hokurokud6  at  Take-no-hashi,  and  rises  very  .gradually.  The 
greater  part  of  the  surface,  however,  is  very  rough,  but  if  properly  rolled 
would  be  an  excellent  road,  upon  which  it  would  not  be  necessary  for 
the  kuruma  coolies  to  go  at  a  walking  pace.  It  joins  the  main  road  at 
the  beginning  of  Imaisurugi,  four  ri  from  Tsubata.  Just  at  the  point 
where  the  shindo  meets  the  old  road  at  right  angles,  we  found  an  officer 
stationed  with  a  minute  squirt  bottle  filled  with  a  solution  of  carbolic 
acid,  with  which  he  vainly  endeavoured  to  disinfect  travellers  coming 
from  the  direction  of  Eanazawa.  As  our  kuruma  dashed  round  the 
corner  of  the  road,  the  officer  gave  us  a  severe  look,  but  seemed  to  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  we  were  free  from  infection,  and  so  allowed  us  to 
pass  without  further  molestation.  Four  ri  eight  cho  beyond  Imaisurugi 
we  passed  through  Takawoka,  which  was  just  being  rebuilt  after  a  very 
extensive  fire.  To  Eosugi  the  road  is  quite  level  and  bordered  with 
various  trees,  pine,  etc.  The  road  stijl  continues  level  for  1^  n  more, 
winding  in  and  about  rice-fields,  though  it  is  not  very  evident  why  it 
should  not  have  been  made  straight  and  shorter.    About  1  ri  from 

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To  jama  the  road  ascends  and  crosses  a  group  of  hills,  which  divide  the 
plain  of  Etchiu  into  two  parts.  Vehicles  can  easily  go  over  the  hills, 
and  at  the  eastern  side  the  road  passes  through  a  considerable  cutting, 
from  which  the  traveller  has  a  magnificent  view  of  the  Hida,  Shinshiu  and 
Etchiu  ranges.  At  the  base  of  the  hill  the  new  road  rejoins  the  old  one, 
which  is  lined  with  pine  as  far  as  Toyama.  *  This  is  a  pretty  large 
town,  situated  on  both  banks  of  the  Jindzu-gawa,  which  we  crossed  by  a 
bridge  of  boatfi.  "We  stayed  at  Hirai-ya,  in  the  upper  part  of  the  town. 
The  next  day  it  rained  so  heavily  that  we  decided  to  improve  our  chance 
of  having  fine  weather  for  the  ascent  of  Tate-yama  by  waiting  here  for 
another  day.  We  learnt  that  in  Toyama  there  were  from  80  to  40 
eases  of  cholera  per  day,  but  we  did  not  ascertain  the  percentage  of 
deaths.  The  inhabitants  endeavoured .  to  propitiate  the  irate  deities  by 
hanging  shimenawa  all  over  the  town.  On  each  side  of  every  street 
were  hung  festoons  of  straw  ropes  with  gohei  hanging  from  them,  either 
of  the  usual  shape,  as  they  are  found  attached  to  sticks,  or  formed  by 
making  two  parallel  cuts  in  a  rectangular  sheet  of  paper,  then  bending 
the  middle  of  the  three  strips  backwards  and  attaching  it  to  the  rope, 
so  that  the  two  outer  strips  hang  down  like  the  prongs  of  a  two- 
pronged  fork.  Jhis  form  is  never  fixed  to  a  stick,  but  is  used  only  for 
the  shimenawa.  In  addition  to  the  lines  of  rope,  in  many  streets  there 
were  also  zigzags  stretched  from  side  to  >  side.  After  being  consecrated 
by  the  priest,  the  shimenawa  are  hung  up,  but  nevertheless  they  did  not' 
seem  to  be  very  certain  in  their  effects,  for  we  noticed  that  some  of  the 
houses  which  were  protected  in  this  way  had  the  dismal  yellow  papers 
hung  up  over  them.  'In  one  street,  indeed,  almost  every  house  was 
thus  distinguished. 


The  morning  of  the  8th  August  proved  to  be  dull,  but  as  it  was  not 
raining  we  decided  to  start.  We  were  unable  to  obtain  horses  to 
convey  our  luggage,  even  over  the  plain,  the  reason  given  by  the 
kwcaisha  being  that  all  the  available  horses  were  employed  in  the 
coaches  which  run  along  this  part  of  the  Hokurokudo.  We  had  to  rest 
satisfied  with  this  assurance,  although  the  transport  of  the  baggage  by 
coolies  caused  us  considerable  delay. 

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To  Kamidaki,  at  the  south-east  corner  of  the  plain,  the  road  ran 
through  rice-fields,  bordered  in  most  cases  with  an  edging  of  millet. 
All  the  way  along  we  might  have  had  a  fine  view  of  Tate-yama  and   the 
neighbouring  mountains  had  it  been  clear,  as  at  the  beginning  of  our 
walk  we  could  now  and  then  catch  glimpses  of  one  or  other  of  the  peaks 
peeping  above  the  clouds.    But  before  we  had  reached  the  other  side  of 
the  plain,  just  below  the  bluff  which  forms  its  boundary,  clouds  enveloped 
everything;  and  rain  began  to  fall.     Kamidaki  is  situated  at  the  foot  of 
the  above  mentioned  bluff,  and  is  a  larger  village  than  most  of  those  in 
the  mountainous  regions  we  had  hitherto  passed  through.    From  this 
village  we  at  once  ascended  the  hill,  and  found  ourselves  on  a  plateau 
which  ran  for  nearly  a  ri,  until  the  road  descended  towards  the  banks  of 
the  Jdguwanji-gawa/  which  it  kept  close  to  as  far  as  Okada-mura.     Near 
this  I  found  a  species  of  Lycoris,  belonging  to  the  family  of  the  Amaryl- 
lidace®,  which  we  were  told  was  called  in  Japanese,  "  Ha  mizu  hana 
mizu,"  i.e.  "  the  flowers  do  not  see  the  leaves."    From  this  village,  which 
appeared  to  consist  of  one  house  only,  we  proceeded  up  the  valley  to 
Hara-mura.     On  account  of  the  heavy  rains  the  river  was  very  much 
swollen,  and  the  road  in  places  had  been  washed  away,  so  that  we  had 
to  wade  through  the  stream.     The  river  bed  is  a  very  broad  one,  and 
there  were  a  great  many  streams  rushing  down  various  parts  of  the  bed 
with  such  velocity  that  the  noise  of  the  stones  being  carried  down, 
grating  against  the  bottom  and  against  one  another,  was  like  the  sound 
of  distant  cannonading.    Above  the  river  on  either  side  were  terraces 
which  were  the  remains  of  an  older  bed .  of  the  river.    It  was  over  the 
terrace  on  the  left  bank  that  our  road  went,  except  when  we  had  to 
descend  in  a  few  places  to  the  level  of  the  water.    The  only  hills  to  be 
seen  were  the  low  ones  on  each  side  of  the  valley,  and  they  were 
grassy — not  at  all  wooded.    About  8  ri  from  Kamidaki  we  crossed  a 
tributary  of  the  Jdguwanji-gawa,  on  the  banks  of  which  were  numerous 
lime-kilns,  indicating  the  nature  of  the  rock  of  this  neighbourhood. 
During  all  this  time  it  continued  to  rain  heavily,  so  that  the  road 
became  little  better  than  a  water-course.-    Massing  through  Omiya  and 
Hongu,  we  arrived  at  Hara-mura,  the  rain  having  ceased,  and  there 
being  every  prospect  of  fine  weather  held  out  by  the  appearance  of  the 
sky.    This  promise  was  fulfilled  in  the  early  morning,  though  the  fall  in 

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the  barometer  during  the  night  warned  us  to  expect  farther  bad  weather. 
Leaving  Hara-mnra  we  ascended  the  gentle  slope  of  the  valley  for  about 
a  n,  after  which  we  entered  what  seemed,  at  the  beginning,  to  be  a 
beautiful  wooded  ravine.    The  path  was  tolerably  good  for  a  consider- 
able distance  (we  had  now  entered  upon  the  shindo  between  Etchiu  and 
Shinshiu),  running  along  the  face  of  the  steep  hills  on  the  left  bank  of 
the  river.     By  and  by,  however,  the  heavy  rains  having  broken  down 
part  of  the  original  road,  we  were  obliged  sometimes  to  scramble  up  the 
bed  of  the  river,  and  sometimes  to  make  our  way  at  a  high  elevation 
above  the  river,  across  masses  of  loose  earth  which  had  slipped  down 
and  left  nothing  but  a  mere  talus  of  wet  clay,  which  might  at  any  time 
have  given  way  under  the  additional  pressure.    Beyond  this  we  had 
again  to  descend  to  the  river,  and  make  our  way,  first  along  the  level 
sandy  bed  which  had  not  yet  become  disintegrated,  and  afterwards  from 
boulder  to   boulder.     The  scene  became    grand  and  savage  in  the 
extreme ;  huge  boulders  scattered  about  the  bed — immense,  bare  crags 
rising  sheer  from  the  river,  and  the  roaring,  rushing  stream,  carrying 
down  stones  with  a  noise  which  sounded  like  thunder — all  combined  to 
impress  one  with  the  grandeur  of  the  Dashi-wara-dani. 

At  the  head  of  this  valley  two  streams  join,  and  our  path  led 
us  for  a  very  short  distance  up  the  side  of  the  cliffs  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  stream.     We  soon  descended  rapidly  to  the  bridge,  or  rather 
the  place  where  it  had  been  before  it  had  been  washed  away.     In  its 
place  a  kago  no  watashi  had  been  put  up  for  the  purpose  of  crossing 
the  stream.     Having  heard  most  romantic  descriptions  of  this  appar- 
atus, we  were  not  a  little  excited  on  hearing,  as  we  did  at  Hara-mura, 
that  it  would  be  necessary  to  cross  in  one  of  these  baskets.     The  very 
name  seemed  to  conjure  up  a  picture  of  a  narrow,  lofty  ravine,  parallel- 
sided,  with  a  rope  stretched  across  high  above  the  river,  and  a  luckless 
individual  swinging  in  {he  basket  half-way  across.     The  first  sight  of 
the  actual  circumstances  quickly  drove  all  the  romance  away.     About 
8  or  10  feet  above  the  water  a  rope  was  stretched  and  fastened  securely 
to  two  rocks,  one  on  either  side,  and  hanging  from  the  rope  was  an 
ordinary  mountain  kago,  with  a  rope  from  each  end  carried  to  the  two 
banks  of  the  river.     At  one  side  was  a  coolie,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
paU  the  kago  and  its  load  across,  which, he  did  by  a  series  of  jerks 

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more  resembling  the  jumping  of  a  frog  than  any  reasonable  mode  of 
progression.  The  changes  of  feeling  of  the  person  crossing  were 
well  marked  in  the  varying  expressions  of  his  countenance.  A  look 
of  confidence  and  excitement,  assumed  on  entering,  speedily  changed 
to  one  of  anxiety  as  he  found  himself  hanging  by  a  single  rope  over  the 
boiling  torrent,  and  being  dragged  over  by  jerks,  while,  on  suddenly 
coming  to  land,  as  it  were,  against  the  smooth,  rounded  stone  which 
had  to  serve  as  a  landing  place,  an  expression  of  pain,  which  escaped 
him  for  an  instant,  was  immediately  succeeded  by  one  of  an  embar- 
rassed reflection  as  to  the  possible  means  of  getting  out.  It  was  not 
an  easy  nor  a  rapid  process  of  getting  ourselves  and  luggage  across, 
but  after  spending  about  an  hour  we  again  continued  our  journey. 
We  then  climbed  over  the  hill  which  separated  us  from  the  right  stream, 
up  the  bed  of  which  we  ascended  for  some  time,  with  views  as  grand 
and  majestic  as  those  in  the  Dashi-wara-dani,  till  we  turned  to  the 
right  and  ascended  the  "road  of  99  turnings."  The  Japanese  use 
the  numbers  99  and  48  to  express  a  large  number,  in  the  same  way 
as  we  are  in  the  habit  of  using  the  number  1001.  The  road  of  the 
"forty-eight  shallow-reaches  "  in  Musashi  is  another  instance  of  this. 

"We  ascended  to  the  summit,  about  4,000  ft.  above  the  sea,  under 
trees,  then  after  walking  along  the  ridge  for  a  short  distance  we 
descended  to  the  plain,  beyond  which  we  crossed  a  tributary  over  a 
bridge  very  much  out  of  repair,  and  after  another  ascent  and  descent 
we  again  entered  the  valley  of  the  stream  we  left  at  the  "  road  of 
99  turnings."  This  valley  consisted  of  a  large,  flat,  open  space  covered 
with  large  boulders,  the  remains  of  the  great  earthquake  of  1858,  which 
broke  away  half  of  the  mountain  on  one  side.  A  walk  across  this  plain 
brought  us  to  the  baths,  which  appear  to  be  very  much  patronized.  The 
accommodation  is  of  the  poorest  kind,  both  as  regards  lodging  and 
bathing.  During  the  night  the  rain  came  down  in  torrents,  and  only 
ceased  towards  the  morning.  As  the  barometer,  however,  had  risen 
during  the  night,  we  trusted  to  having  finer  weather,  and  so  we  decided 
to  start,  and,  if  necessary,  wait  at  the  Murodo  for  a  fine  day  to  ascend 
to  the  summit  of  Tate-yama.  By  the  time  our  baggage  was  divided, 
part  being  sent  on  directly  to  Omachi,  the  sky  had  cleared  to  a  great 
extent.     We  then  started,  and  crossing  the  river  which  flows  through 

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the  Dashi-wara-dani,  made  for  the  red-coloured  precipitous  hill  to  the 

west  of  the  baths.    After  a  walk  of  5  or  10  minutes  we  reached  the  base, 

passing  a  dirty,  yellowish-green  pool  of  water,  and  we  then  climbed  fto 

the   top   of  this  hill,  np  the  bed  of  a  water  course,  which  required 

considerable  exertion.     Half  an  hour's  hard  climbing  in  this  way  brought 

us  to  a  level  space  at  the  top  of  this  ridge,  after  crossing  which  we  came 

to  the  foot  of  the  steepest  bit  of  climbing  we  were  to  meet  with.     This 

was  the  rocky  bed  of  a  series  of  cascades,  and  if  there  had  been  much 

water,   which  fortunately  for  us  there  was  not,  it  would  have  been 

impossible  to  make  the  ascent.     At  it  was,  the  constant  climbing  from 

stone  to  stone,  up  an  average  inclination  of  45°,  was  very  arduous.    As 

the  sky  had  cleared,  the  views  we  got  on  looking  back  were  worth  all 

the  trouble  of  the  ascent.    After  rising  for  about  an  hour  in  this  way, 

we  came  to  a  ridge  which  permitted  us  to  rest,  and  from  which  we  had 

a  magnificent  view  of  the  valleys  leading  into  the  valley  of  the  baths. 

The  streams  flowing  through  each  of  these  looked  like  wavy,   silver 

threads,   and,  contrasted  with  the  green  foliage  around,  presented  a 

*  picture   of  extreme  beauty.     Above  this  point,  instead  of  having  to 

climb  from  stone  to  stone,  we  had  to  climb  up  an  earthy,  slippery, 

slope  with  the  assistance  of  trees  and  branches  which  hung  over  us. 

Above  this,  again,  just  before  reaching    the  top  of  this  part  of  the 

ascent,  we  came  to  an  almost  vertical  rock,  with  a  few  projecting 

ledges,  by  which  we  were  enabled  to  climb  up,  using  hands  and  feet. 

Progression  in  boots  in  such  places  would  be  quite  impossible :  it  is 

difficult  enough  wearing  waraji,  which  possess  a  considerable  degree  of 

flexibility.    From  the  upper  part  of  this  ascent  can  be  seen  Tengu-bira, 

Washi-ga-dake,  and,  up  the  Yu-dani,  a  deep  lake  called  Kari-komi-ga-ike. 

Into  this  lake  the  presiding  deity  of  Tate-yama  is  said  to  have  driven  all 

the  hurtful  animals  of  the  district,  in  the  same*  way  as  a  gardener  throws 

decayed  leaves,  etc.,  into  a  pit,  and  so  the  same  name  was  given  to  the 

lake.    In  Yu-dani  there  is  another  lake  of  hot  sulphur  water,  called 

Magodani.     On  the  right  we  saw  the  lake  which  we  passed  last  night 

just  before  reaching  the  baths.    It  was  called  Dashi-wara-no-ike. 

From  the  top  of  this  ridge  we  descended  for  a  considerable  distance 
by  a  muddy  and  boggy  path,  till  we  emerged  on  a  grassy  plain,  about 
the  middle  of  which  we  came  upon  the  regular  route  from  Ashikuraji. 

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Following  this  road  we  again  ascended  the  rocky  beds  of  several  small 
mountain  streams,  until  we  reached  a  large,  flat  plate  of  stone, 
supported  vertically,  and  called  Kagami-no-iwa  (mirror  rock).  Beyond 
the  stone  we  passed  up  the  boulder-covered  slope  of  the  mountain,  and 
past  several  stretches  of  snow,  till  we  reached  the  Murodd.  Since  the 
time  we  came  to  the  usual  road,  the  rain  had  fallen  heavily,  and  a  dense 
mist  prevented  our  seeing  anything  whatever. 

The  Murodd  was  in  much  worse  condition  than  that  on  Haku- 
san :  the  draughts  had  much  freer  access  to  the  inside,  the  mats  were 
much  coarser,  and  the  annoyance  from  the  wood  fire  was  quite  as 

Late  in  the  afternoon  it  cleared  up  sufficiently  to  permit  us  to  visit 
the  remarkable  solfataras,  situated  in  a  valley  about  6  cho  distant  from 
the  hut.  Turning  to  the  left  on  leaving  the  Murod6,  we  passed  between 
two  lakes,  one  shallow,  with  sloping  sides,  the  other,  on  the  left,  with 
vertical  sides,  and  water  of  an  intensely  green  colour,  and  probably,  as 
Dr.  Naumann  thinks,  an  old  crater.  Further  on  we  came  to  the  brow 
of  a  hill  from  which,  on  a  clear  day,  a  bird's-eye  view  of  the  solfataras  • 
can  be  obtained*  Descending  the  stony  side  of  the  hill,  we  reached  the 
soft,  and  sometimes  muddy,  bottom  of  the  valley,  which  is  broken  up 
by  two  or  three  mounds,  of  a  pale  yellow  colour  at  a  distance,  but  which 
when  seen  nearer  were  found  to  be  composed  of  a  mixture  of  sulphur  and 
a  white  rock,  probably  a  decomposed  granite.  From  several  points  at  the 
lower  part  of  these  mounds  issue  jets  of  steam,  mixed  with  sulphuretted 
hydrogen,  which  deposit  sulphur  upon  the  sides  of  the  opening.  From 
one  of  these  openings  the  steam  issued  with  a  terrific  noise,  and  with 
sufficient  force  to  carry  lumps  of  the  deposited  sulphur  10  to  15  feet 
away.  The  hissing  sound  caused  by  the  number  of  steam  jets  suggested 
a  large  engineering  establishment  in  full  operation.  In  another  part  of 
the  same  valley  we  saw  a  large  circular  pit,  in  which  a  yellowish  mud 
was  kept  boiling  and  being  projected  to  a  height  of  8  or  10  feet,  falling 
back  again  into  the  pit,  or  flowing  over  through  a  channel  which  carried 
it  off  to  a  lower  part  of  the  valley.  At  the  other  end  of  the  valley  was 
a  much  larger  mud  geyser,  but  the  colour  of  the  mud  was  different,  as 
it  appeared  to  contain  less  sulphur ;  it  is  said  that  some  years  ago  a 
violent  eruption  of  this  geyser  took  place*    Mr.  Nakazawa,  who  visited 

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these  solfataras  in  1877,  said  that  everything  was  mnch  more  violent 
now  than  formerly.  Scattered  %bout  were  very  small  ponds  of  boiling 
water,  through  which  gas  escaped,  and  in  some  of  them  it  was  carious 
to  notice  the  form  that  the  mud  at  the  bottom  toot  as  the  gas  babbled 
through.  The  gas  rose  at  first  through  a  small  hole,  which  widened  at 
the  top,  so  that  the  bottom  looked  as  a  range  of  mountains  would  do  if 
they  were  hollow  and  could  be  seen  from  the  inside. 

The  experience  we  had  of  the  Murodd  folly  confirms  the  account 
published  in  the  Japan  Herald  of  1878.  It  is,  without  exception, 
the  worst  we  have  met  with,  and  it  is  remarkable  that,  although  a 
larger  number  of  pilgrims  ascend  this  mountain  than  ascend  Haku-san, 
the  accommodation  is  so  much  worse.  Not  that  the  Murodd  on 
Haku-san  is  by  any  means  a  desirable  habitation,  but  there  are  degrees 
of  badness,  and  the  latter  had  the  merit  of  being  comparatively  wind- 
proof,  and  at  least  of  being  provided  with  doors.  In  the  hut  in  which 
we  spent  the  night  before  ascending  Tate-yama,  the  door  had  to  be 
closed  with  matting,  there  being  no  other  means  at  hand  of  keeping 
'  out  the  bitterly  cold  wind.  A  night  spent  in  any  of  these  huts  is 
neither  a  good  preparation  for  the  fatigues  of  the  coming  ascent,  nor 
a  relief  from  those  of  the  past. 

Rising  early,  we  felt  ourselves  repaid  for  the  exertions  made  to 
ascend  to  the  Murodd,  by  seeing  the  atmosphere  quite  clear  about  the 
summit,  and  all  the  peaks  appearing  grandly  through  the  moonlit  air. 
Accompanied  by  our  guide  we  crossed  the  short  stretch  of  level  ground 
between  the  hut  and  the  base  of  the  mountain,  for  a  short  distance 
over  the  snow.  The  ascent  was  pretty  direct,  rising  tolerably  easily 
at  first,  but  after  passing  the  first  shrine,  860  ft.  above  the  Murodd, 
on  a  level  with  the  ridge  which  connects  Jo  do -Ban  with  the  Gohonsha, 
the  highest  peak,  the  ascent  became  difficult.  From  the  second  shrine 
(1050  ft.  above  the  Murodd)  we- had  good  view  of  the  mountains  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Japan  Sea,  with  the  promontory  of  Noto  stretching 
away  N.  W.,  and  here  we  got  our  first  view  of  Fuji-san  from  this  region. 
Continuing  the  ascent  we  came  upon  the  ridge,  from  which  the  actual 
summit  rises  very  sharply,  crowned  with  a  very  picturesque  temple. 
Seeing  the  peak  from  the  ridge  one  can  understand  how  it  received  the 
name  Tate-yama  (Standing  peak),  for  it  rises  head  and  shoulders  above 

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any  of  the  others,'  and  serves  the  mariner  as  a  beacon.  The  ascent, 
not  including  stoppages,  took  us  exactly  one  hour ;  whereas  from  the 
Marod6  to  the  summit  of  Haku-san  we  were  not  more  than  25  minutes, 
over  a  much  easier  road.  Magnificent  as  the  view  from  Haku-san 
was,  it  was  far  surpassed  by  that  obtained  from  the  summit  of  this 
mountain,  and  we  were  extremely  fortunate  in  having  a  morning  so 
clear  that  every  point  could  be  distinguished  with  the  greatest  ease — 
mountain  after  mountain  rolling  away  in  the  distance  until  they  ended 
in  the  beautifully  formed  cone  of  Fuji-san,  on  the  opposite  coast  of 

Tate-yama  is  the  name  given  to  a  range  of  mountains,  all  of  which 
are  very  high,  and  appear  to  be  above  9,000  ft.  above  the  sea.  The 
range  runs  nearly  north  and  south,  except  the  extreme  point  south, 
where  the  direction  changes  to  S.  W.  This  point  is  called  J6dosan,  and 
it  is  connected  with  the  Gohonsha  by  a  low  ridge  running  nearly  N.  £. 
Beyond  the  latter  the  range  runs  nearly  N.,  and  includes  the  high,  sharp 
peak  called  Onanji,  then  two  lower  rounded  mountains,  Manago-dake 
and  Bes-san,  and  is  terminated  at  the  north  end  by  a  high,  striking, 
rocky  point,  called  Tsurugi-dake.  The  number  of  mountains  to  be 
distinguished  from  the  summit  on  a  clear  day  is,  perhaps,  greater  than 
from  any  other  mountain  in  Japan,  unless  it  be  Yari-ga-take  in  Hida. 
Looking  to  the  east  we  see  on  the  extreme  left,  Miydkon-san  and 
Miy6gi-san  in  Echigo,  then  the  Shinshiu  Togakushi-san,  the  Nantai-zan 
of  Chiusenji,  Yone-yama  in  Echigo,  Asama-yama,  with  its  cloud  of 
smoke  distinctly  visible.  Then  toward  the  south  we  see  the  range 
of  Yatsu-ga-take,  with  its  isolated  peak,  Tateshima-yama ;  beyond  this 
the  simple  eone  of  Fuji-san,  and  the  two  Koma-ga-take,  in  Kdshi  and 
Shinshiu.  To  the  south  of  these  again  we  find  Ontake-san  in  Shinshiu, 
Yari-ga-take,  Norikura,  and  the  pointed  Easa-ga-dake,  all  in  Hida; 
nearer  to  us  is  Yakushi-dake,  and  almost  south-west  is  Haku-san. 
This  is  the  last  of  the  circle  of  mountains,  and  now  we  come  to  the 
plains  of  Eaga  and  Etchiul  the  latter  watered  by  the  distinctly  visible 
rivers  Jindzu-gawa,  Joguwanji-gawa,  Eamichi-gawa,  and  nearly  north 
of  us,  the  Eurobe-gawa.    All  seem  to  enter  the  sea. 

On  the  summit  there  are  no  lakes  such  as  we  found  on  Haku-san, 
nor  other  evidences  of  the  existence  of  the  crater,  except  the  generally 

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volcanic  nature  of  the  rocks.  All  traces  have  probably  been  washed 
away,  leaving  only  harder  rocks  standing  np  isolated.  The  height  of 
the  highest  peak  (Gohonsha)  is  about  9,250  ft.  above  the  sea. 

While  we  were  still  on  the  summit  a  number  of  pilgrims  came  up, 
and  although  there  was  scarcely  room  for  us  to  remain  with  any  feeling 
of  safety,  it  was  too  good  an  opportunity  of  seeing  a  mountain  service 
to  be  lost.  After  some  time  had  been  spent  in  conversation  with  the 
priest,  in  which  the  sum  of  yo  rid  was  frequently  mentioned,  the  priest 
sank  on  his  knees  in  front  of  the  shrine,  with  all  the  pilgrims  kneeling 
around  him,  and  offered  up  a  prayer  in  which  the  names  Tate-yama 
and  Ishikawa  occurred  many  times,  after  which  he  clapped  his  hands 
and  a  general  cry  of  "namu  amida  butsu"  followed,  and  when  the 
prayer  was  ended  the  most  devout  said  "  arigato"  The  priest  then 
rose  from  his  knees  and  addressed  his  audience,  giving  them  an  account 
of  Izanami  and  Izanagi,  after  which  he  brought  out  various  relics — 
a  spear,  a  sword,  various  coins,  and  a  mirror — all  of  which  were 
received  with  exclamations  of  astonishment  and  intense  satisfaction. 
Rice  and  sake  were  next  distributed,  upon  which  the  pilgrims  departed, 
having  paid  their  pence  beforehand.  The  whole  ceremony  seems  to 
have  been  a  curious  mixture  of  Buddhism  and  Shintdism — the  people  at 
various  times  interposing  with  "namti  amida,1  *  which  they  mumbled 
till  it  sounded  like  "  na-am." 

After  having  spent  about  two  hours  on  the  summit  we  descended 
as  fur  as  the  lowest  shrine,  by  the  same  road  that  we  took  in  ascending, 
but  at  this  point,  instead  of  turning  to  the  right  in  the  direction  of  the 
Murodd,  we  crossed  over  the  ridge  of  Jddosan,  and  entered  the  valley 
called  Gozen-dani,  which  faced  nearly  S.  E.  We  were  informed  that 
this  was  the  shortest  way  to  Eurobe,  which  was  said  to  be  2£  ri 
distant.  Descending  first  a  slope  covered  with  heather,  with  here  and 
there  large  boulders  scattered  about,  we  noticed  a  bright  yellow 
ranunculus  (R.  Acris)  and  specimens  of  Anemone  narcissiflora  growing ; 
beyond  .this  slope  we  came  to  a  talus  of  loose  stones,  the  descent  of 
which  was  difficult  and  dangerous,  for  the  stones  being  quite  loose, 
one  might  slip  and  receive  a  severe  fall,  or,  if  below,  he  might  receive 
a  stone  from  above.  Having  got  over  this  difficulty  we  had  next  some 
fatiguing  work,  especially  when  wearing  tcaraji,  descending  the  rocky 

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bed  of  a  very  cold  mountain  stream,  succeeded  by  a  descent  down  a 
gentle  slope  of  snow,  and  again  down  the  river  bed  till  we  came  to 
where  a  second  valley,  coming  from  the  left  of  Jddo-san,  joined  the 
Gozen-dani.  This  part  had  taken  us  two  hours,  and  we  had  not  yet 
got  half  way  to  Kurobe.  From  this,  we  ascended  the  tributary  stream 
for  some  distance,  then  diverged  to  the  left  up  a  smaller  bed,  so  as 
to  cross  over  the  ridge  separating  us  from  the  valley  of  the  Zoragoye, 
where  we  expected  to  join  the  shindo.  The  ascent  was  very  steep, 
resembling  the  ascent  to  the  Murodd  from  the "  Tate-yama  baths ;  when 
near  the  top  we  turned  away  to  the  left,  and  entered  a  jungle',  which, 
at  first  level,  began  to  descend  rapidly.  Climbing  through  the  branches 
of  the  creeping  hari  note,  down  fern  slopes  which  treacherously 
conceale4  the  rough,  sharp  stones  forming  the  surface  of  the  hill,  and 
having  to  force  our  way  through  thick  masses  of  bamboo  (ne  duke), 
all  the  while  descending,  and  having  to  use  the  greatest  care  to  avoid 
bruises  from  the  sharp  stones,  formed/  one  of  the  most*  difficult  tasks 
of  our  journey.  After  two  hours  of  this  trying  work — trying  both  to 
constitution  and  temper — we  reached  the  level  of  the  stream,  only  to 
find  the  shindo,  which  we  had  expected  to  strike  here,  far  away  above 
us  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  valley.  As  our  guides  said  that  we 
could  not  get  down  the  river,  because,  as  it  neared  the  Kurobe-gawa 
it  became  deep  and  could  not  be  forded,  we  were  obliged  to  ascend 
the  river  for  about  half  an  hour,  till  we  came  to  the  bridge  where  the 
shindo  crosses  the  river.  From  this  point  we  ascended  to  the  top 
of  the  Kariyasu-zaka  in  twenty  minutes,  and  forty-five  minutes  more 
down  a  zigzag  path  brought  us  to*  the  clean  and  nice  looking  little 
hotel  at  Kurobe.  We  had  taken  6J  hours  to  go  a  distance  said  to  be 
2£  to,  the  time  including  half  an  hour  for  lunch.  This  village  contains 
only  this  house  and  another  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  which 
is  here  crossed  by  a  very  solidly  built  bridge.  The  second  house  is 
of  a  much  lower  class.  Here  we  obtained  sheets  showing  the  direction 
of  the  shindo,  according  to  which  a  large  number  of  villages  exist 
along  the  road.  At  present,  however,  they  are  each  represented  by 
one,  or  at  most  two,  log  cabins,  unoccupied  except  in  one  or  two 

Starting  about  6  o'clock  the  next  morning,  we  crossed  over  the 

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bridge,  and  passing  the  second  house,  made  our  way  under  trees  up 
one  of  the  side  valleys  opening  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Eurobe-gawa, 
the  road  keeping  close  to  the  river  for  a  considerable  distance,  and  in 
pretty  good  condition,  except  in  one  or  two  places.  After  walking  for 
one  hour  we  came  to  where  the  valley  opened  into  a  semicircle  of  huge 
crags,  rising  sheer  from  the  ground  for  about  1,000  ft.  .  Beyond  this 
we  passed  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour  through  a  narrow  glen  to 
the  left,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time  we  came  to  the  commencement 
of  the  steepest  part  of  the  ascent,  from  which  the  dip  between 
the  two  mountains  on  either  side  of  the  pass  could  be  seen.  An 
hour's  hard  climbing  up  a  zigzag  path,  with  alder  trees  growing 
round  about,  brought  us  to  the  summit,  exactly  2£  hours  after 
leaving  Enrobe.  The  barometer  indicated  a  height  of  7,750  feet  above 
sea  level.  From  the  summit  a  fine  view  of  the  deep  valleys,  with 
which  the  whole  of  this  region  is  intersected,  was  obtained.  With 
the  exception  of  Fuji-san,  which  appeared  S.  £.  through  a  dip  in  two 
of  the  nearer  hills,  and  the  ranges  of  Yatsu-ga-take  and  Koma-ga-take, 
no  prominent  mountains  are  visible :  the  view  is  confined  to  the  hills  of 
the  range,  all  about  the  same  height.  The  mountains  on  the  N.  W.  of 
the  pass  hid  Tate-yama,  and  to  the  east  nothing  could  be  seen.  We 
were  almost  as  much  favoured  with  fine  weather  as  up  Tate-yama, 
although  in  this  case  there  was  not  such  an  extensive  view  to  be 
obtained,  although  in  its  way  it  was  equally  magnificent. 

The  distances  along  this  route  are  by  no  means  accurately  known, 
but  considering  the  rate  at  which  we  walked  and  the  time  taken 
(2f.  hours),  the  summit  is  probably  2£  ri  from  Eurobe.  Our  coolies 
took  4  hours.  After  waiting  for  them,  we  started  on  our  descent  at  10 
o'cloek,  and  joined  a  new  zigzag  path  which  had  been  lately  made  to 
replace  the  old  one,  which  was  destroyed  in  many  places.  The  descent 
was  very  sharp,  and  we  felt  impelled  to  jump  down  at  a  much  more 
rapid  pace  than  we  adopted  in  ascending,  although  it  was  a  painful 
experience  from  the  sharp  edges  presented  by  the  freshly  broken  stone. 
After  one  hour  and  a  half  of  this  the  road  become  less  steep,  though 
still  stony  and  difficult,  until  just  before  reaching  Shirazawa,  where  it 
was  comparatively  level.  The  scenery  of  this  valley  was  very  fine ; 
here  and  there  we  saw  patches  of  snow  in  the  bed  of  the  valley  below 

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us  and  in  some  of  the  side  ravines,  though  in  no  place  were  we  obliged 
to  touch  snow.  At  one  point  in  crossing  over  a  side  stream  we  passed 
between  snow,  above  and  below  us,  but  at  that  point  where  the  path 
crossed  the  stream  the  snow  had  disappeared  entirely,  and  in  other 
parts  nothing  but  a  mere  shell  was  left,  with  deep  caverns  beneath,  and 
the  water  flowing  at  the  bottom.  On  continuing  along  the  path,  we 
rose  a  little  and  saw  that  the  surface  was  so  completely  covered  with 
debris  as  entirely  to  hide  the  snow. 

After  walking  for  2 J  hours  from  the  summit  we  reached  Shirazawa, 
which  consists  of  a  single  hut,  in  which  an  old  man  was  living,  though 
the  place  boasts  of  no  accommodation  for  travellers  except  a  few  basins 
and  plates.  It  is  tolerably  clean,  however,  and  would  be  better  than 
the  Murodd  to  sleep  in,  if  any  one  thought  of  commencing  the  ascent  of 
the  Harinoki  toge  from  that  point. 

The  small  quantity  of  snow  found  in  the  valley  this  year  compared 
with  last  year  (1878),  from  the  description  given  by  those  who  visited 
it  then,  is  probably  partly  owing  to  the  very  mild  winter,  although  it 
is  true  that  we  were  about  three  weeks  later  in  the  year ;  but  some 
friends,  who  ascended  from  Noguchi  this  year,  about  a  fortnight  or 
three  weeks  earlier  than  we  visited  it,  speak  of  less  snow  than  was 
found  by  those  who  visited  it  last  year.  On  the  Shinshiu  side  of  the 
pass  there  were  no  signs  of  any  violent  floods,  for  the  road  which  had 
been  destroyed  was  in  the  upper  part  of  the  valley,  high  above  the 
stream,  and  the  injury  wag  most  likely  caused  by  a  landslip.  It  also 
appeared  that  the  violent  rain  we  had  had  in  To-yama,  and  as  far  as  the 
Murodd,  which  had  converted  the  waters  on  the  Etchiu  side  into  raging 
torrents,  had  been  quite  local. 

After  lunching  at  Shirazawa,  which  is  about  8  ri  from  the  summit, 
we  left  for  Omachi,  three  ri  further  down  the  valley.  The  road  now 
became  easy,  and  crossed  a  gently  sloping  plain  covered  with  trees, 
chiefly  nam,  past  the  Yama-no-kami,  where  a  torii  was  erected,  and 
covered  with  numerous  spear  heads,  offerings  to  the  god  of  the 
mountain.  After  a  walk  of  1  hour  25  minutes,  we  passed  through  the 
upper  part  of  Noguchi,  and  15  minutes  afterwards,  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  stream,  through  the  lower  part,  where  the  principal  hotels  are.  j 
Crossing  over  the  plain  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour  we  came  to 


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Omaehi,  a  long  straight  town,  with  a  rather  broad,  somewhat  deep, 
gutter  running  through  the  main  street.  At  one  place  we  noticed  a 
water  wheel,  which  the  stream  was  employed  to  torn. 

From  Omaehi  we  proposed  to  cross  over  the  hills  to  Uyeda,  by  a 
little  known  route,  instead  of  taking  the  more  usual  road  by  Ikeda. 
Passing  out  of  the  lower  end  of  the  town,  we  very  soon  turned  off  to 
the  left  from  the  broader  road  which  passed  down  the  valley,  and  after 
ascending  amongst  a  series  of  small  hills,  came  to  the  highest  point 
between  Omaehi  and  Ai.    From  this  place  we  obtained  a  fine  view  of 
the  mountains,  65°  F.  of  S.,  probably  the  range  running  northwards 
from  Asama-yama.     We  had  now  left  the  Hida-Etchiu-Shinshiu  range 
behind  us,  and  except  occasional  glimpses  from  the  higher  points,  we 
saw  them  no  more.    A  winding  road,  by  the  side  of  a  small  stream 
flowing  through  a  narrow,  picturesque  valley,  with,  in  one  part,  a  series 
of  magnificent  crags,  and  in  another  some  of  those  very  sharply  pointed 
hills  delighted  in  by  Japanese  artists,  landed  us  after  two  hours  more 
at  Ai,  a  small  village  situated  near  the  place  where  this  stream  enters 
the  Sai-gawa.    Here  we  were  compelled  to  wait  for  1£  hours  before  the 
coolies  who  were  to  carry  our  baggage  were  ready.    As  we  were 
anxious,  if  possible,  to  reach  Uyeda  that  night,  we  chafed  under  the 
delay/  and  under  the-  fact  that  the  road  was  so  hilly  that  only  coolies 
could  carry  our  baggage.     We  left  Ai    at   11.10  and  walked  for  a 
short  distance  down  by  the  left  bank  of  the  Sai-gawa,  through  a  most 
remarkable  and  beautiful  gorge.    The  rocks  of  the  region  were  sedi- 
mentary, and  the  whole  had  been  tilted  to  a  pretty  high  angle,  after 
which  the  softer  beds  had  been  denuded,  leaving  the  harder  ones  of 
conglomerate  standing  out  as  vertical  plates.     Trees  growing  in  the 
nooks  and  crevices  of  the  rocks  made  the  whole  scene  very  striking 
and  beautiful. 

Near  the  place  where  the  river  bends  to  the  north-west,  the  road  to 
Uyeda  left  the  broader  road  to  Senkdji  (or  Nagano,  as  it  is  sometimes 
called)  and  crossed  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  then  turned  up  a  small 
side  valley,  and  ascended  the  hill  on  its  right  bank.  After  about  1 
hour  we  reached  the  top  of  a  kind  of  ridgfc,  from  which  we  could  see 
that  the  rocks  of  the  different  valleys  round  about  were  of  the  same 
character  as  those  just  described,  and  it  gave  a  marked  peculiarity  to 

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the  view.  The  highest  point  of  this  was  called  Garimeki-tdge,  but 
probably  that  name  is  given  to  the  whole  of  the  pass  between  Ai  and 
Niuma.  After  going  along  the  ridge,  we  soon  came  to  a  part  from 
which  we  could  look  down  into  one  of  the  hollows  of  the  pass,  for 
there  were  altogether  three  passes,  and  which  presented  the  appearance 
of  a  funnel  more  than  any  other  object.  The  edges  of  the  projecting 
plates  of  rock  had  a  direction  converging  towards  the  bottom  of  the 
valley,  so  that  they  appeared  like  lines  radiating  from  a  centre,  and 
thus  produced  the  funnel  like  form.  A  small  rivulet  flowed  through 
the  bottom  of  the  valley,  and  escaped  between  two  ribs  of  the  funnel, 
the  opening  not  being  visible  from  above.  Trees  grew  in  all  the  clefts 
of  the  rocks,  and  served  to  fill  up  the  intervals  between  the  ribs. 

From  the  bottom,  the  road  again  rose  rapidly  to  the  top  of  the  second 
pass,  called  Naka-t6ge,  and  again  immediately  descended  to  the  bottom 
of  a  valley  of  more  'ordinary  character.  A  third  time  it  rose,  this  time  a 
little  higher  than  either  of  the  others,  but  to  this  pass  the  coolies  could 
give  no  name.  The  road  then  passed  down  through  a  narrow,  almost 
parallel-sided  valley,  the  bottom  of  which  had  been  converted  into  a 
rice  field,  but  this  soon  opened  out  into  the  larger  valley  in  which  Niuma 
lies.  The  river  flows  over  the  exposed  edges  of  the  beds  which  form 
the  valley,  and  at  the  lower  end  escapes  through  an  aperture  in  one  of 
the  vertical  plates  which,  otherwise,  appear  to  close  the  valley  com- 

From  Niuma  a  fairly  good  and  level  road  runs  for  about  1  n, 
to  where  it  joins  the  main  road  from  Matsumoto  to  Zenkoji,  which,  like 
most  of  the  main  roads  in  this  region,  was  in  a  wonderfully  good  state, 
as  it  had  been  renewed  for  the  journey  of  the  Mikado  last  year.  After 
about  three-quarters  of  a  n  along  this  road  we  came  to  Honjd,  where  we 
rested,  and  at  6.80  p.m.  we  started  for  our  last  pass  before  reaching  Uyeda. 
Immediately  on  leaving  the  village,  we  turned  to  the  left,  and  ascended 
the  Sora-toge,  which,  although  rather  long,  is  by  no  means  steep.  Before 
reaching  the  top  it  was  quite  dark,  and  impossible  to  ascertain  the 
character  of  the  scenery.  From  the  summit  we  had  three  hours  good 
walking  before  reaching  Urano,  where  we  remained  all  night. 

As  nothing  of  any  difficulty  now  lay  between  us  and  Tdkiyd,  we 
were  anxious  to  return  as  rapidly  as  possible,  which  we  did  by  kuruma 

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from  Urano  along  the  Hoknrokudd  and  Nakasendd  to  Matsuida,  where 
we  hired  a  coach  to  Takasaki,  and  from  that  town  took  another,  which 
brought  ns  to  Tdkiyd,  after  82£  hours  continuous  travelling.  Both 
roads  have  been  desoribed  before,  and  so  I  am  relieved  from  entering 
into  any  particulars  concerning  the  road  from  Urano  to  Tdkiyd,  except, 
perhaps,  to  refer  to  the  splendid  road  over  the  Usui-tdge,  which  has 
recently  been  made.  It  is  quite  possible  now  to  go  the  whole  way  in  a 
wheeled  vehicle,  and  I  did  so  for  the  most  part  of  the  way,  only 
excepting  a  short  portion  near  Sakamoto,  which  I  thought  to  bo  rather 
too  steep  to  be  quite  safe. 






Clematis  (?)  sp 

Shdmaru  tdge  and  elsewhere.    Common. 


Thaliotrum  simplex        

Jumonji  tdge. 


T.                tuberiferum 

««        ii 


Anemone  narcissiflora 

Mikaburi  hara.    Jddo-san,  Tate-yama. 


Trautvetteria  palmata 

Jumonji  tdge. 


Ranunculus  acris 

Jddosan,  Tate-yama. 


Trollins  japonious 

Mikabtiri  hara. 


Coptis  brachypetala       

Jumonji  t6ge. 


Aqnilegia  glandulosa      

ii         it 


Anemonopsis  macrophylla    . . 

ti         ii 


Aoonitum  Pischeri 

Yatsu-ga  take.    Harinoki  tdge. 


Cimicifuga  simplex. .     ....     . . 


Haku-san,  Tate-yama,  and  Harinoki  tdge. 


Pteridophyllnm  lacemosum  . .     . . 

Jumonji  tdge. 


Dioentra  pusUla      ..     ..     ..     .. 




Arabis  (?)  sp 

Between  Ochiai  and  Haramnra,  Ohiku- 

ma-gawa  valley. 



Viola  biflora     , . 




Dianthus  superbus 

Ochiai  hara,  and  elsewhere.    Common. 


D.                          (?)sp 

Harinoki  tdge. 


Cucubalus  baceif eras  var.  Japonicus 

Near  Oppara  (Hida) .    Also  near  Ai  (Shin- 

Jumonji  tdge. 


Lychnis  miqueliana       



Hypericum  Ascyron       * 

Ochiai  (Shinshiu). 




Geranium  sibirioum       

Ochiai  (Shinshiu).    Common  in  valley- 


Impatiens  noli-tangere 

Jumonji  tdge.    Mikaburi  tdge. 

Digitized  by 








Lathyrus  Tanaka? 


Jumonji  tdge. 


Spinea  calloBft  . .     •  *     r  *     -  ♦     -,-, 

i«        <i 


Fragaria  vesca         

Ojira-kawa  valley,  at  the  side  of  snow- 




Potentilla  chinensis       

Oehiai  (Shinshiu). 


Agrimonia  viscidula,  var.  Japon  . . 

*      SAXIFRAGAOEai. 

it        ii 


Astilbe  chinensis,  var.   Japonioa , . 

Oehiai  (Shinshiu). 


Saxifraga  oortusnfolia 

Side  of  gorge  on  Shindd  between  Shinshiu 
and  Mino.    Also  on  Haku-san. 


S.            tellimoides      

Mikaburi  t6ge,  Haku-san,  and  Tate-yama. 


S.            fusea       

Harinoki  t6ge. 


Tiarella  polyphylla 

Jumonji  tdge. 

Tate-yama  .baths  and  Murodd. 


Parnassia  palustris 


P.         ,  foliosa       

Valley  between  Yumoto  and  Ushikubi, 

Shdmaru  tdge. 


Deinanthe  bifida     



Sedum  ateoon  » »     » T     r  *     -  -     •  * 

Oehiai  (Shinshiu). 



Lythrum  virgatum 


Ushikubi  (Kaga). 


Epilobium  affine     



E.              gpicatum 



Oircwa  alpina  • .     • .     . .     • .     • . 

Jumonji  tdge. 



Bupleurum  sachalinense      •  •     • . 


Jumonji  tdge. 


Cornufl  canadengjfl 


Jumonji,  Mikaburjtdge,  Haku-san,  Tate- 


Galium  obovatum •     .. 


Harinoki  tdge. 


Patrinia  soabios»folia 

Shindd  between  Shinshiu  and  Mino. 


P.          palmata     


Jumonji  tdge. 


Seneoio  Krameri     

Jumonji  tdge. 


S.         nikoensis »     . . 

Oehiai  (Shinshiu). 


S.          flftw*T"flnE 

-  it            ii 


Pertya  scandens      


Jumonji  tdge. 


Campanula  punctata      ....     .. 

Oehiai  ( Shinshiu}  and  other  places* 
Oehiai  (Shinshiuj,  and  other  plains. 


Platycodon  gzandiflorum       . . 


Phyteuina  Japonicum    ..     ..     ,. 

Oehiai  (Mnsashi),    Umi-no-kuchi,    and 

other  places. 
Many  places.    Common. 


Adenophora  verticillata. 



Gaultheria  pyroloides 


Digitized  by 







Phyllodoce  taxi!  olia        

Murodd  (Haku-san]. 
Mikabnri  tdge.    Jumonji  tdge. 


Tripetaleia  paniculate 


T.               bracteata      

Harinoki  t6ge. 


Pyrola  rotundifolia 

Mikabnri  tdge. 


Vaccinium  (?)sp 

Gozen  dani  (Tate-yama).  Mikabnri  t6ge. 


Rhododendron  (?)  sp 

Shindd  from  Odaki  to  Chikechi.    Yatsu- 


Monotropa  uniflora 


Jumonji  toge. 


Diapensia  lapponica        



Sohizooodon  Boldanelloides    . .     . . 


Murodd  on  Haku-aan. 


Primula  (?)sp.  .  •     •  •     .  t     . »     *  T 

Jumonji  tdge,  Haku-san,  and  Tateyama. 


<«         it 


Lymmachia  vulgaris       

Ochiai  (Shinshiu),  and  in  other  plains. 


Trientalis  europea 


Jumonji    tdge;     Mikabnri    tdge,   near 


Pterostyrax  corymbosum       •  •     • . 

Ochiai  (Shinshiu). 



Endotropis  caudate 


Ochiai  (Shinshiu). 


Gentiana  thunbergh*       

Murodd  on  Haku-san 


G.     (?)  BP 

Murodd  on  Tate-yama. 
Harinoki  tdge. 


Ophelia  bimaculate 


VillarsiacriBte-galli.. . 

Murodd  on*  Haku-san  and  Tate-yama. 
Also  on  tdge  between  Kaware  and 
Oppara  (Hida). 


Conandron  ramondioides      . .     . . 




Lithospennum  exythrorhizon 

Shindd  between  Odaki  and  Chikechi. 


Omphalodes  Krameri      

Jumonji  tdge. 


Sehrophularia  alata 

Jumonji  tdge.    Also  tdge  between  Nara- 
dani  and  Eurodani,  Hida. 


Veronica  virginica 

Ochiai  (Shinshiu),  and  other  plains. 


V.    oana  

Jumonji  tdge. 


V.    (?)Bp 

Shindd  between  Odaki  and  Chikechi. 


Euphrasia  officinalis       • .     •  •     .  • 
Pedicularis  japonica 

Tumoto  (Tate-yama). 


Mikabnri  tdge.* 


P.    resupinata 

Murodd  (Tate-yama).    Jumonji  tdge. 
Jumonji  tdge. 


Melampyrum  laxum       



Aeginetia  indica'     ..     ..     ..     .. 

In  a  plantation  near  Eurosu  (Musashi). 


Thymus  serpyllum 

Shindd  between  Shinshiu  and  Mino. 


Diacoeephalum  Buyschiana  .  • 

Ochiai  (Shinshiu). . 



Phytolacca  acinosa 

Hanrid  (Musashi). 

Digitized  by 








Polygonum  bietorta 

Murodd  on  Haku-san. 


P.    tbunbergii 

Valley   of    the  Arakawa,    near   Ochiai 


P.    suffultum 

Jumonji  tdge. 



Euphorbia  lasiocaula      


Shindd  between  Shinshiu  and  Mino. 


Gymnadenia    (?)  sp 

Jumonji  t6ge. 


Platanthera  hologlottis 

Ochiai  (Shinshiu).    Jumonji  tdge. 


P.        japonica 



P.        oreades 

"        also  Murodd  on  Hakusan. 


Habenaria    sp.  (?) 

Shindd  between  Shinshiu  and  Mino. 


Epipaotis  gigantea 

Shdmaru  tdge. 


(?)  Ephippianthus  sachalinensis    . . 


Jumonji  tdge. 


Pardanthus  chinensis 


Mikaburi  tdge. 


Lyooris  ratfiata 

Okada  mura  (Etchiu). 



Diosoorea  Bativa      


Mikaburi  tdge  and  elsewhere. 


Smilacina  bifolia     


Alder  plantation  between  Tate-yama  and 


FritiUaria  kamschatcensis     ..     .. 

Murodd  on  Haku-san. 


Lilium  medeoloidos 

Jumonji  tdge. 


Tricyrtis  latifolia 


Gombei  tdge,  Kurozawa,  and  Garimeki 


Ophiopogon  spicatus       


Ochiai  (Chichibu). 


Metanarthecium  luteoviride 

Mikaburi  no  hara. 


Veratrum  nigrum 

Near  Oppara  in  Hida. 


V.        album 

[Murodd  on  Haku-san  and  Tate-yama, 
j  and  on  Harinoki  tdge. 


V.        Btamineum  - 



Juncus        sp-  (?) 


Jddo  Ban ;  Tate-yama. 


Lycopodium  clavatum 

Mikaburi  tdge. 

Note. — The  above  list  does  not  include  the  whole  of  the  species  seen  in  flower ; 
such  plants  as  are  commonly  distributed  over  the  country  were  not  collected.  This 
will  explain  the  shortness  of  the  lists  of  the  natural  orders,  Leguminosro, 
Rosace®,  and  Composite,  whicj},  however,  were  represented  by  large  numbers  of 
well-known  flowers. 

Digitized  by 




«■  Jfm^twm 


















Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 






































108.  Op 

109.  Me 

110.  Vet 

111.  V. 

112.  V- 

113.  Jul 

114.  Ly 

such  plai: 
will  ex  pi 


Digitized  by 


(  55  ) 


Mr.  W.  N.  Whitney  said :  "  Haku-san,  I  believe,  now  belongs  to  the  province 
of  Eaga,  but  was  formerly  claimed  by  the  daimiyo  of  the  three  provinces  on  whose 
borders  it  was  situated.  The  dispute,  I  have  heard,  was  settled  at  last  by  the 
government  at  Tedo,  to  whom  the  daimiyd  of  Eaga  applied.  It  is  said  that  npon 
presenting  himself  at  the  Shogun's  court,  the  representative  of  Mayeda  said,  *  I 
have  come  concerning  the  matter  of  the  ownership  of  Hakn-san  in  Eaga ' — upon 
which  he  was  told,  that  if  Hakn-san  was  in  Eaga  there  could  be  no  dispute  about 
it.  In  the  public  gardens  of  Eanazawa  there  is  a  well  or  pond  called  Kanazawa- 
no-ike,  in  which  a  dragon  is  supposed  to  dwell,  and  which  is  said  to  be  connected 
with  Haku-san  by  a  subterranean  passage  some .  eighteen  ri  in  length.  These  ' 
gardens  are  well  worth  a  visit,  as  much  money  has  been  spent  on  them  by  the 
former  daimiyd  of  Eaga,  who  were  considered  the  wealthiest  in  Japan.  They  are 
situated  near  the  end  of  a  ridge  called  dyama  (big  mountain)  and  are  noted 
for  their  beautiful  scenery.  In  the  gardens  are  two  lakes,  a  waterfall  and  a 
fountain,  all  supplied  with  water  brought  along  the  ridge  from  the  Saigawa,  some 
four  miles  above  the  town.  The  view  from  here  is  fine  indeed,  especially  in 
spring,  when  the  plum  and  cherry  trees  are  in  bloom,  and  the  mountains  are 
capped  with  snow.  On  one  side  a  broad  plain  stretches  out  to  the  sea,  on  the* 
other  tall  peaks  touch  the  sky,  while  away  to  the  north  a  lake,  low  foot-hills,  and 
the  high  mountains  of  Etchiu  and  Noto  complete  the  view.  The  temple  called 
Daijdji,  the  castle  and  Mukd-yama,  are  all  places  of  interest.  From  the  top  of 
Mukd-yama,  the  view  is  a  grand  one,  especially  at  sunset,  as  the  sun  is  sinking 
into  the  sea,  when  the  plain  from  the  town  below,  the  castle  and  the  mountains 
in  the  back-ground  assume  a  peculiarly  weird  aspect.  Just  outside  of  the  town, 
near  the  road  to  the  shore,  lies  the  famous  Benkei-ishi,  a  huge  boulder  said  to 
have  been  drawn  thither  by  Benkei,  the  robber-priest  of  Hiyeizan.  It  weighs 
many  tons,  and  is  quite  unlike  any  rook  within  miles  of  its  present  resting  place. 
Not  far  from  here  is  Eahoku,  a  lake  covering  many  thousand  acres,  which  a  certain 
Zenya  Gombei  wished  to  fill  up,  that  he  might  use  the  land  for  agricultural 
purposes.  In  order  to  destroy  the  namazu  that  undermined  the  banks,  he  caused 
large  quantities  of  lime  to  be  thrown  into  the  lake.  This,  however,  killed  the 
other  fishes  too,  which,  being  collected  and  sold  by  the  fishermen  to  the  poor 
farmers  about,  caused  many  deaths.    For  this  Zenya  was  thrown  into  prison,  and 

Digitized  by 



his  property  confiscated :  shortly  after  he  died  and  his  body  was  crucified  at 
Eanaiwa.  This  Zenya  was  the  richest  man  in  Japan,  and  it  is  said  was  the  first 
to  establish  foreign  trade  at  Takeshima." 

Mr.  W.  G.  Dixon  said  that  he  could  add  little  to  the  information  contained  in 
Professor  Atkinson's  exhaustive  paper.  Quite  recently,  however,  he  had,  through 
the  kindness  of  a  Japanese  gentleman,  learned  a  few  facts  that  might  be 
interesting.  Very  well-deserved  praise  had  been  given  to  Dashiwara-dani.  It 
formed  an  exaxrple  of  savage  grandeur  such  as  was  only  occasionally  met  with 
in  this  land  of  picturesque,  but  generally  soft,  scenery.  To  the  magnificent 
castellated  cliffs  that  towered  above  this  glen,  the  suggestive  name  of  Oni-ga-shiro 
(The  Devil's  Castle)  had  been  given.  In  regard  to  the  view  from  the  Hari-no-ki- 
t6ge,  it  should  be  mentioned  that  the  jagged  peak  that  serrated  the  middle  of 
the  southern  horizon  was  Yari-ga-take,  a  mountain  remarkable  both  on  account 
of  its  extreme  steepness  and  from  the  fact*  that  it  had  been  found,  by  a  foreign 
gentleman  who  had  ascended  it,  to  reach  a  height  of  about  10,OQO  feet,  thus 
rivalling  Ontake-san  for  the  second  place  in  altitude  among  the  mountains  of 
Japan.  The  darkly  wooded  eminence  behind  which  Yari-ga-take  was  from  the 
pass  seen  to  rise,  was  vested  with  a  certain  tragic  interest.  It  was  related  that 
about  the  time  of  Taikd,  a  warrior  named  Sasa  Narjmasa,  while  fleeing  from 
Shinshiu  to  avoid  the  pursuit  of  his  enemies,  here  perished  of  hunger,  with  all  his 
family.  The  speaker  had  also  been  informed  that  Omachi  was  only  10  ri  distant 
from  Shinonai  on  the  Hokurokudd,  a  place  about  10  ri  on  the  Zenkdji  side  of 
Uyeda.  The  route  from  Omachi  to  Uyeda,  viA  this  place,  might  form  an  alter- 
native to  that  described  in  the  paper  as  having  been  followed  between  these  towns. 

Mr.  Marshall  remarked  that  last  summer  he  had,  in  company  with  the 
Chairman,  himself  gone  over  parts  of  the  ground  just  described.  The  shindS 
'  which  leads  from  Omachi  in  Shinshiu  to  Hara  in  Etchiu,  was,  only  three  weeks 
before  Messrs.  Atkinson  and  Dixon  traversed  it,  covered  in  many  places  with 
snow.  Before  reaching  the  summit  of  Hari-no-ki-tdge  from  Omachi,  they  had  to 
cross  10  or  11  great  snow-fields,  and  this,  added  to  the  enormous  height  to  be 
ascended  and  the  fact  that  the  road  was  greatly  torn  up  by  last  winter's  storms, 
made  the  ascent  both  laborious  and  dangerous. 

Mr.  Marshall  desired  to  add  a'  few  remarks  about  a  village  in  this  region  called 
Arimine.  He  said:  "  A  writer  in  the  Yokohama  Herald  mentioned  that  last  year 
he  had  heard  at  the  hot  springs  at  the  base  of  Tate-yama  that  this  village  was 
inhabited  by  a  very  exclusive  people,  who  did  not  even  trade  with  other  people 
and  were  ignorant  of  the  use  of  money ;  who  intermarried  only  amongst  themselves 
and  in  consequence  had  great  similarity  of  features  and  limited  intellect.  At 
Higashi  Mozumi,  in  the  valley  of  the  Takara-gawa,  we  were  further  told  by  an 
apparently  intelligent  miner  who  had  visited  Arimine  with  a  friend,  that  the 
people  were  really  very  peculiar,  would  not  speak  to  strangers  or  give  them  food, 
ware  evidently  exceedingly  stupid,  and  had  great  similarity  of  features.    In  order 

Digitized  by 


(  67  ) 

to  visit  this  Tillage  we  left  the  valley  of  the  Takara-gawa  at  Domura  (1  ri  from 
Higashi  Mozumi)  and  thence  travelled  up  the  valley  of  the  Atotsu-gawa.  The 
following  is  the  route  from  Domura-. — 


Domura .*.'..     0 

Nakamura 1 

Sakomura      OJ 

Odawa 04 

Arimine 8  J 

At  Sakomura  we  procured  a  guide.  From  Odawa  there  is  nothing  but  a 
woodman's  track  to  the  solitary,  village,  and  as  torrents  require  frequently  to  bo 
crossed  and  for  short  distances  ascended,  it  would  be  quite  impossible  to  go 
without  a  guide.  The  track  is  through  a  grand  mountain  forest.  Unfortunately 
it  thunders  and  rains  every  day  in  this  region,  and  this  somewhat  mars  what  is  other- 
wise a  very  interesting  trip.  The  village  consists  of  13  houses,  scattered  over  a 
beautiful  green  plateau,  and  must  be,  I  think,  about  5,000  feet  above  the  sea  level. 
The  people  we  found  to  be  just  like  those  of  other  villages.  They  were  very 
polite,  but,  as  we  expected,  said  that  they  could  not  afford  to  give  us  any  food. 
However,  on  my  assuring  the  head  man  that  we  had  brought  food  with  us,  he 
welcomed  us  into  his  house.  Each  house  seemed  to  have  one  horse  at  least,  and 
from  the  good  treatment  they  apparently  received  and  the  number  of  pictures  of 
horses  we  saw  at  the  miya  and  in  the  houses,  we  concluded  that  the  horse  must 
be  here  either  a  pet  animal  or  held  in  great  veneration.  Our  host  told  us  that 
they  had  no  bedding,'  and  so  we  had  to  sleep  with  coarse  matting  both  about  and 
below  us  and  with  a  lump  of  wood  for  a  pillow.  Before  we  started  next  morning 
all  the  people  came  on  our  invitation  in  groups  to  see  us — men,  women,  and 
children,  and  we  could  detect  neither  signs  of  idiocy  nor  striking  similarity  of- 
features.  We  also  learned  very  decidedly  that  they  knew  both  how  to  trade  and  the 
use  of  money.  Their  principal  export  is  the  bark  of  trees.  They  grow  all  their 
own  food  and  live  principally  on  hiye  (a  kind  of  millet)  and  coarse  vegetables. 
They  also  drank  coarse  tea  and  Bmoked  very  inferior  tobacco.  The  bowls  of  their 
tobacco  pipes  were  much  larger  than  the  ordinary  Japanese  pipes,  and  were  similar 
flb  those  used  by  the  Coreans  in  the  late  embassy.  Although  very  poor  they  all 
seemed  quite  happy,  and  although  we  were  the  only  foreigners  they  had  seen, 
even  the  children  showed  no  signs  of  fear  and  accepted  some  biscuit  we  gave 
them."  '    . 

Digitized  by 


(  58 


By  W.  (?.  Aston. 

[Read  November  Ufa,  1879.] 

The  order  in  which  the  letters  of  the  Korean  alphabet  are  arranged 
in  the  existing  authorities  is  extremely  irregular  and  inconvenient,  and 
I  believe  that  the  arrangement  suggested  below,  which  is  based  on 
an  examination  of  the  system  on  which  they  appear  to  have  been 
constructed,  will  be  found  more  advantageous  in  several  respects.  At 
this  early  stage  of  the,  study  of  Korean,  it  may  still  be  time  to  introduce 
a  more  systematic  order  without  prejudice  to  the  convenience  of  other 
students  of  this  language,  who  can  hardly  have  yet  committed  them- 
selves to  the  arrangement  hitherto  adopted.  A  vocabulary  of  Korean  on 
which  I  am  now  engaged  will  be  .arranged  according  to  this  system. 



1-  *r      i       ^  ~  *L\ 

a,  y»,     &,     yii,     o,  yo. 

T  -ir      I  —      * 

u,       yu,         i,  eu,.      a^ 

(Bases   ]    «_    » ) 

Digitized  by 




H        i)        °) 

a,       e\   '  a. 

Labials  ti         3£        P  (Base  13) 

p,        ph,       m. 

Dentals     C     t     U      S  (Base  L.) 

t,      th,      n,       1. 

Palatals        Z>        %        /%  (Base  <*») 

eh,       chh,      *  s. 

Gutturals  1  ^  (Base  T) 

k,  kh. 

Laryngeals  (?)         ff        0  (Base  0) 

h,         ng  final. 

The  above  arrangement  makes  it  clear  that  the  inventor  of  the 
alphabet  had  classified  the  sounds  of  the  language  according  to  the 
organs  of  speech  by  which  they  are  formed.  A  common  element  (which 
I  have  called  the  base)  is  traceable  through  all  the  letters  of  each  class, 

Digitized  by 



the  Labial  base  being  a  square,  the  Dental  base  an  angle  opening  to  the 
right  and  upward,  and  so  on.  The  inventor  has  subdivided)  rightly, 
as  I  think,  into  two  classes  those  letters  which  are  usually  included  in 
the  common  term  gutturals. 

The  above  pronunciation  is  merely  provisional. 

0  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  represents  the  spiritus  lenis,  and  is 
not  reckoned  a  letter.  Possibly  it  might  be  preferable  to  do  so,  writing 
it  thus  '. 

The  Diphthongs  follow  the  order  of  the  letters  of  which  they  are 

Digitized  by 


(    CI    ) 




By  John  Milne. 

[Read  November  11,  1879.] 


In  a  paper  on  the  "Stone  Age  in  Japan,"  read  before  the 
British  Association  in  1879,  I  made  reference  to  several  localities 
in  Yezo,  where  stone  implements  and  other  relics  which  are  of 
interest  to  those  studying  the  early  history  of  this '  country  had 
been  found.  From  what  was  there  stated  it  would  seem  that  stone 
implements  and  other  spoor  of  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  Japan  are 
to  be  found  from  Kiushiu  in  the  south,  to  Yezo  in  the  north.  From 
an  examination  of  the  collections  which  I  have  made,  together  with 
several  which  have  been  made  by  others,  it  would  appear  that  the 
relics  are  most  abundant  in  the  north.  Should  this  Conclusion  be  a 
true  one,  it  it  a  fact  of  considerable  importance.  In  the  paper  to 
which  I  have  just  referred,  I  endeavoured  to  shew  that  the  people  who 
left  this  spoor  were  the  Ainos.  Now  the  Ainos  still  inhabit  Yezo,  and 
we  know  from  history  that  at  one  time  they  probably  covered  Nipon,  and 
they  were  driven  back  towards  the  north  by  the  Japanese  advancing 
from  the  south.  In  fact  their  history  and  present  geographical  position 
is  such  that  we  appear  to  be  safe  in  assuming  that  the  Ainos  have 
lived  for  a  longer  period  in  Yezo  than  they  have  in  Nipon.    This,  then, 

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being  the  case,  in  those  parts  of  Japan  which  have  only  been  temporarily 
inhabited  by  the  Ainos  and  also  have  only  been  inhabited  for  a 
comparatively  short  period,  we  ought  not  to  expect  to  find  so  many 
traces  of  their  former  presence  as  we  should  in  a  country  which  had 
been  inhabited  for  a  longer  period,  by  large  numbers,  and  by  a  people 
who  continued  to  manufacture  stone  implements  until  quite  recent 
times.  Generally  speaking,  it  would  seem  that  the  number  of  relics 
of  a  barbarous  age  in  any  civilized  country,  will,  amongst  other 
conditions,  very  largely  depend  upon  the  number  of  years  which 
separate  that  age  from  its  present  civilized  condition.  A  conclusion 
which  we  therefore  come  to  is,  that  the  distribution  of  stone  implements 
in  Japan  accords  with  what  we  should  anticipate  from  our  knowledge 
of  the  distribution  of  the  Ainos,  and  therefore  I  think  we  may  accept 
this  distribution,  amongst  the  other  evidence  which  I  have  previously 
adduced,  as  being  another  proof  that  these  relics  are  the  spoor  of  Ainos, 
and  not  of  a  pre-Aino  people  as  has  been  suggested. 

The  following  notes  on  the  collections  which  I  made  this  year  at 
Otaru  and  Hakodate,  when  contrasted  with  the  remarks  which  I  have 
previously  made,  or  which  have  been  made  by  others  upon  collections 
from  localities  further  south,  will,  I  think,  help  to'  bear  out  these 



Otaru  is  the  largest  town  on  the  west  coast  of  Yezo.  It  is  built 
along  the  shore  of  a  small  bight  on  the  southern  side  of  Ishikari  Bay. 
In  a  north-eastern  direction  this  opens  towards  the  mainland.  On  the 
north-western  side  it  is  sheltered  from  the  open  ocean  by  a  rocky 
point.  On  this  latter  side  it  is  overlooked  by  high  cliffs,  which  are 
separated  from  the  water's  edge  by  a  narrow  shore,  ^.t  the  head  of 
the  bight  there  is  a  shelving  sandy  shore,  which  slopes  backwards  into 
an  undulating  grassy  country,  which  a  mile  or  so  farther  back  rises  up 
to  form  high  hills.  Although  Otaru  is  by  no  means  a  naturally  perfect 
harbour,  its  bay  forms  one  of  the  best  shelters  on  this  coast,  and  it  is  no 
doubt  to  this  fact  that  Otaru  owes  its  present  importance.  And  just  as 
Otaru  is  important  at  the  present  day,  we  might  argue  that  for  similar 
reasons  its  natural  advantages  would,  to  a  fishing  population,  render 

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it  important  in  times  gone  by ;  and  that  such  has  been  the  case  may  be 
judged  of  by  the  relies  which  its  early  inhabitants  have  left  behind 
them.  These  relics  may  be  divided  into  three  classes : — 1st,  Collections 
of  Pits ;  2nd,  Inscriptions ;  8rd,  Mounds  and  Kitchen  Middens. 

I.— Pits. 

The  pits  are  more  or  less  conicaliy  shaped  holes,  about  eight  feet  in 
diameter  and  three  feet  in  depth.  In  some  cases  it  is  possible  that  these 
pits  were  originally  rectangular,  and  that  their  present  conical  form  is 
due  to  the  falling  in  of  their  sides.  Lying  at  the  side  of  them,  and 
forming  a  kind  of  breastwork,  there  is  usually  a  mound  or  ridge.  These 
ridges  may  have  been  made  by  the  earth  which  was  thrown  out  during  the 
excavation  of  the  pits.  The  holes  which  I  examined  formed  a  group 
near  to  the  foot  of  the  steep  hills,  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  back 
from  the  shore.  At  the  time  of  my  visit  to  them  the  ground  was  so 
thickly  covered  with  ferns  and  tall  grass  that  it  was  impossible  to 
determine  whether  there  was  any  plan  in  their  general  arrangement.  I 
may,  however,  mention  that  Mr.  Fukushi,  a  Japanese  gentleman  who 
accompanied  me,  told  me  that  when  he  first  saw  these  holes,  which  was 
by  looking  down  upon  them  from  the  hills  above,  a  certain  regularity  in 
their  arrangement  was  observable.  From  one  or  two  of  the  mounds  the 
covering  of  grass  had  been  removed  for  agricultural  purposes.  These 
places  I  carefully  examined  for  traces  of  former  inhabitants,  but  without 

In  my  previous  paper  on  this  subject  I  referred  to  the  ancient  pit 
dwellings  which  are  to  be  seen  near  Nemoro,  and  at  other  places  in 
Yezo.  Such  pits  are  said  to  exist  near  Sapporo,  and  the  people  who  are 
.  supposed  to  have  inhabited  them  are  said  by  the  Japanesft  to  have  been  a 
race  of  dwarfs  whom  they  called  Koshito,  I  have  suggested  that  the  pit 
dwellers  are  probably  represented  at  the  present  day  by  the  Kamscha- 
dales  or  Alutes,  who  until  recently  lived  in  covered  pits  as  far  south 
as  the  northern  Euriles.  Whether  these  pits  are  similar  to  those  which 
have  been  found  farther  to  the  north  yet  needs  demonstration.  From 
the  little  which  I  saw  of  them,  notwithstanding  the  tradition  which  is 
associated  with  them  of  their  having  formerly  been  inhabited,  I  should 
be  inclined  to  think  that  they  are  nothing  more  than  holes  which  have 

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been  made  during  farming  processes.  Perhaps  they  are  the  holes  from 
-which  the  stumps  of  trees  have  been  removed.  I  may  here  remark  that 
between  the  hills  at  the  back  of  Otaru  and  the  shore  the  country  is 
destitute  of  large  trees.  Similar  treeless  bands  of  country  are  to  be 
observed  at  many  places  along  this  coast,  as  for  instance  at  Kayonoma. 
Whether  this  absence  of  trees  is  due  to  the  soil,  the  proximity  to  the 
sea,  or  their  removal  by  previous  inhabitants,  without  making  a  detailed 
examination  it  would  be  difficult  to  decide.  Here  and  there,  however, 
we  may  observe  a  small  grove,  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  such  a  grove 
may  have  existed  where  we  now  find  the  pits  behind  Otaru.  If  such 
has  been  the  case,  the  holes  which  we  see  may  indicate  the  position 
of  stumps  which  have  been  rooted  out,  either  by  the  farmers  when 
clearing  the  ground,  or  else  by  the  inhabitants  whilst  searching  for 

II.-1— Inscriptions. 

A  rough  sketch  of  the  inscriptions  which  I  saw  at  Otaru  is  given 
on  the  accompanying  plate.  They  are  roughly  cut  upon  the  face  of  the 
cliffs  on  the  north-western  side  of  the  bay.  These  cliffs  are  about  100 
feet  in  height  and  are  capped  with  small  trees.  The  rock  is  a  white, 
extremely  soft,  much  decomposed  tuff.  It  is  now  being  quarried  as  a 
building  stone,  and  during  the  process  a  portion  of  the  inscription  of 
which  I  have  here  given  a  rough  copy  has  been  broken  away.  If  the 
quarrying  continues  in  the  direction  it  was  taking  when  I  visited  the 
spot,  it  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  the  whole  of  these  inscriptions  will  be 
very  shortly  destroyed.  The  characters  look  as  if  they  had  been 
scraped  or  cut  with  some  incisive  tool.  I  do  not  think  that  it  would  be 
difficult  to  make  similar  markings  with  a  stone  axe.  The  lines  forming 
the  characters  are  usually  about  one  inch  broad  and  half  an  inch  deep. 
They  occupy  a  strip  of  rock  about  eight  feet  long  and  they  are  situated 
three  or  four  feet  from  the  ground.  Above  them  the  cliff  considerably 
overhangs,  and  its  form  is  very  suggestive  of  its  having  once  been 
more  or  less  cave-like.  This  portion  of  the  rock  has  been  very  much 
blackened  by  the  action  of  smoke  and  fire.  An  appearance  of  this  sort 
may  have  been  caused  quite  recently,  by  persons  engaged  in  boiling 
down  fish  during  the  manufacture  of  oil.     So  far  as  I  could  learn,  the 

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Japanese  are  quite  unable  to  recognize  any  of  the  characters,  and  they 
regard  them  as  being  the  work  of  the  Ainos. 

I  may  remark  that  several  of  the  characters  are  like  the  runic  m. 
It  has  been  suggested  that  they  have  a  resemblance  to  old  Chinese. 
A  second  suggestion  was  that  they  might  be  drawings  of  the  insignia  of 
rank  carried  by  certain  priests.  A  third  idea  was  that  they  were 
phallic.  A  fourth  that  they  were  rough  representations  of  men  and 
animals,  the  runic  m  being  a  bird ;  and  a  fifth  that  they  were  the 
handicraft  of  some  gentleman  desirous  of  imposing  upon  the  credulity' 
of  wandering  archaBologists. 

I  myself  am  inclined  to  think  that  they  were  the  work  of  the  people 
who  have  left  so  many  traces  of  themselves  in.  the  shape  of  kitchen 
middens  and  various  implements  in  this  locality.  In  this  case  they 
may  be  Aino. 

111. — Mounds  and  Kitchen  Middens. 

On  the  flat  ground  immediately  at  the  head  of  the  bay,  in  amongst 
the  gardens  of  that  portion  of  Otaru  called  Temiya,  at  a  distance  of 
about  80  yards  from  the  beach,  there  are  two  or  three  small  mounds 
overgrown  with  grass.  One  of  these  was  conical  in  form.  It  was 
about  eight  feet  in  height  and  from  25  to  80  feet  in  diameter.  On 
cutting  into  it  I  found  that  it  was  made  of  a  sandy,  black  soil, 
distributed  through  which  there  were  many  fragments  of  pottery  and 
flakes  of  obsidian.  Now  and  then  I  met  with  an  arrow-head  or  a 
broken  axe.  After  digging  into  the  heap  for  a  depth  of  about  three 
feet,  a  layer  of  large  stones,  covered  with  a  whitish  clayey  material,  was 
met  with.  From  the  arrangement  of  these  stones  it  seemed  possible 
that  they  might  form  the  cover  to  .the  central  portion  o£  the  heap. 
*  Want  of  time  prevented  my  completing  this  investigation.  In  the 
neighborhood  of  these  mounds,  cuttings  for  roads  and  gardens  shew 
many  small  sections.  Near  the  surface,  for  a  depth  of  six  inches 
or  a  foot,  there  is  usually  a  layer  of  black  earth.  Beneath  this  comes 
a  dark-grey  sandy  soil.  Sticking  out  from  these  sections,  at  depths 
varying  between  a  few  inches  and  two  or  three  feet,  at  very  many 
places  fragments  of  pottery  and  flakes  of  stone  are  to  be  seen. 

Here  and  there  a  small  band  of  shells  can  be  seen.     From  the 

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manner  in  which  these  shells  have  been  opened  and  broken,  and  from 
the  broken  pottery  and  stone  which  are  mixed  in  with  them,  these 
bands  evidently  indicate  so  many  old  middens. 

In  two  visits  to  this  place,  entailing  about  six  hours  actual  work, 
at  which  I  was  assisted  by  two  coolies  and  about  a  dozen  children,  I 
made  the  following  collection : — 
Arrow  Heads : 

Triangular / 65\ 

Lancet 49[ 

Leaf  and  spear-like 15[ 

Incurved  base 6/ 

Scrapers 8 

Awls... 1 

Axes 9 

Grinding-stone     1 

Obsidian  Flakes,  a  large  number,  say 200  or  800 

Fragments  of  Pottery,  a  large  number,  say 100  or  200 

Vase 1 

Triangular  Arrow-heads.     (See  I. — 1 7-23.  )l 

These  are  arrow-heads  which  are  all  roughly  triangular  in  their 
general  form.  They  usually  vary  in  their  lengths  and  breadths  from  one 
inch  by  half  an  inch,  down  to  half  an  inch  by  one-quarter  of  an  inch. 
All  of  them  are  provided  with  a  central  tang.  Of  the  65  having  this  form 
which  were  discovered,  64  of  them  are  made  from  obsidian  and  one 
from  chalcedony.  The  obsidian  is  usually  translucent,  but  in  one  or 
two  instances  it  approaches  a  pitch  stone  in  its  characters.  In  some 
cases  the  tang  is  so  long  and  broad  that  it  approaches  in  form  to  the 
blade  of  which  it  forms  a  part.  The  general  form  of  arrow-head  of  this 
shape  is  that  of  two  triangles  placed  base  to  base. 

Lancet-shaped  Arrow-heads.     (See  I. — 12-16.) 

The  material  of  which  these  lancet-shaped  arrow-heads  are  formed 
is  similar  to  that  of  which  the  arrow-tips  just  described  axe  formed. 
Amongst  the  49  specimens  which  were  picked  up  there  are  one  or  two 

1  These  numbers  refer  to  the  photographs. 

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J-  miint     /«r  jy. 

1         '♦  ^         "    >J5  /^  <°  '  ;1 

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which  are  made  from  chert,  the  remainder  being  of  obsidian.  They  are 
all  roughly  chipped.  An  average  measurement  for  one  of  these  tips 
is  an  inch  and  a  quarter  long  and  half  an  inch  broad.  A  few  specimens 
are  like  the  double  triangular  form  much  elongated.  The  greater 
Dumber,  however,  have  only  the  lancet  blade  with  a  small  tang  at  the 
base.  It  may  be  remarked  that  these  forms  and  those  which  have 
just  been  described  graduate  into  each  other.     (See  I. — 12-23.) 

Leaf  and  Spear-like  Forms,     (See  I. — 5-8. ) 

These  are  all  so  much  broken  that  it  is  difficult  to  say  what  their 
original  dimensions  may  have  been.  Of  the  15  of  these  which  were 
collected,  Id  are  formed  from  obsidian  and  two  of  chert. 

Triangular  Forms  with  a  reentrant  Curved  Base.     (See  I. — 9-11.  J 

Of  these,  six  were  found.     They  are  made  from  obsidian.     The 

reentrant  curved  base  forms  two  lateral  tangs.     The  general  form  of  the 

ff  remainder  of  the  blade  is  either  lancet-shaped  or  else  triangular,  with 

carved  cutting  edges.     The  length  and  breadth  of  an  average  specimen 

might  be  reckoned  at  three-quarters  of  an  inch  by  half  an  inch. 

Scrapers.     (See  I. — 1-3.) 

These  are  about  one  inch  long,  having  a  curved  scraping  edge 
about  one  inch  broad.  Of  these  three  were  collected;  One  of  them 
was  made  of  chert,  one  of  obsidian,  and  one  of  jasper. 

Awl.     (See  I.—4.) 

This  is  a  pointed  instrument  made  from  roughly  chipped  chert.  Its 
total  length  is  about  2J  inches,  the  pointed  portion,  which  is  roughly 
rounded,  being  about  l£  inches. 

Axes.  (See  I.— 24-29). 

Of  these,  nine  were  collected.  All-  may  be  described  as  being 
polished  implements,  and  their  smooth  rubbed  surface  strongly 
contrasts  with  the  roughly  chipped  implements  made  from  obsidian  and 
chert.  This  smooth  surface,  however,  must  not  be  regarded  as*  being 
an  evidence  Qf  advance  towards  a  civilized  condition,  the  reason  for  the 

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smoothness  probably  being  that  the  axes,  through  being  formed  out  of  a 
soft  material,  would  continually  require  to  be  reground  and  sharpened. 

In  seven  cases  the  material  appears  to  be  a  fine-grained,  dark- green, 
partially  metamorphosed  slate.  In  the  remaining  two  cases  the  material 
is  an  altered  andesite,  a  common  volcanic  rock  in  Japan. 

Two  of  these  implements  (see  I. — 24  and  25)  may  be  described  as 
pieces  of  slate  one-eighth  to  one-quarter  of  an  inch  in  thickness,  and  1£ 
inches  broad,  which  at  one  end  have  been  sharpened  from  the  two  sides 
to  form  a  cutting  edge.  The  others,  instead  of  being  fiat,  have  surfaces 
which  are  rounded'.  Their  general  form  is  that  of  a  long  isosceles 
triangle,  with  a  rounded  apex,  and  a  base  which  is  usually  convex,  to 
form  a  cutting  edge.  A  common  length  for  these  axes  is  about  five 

Looking  at  the  lateral  edges  or  faces  of  several  of  these  specimens, 
the  remains  of  two  grooves  cut  in  towards  each  other  from  the  sides 
may  be  often  seen  (see  I. — 24  and  III. — 18).  The  intervening  portion 
shews  a  fractured  surface.  These  markings  would  suggest  that  these  % 
chisels  had  been  formed  by  first  cutting  a  strip  off  from  a  large  slab,  two 
grooves  being  cut  into  the  slab  from  opposite  sides,  and  the  strip  thus 
marked  being  subsequently  broken  off. 

Grinding-ttone.    (See  7. — 6. ) 

This  is  a  rough  piece  of  weathered  andesite  4£  inches  long,  8£ 
inches  broad  and  about  2£  inches  deep.  On  three  sides  it  has  been 
abraded  to  form  deep  concave  surfaces,  and  from  the  manner  in  which 
these  surfaces  fit  the  concave  surfaces  of  an  ordinary  axe,  it  may  be 
inferred  that  such  a  stone  has  been  employed  for  sharpening  these 
implements,  which,  from  their  softtoature,  must  have  been  repeatedly 
required.    . 


Of  obsidian  flakes  a  very  large  number  were  picked!  up*  From  a  hand- 
ful of  49  taken  up  at  random,  three  were  of  chert,  the  remainder  being 
of  obsidian.  They  are  usually  thick  and  irregular.  Of  long  thin  flakes 
only  four  were  picked  up,  and  the  largest  of  these  had  only  a  length  of 
24  inches. 

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Pottery.    (See  IL— 1-15  and  V.—l.) 

A  large  number  of  fragments  of  pottery  were  collected,  all  of  which 
shewed  characters,  similar  to  those  which  I  have  .previously  described. 
Nearly  all  the  specimens  are  covered  with  the  characteristic  grained 
marking  which  I  have  suggested  might  have  been  made  either  by  means 
of  a  coarse  cloth  whilst  the  clay  was  soft  or  else  by  means  of  some 
milling  machine.  In  some  cases  these  markings  are  coarse  and  in 
others  fine.  (See  II. — 1-8).  From  the  manner  in  which  I  now  observe 
that  this  graining  is  often  worked  in  between  incised  lines,  as  a  sort  of 
filling  up,  I  see  that  in  such  cases  it  could  not  have  been  formed  by  a 
cloth  or  wicker-work,  which  would  have  given  rise  to  a  more  or  less 
connected  pattern  over  the  whole  vessel. 

The  incised  lines  (II. — 5-7)  are  coarsely  made  and  usually  repre-  • 
sent  some  rude  design. 

Other  designs  worked  as  raised  patterns  have  been  formed  by 
strings  of  clay.  In  many  cases  the  inside  of  the  pottery  is  very  black. 
This  is  probably  due  to  some  fatty  carbonaceous  material  having  been 
burnt  in  the  interior  of  these  vessels  during  cooking  operations.  • 

Besides  the  fragments  of  pottery,  a  complete  vase,  shaped  like  an 
earthenware  water-bottle,  was  obtained  from  a  man  who  discovered  it 
whilst  cutting  a  road.  (See  V. — 1.)  It  is  very  rudely  shaped,  and  the 
base,  which  is  three  inches  in  diameter,  is  so  irregular  that  it  can  only 
stand  upon  it  in  an  inclined  position.  The  height  is  nine  inches,  and 
the  neck  has  a  diameter  of  two  inches.  On  the  sides  of  the  latter  there 
are  two  small  eyelet  holes,  through  which  a  string  might  be  passed. 
These  holes  appear  to  have  been  made  whilst  the  clay  was  in  a  moist 
condition.  Inside  and  outside  it  is  of  a  dirty,  yellowish  red  colour. 
The  body  of  the  vase  is  covered  with  smill  punctures,  giving  its  surface 
a  grained  appearance.  These  punctures  run  in  lines  of  two  and  three, 
one  set  of  lines  often  intersecting  another  set.  On  one  side  there  are 
two  small  holos  made  by  the  pick*  of  the  discoverer. 

Tho  clay  from  which  it  is  formed,  like  the  clay  which  has  been 
used  for  the  other  pottery,  contains  many  small  grains  of  sand,  with 
here  and  there  a  pebble. 

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Kitchen  Middens, 

These  I  bad  dot  time  to  examine  closely.  The  following  shells 
were  exceedingly  common : — Haliotis  kamtschatkama,  Modiola  modiolus, 
and  Saxodomus  purpuratus  There  were  also  many  fragments  of  pottery 
and  flakes  of  obsidian. 


When  I  Visited  Hakodate  daring  the  snmmer  of  1878,  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  discover  a  shell-heap  which  subsequently  yielded  a 
number  of  objects  of  interest  to  several  explorers.  The  flint  implements, 
pottery,  etc.,  which  I  myself  exhumed  have  already  been  described. 
Since  this  time,  whilst  making  some  public  gardens  and  cutting  roads, 
a  number  of  excavations  have  been  made  which  have  led  to  the  discovery 
.of  a  large  quantity  of  prehistoric  material,  some  of  which  I  have  been 
able  to  obtain. 

Arrow-heads.     (See  III.— 10.) 

The  general  appearance  of  the  arrow-heads  which  have  been  found 
in  and  about  Hakodate  is  similar  to  that  of  those  which  have  be*en  found 
near  Otaru.  There  are  two  points,  however,  which  are  worthy  of 
notice.  First,  the  material  of  which  the  Hakodate  arrow-heads  are 
made,  instead  of  being  almost  invariably  obsidian,  is  almost  always 
flint  or  chert,  and  arrow-points  made  from  obsidian  are  extremely 
rare.  Secondly,  arrow-heads  with  a  base  which  is  reentrant  appear  to 
be  more  common  at  Hakodate  than  they  are  at  Otaru. 

Spear-heads.     (IV.— 5-11.) 

These,  like  the  arrow-points,  are  usually  made  from  flint  or  chert. 
Their  average  length  is  three  or  four  inches,  and  their  breadth  one  and 
a  half  to  two  inches.  They  are  thick  and  very  coarsely  chipped.  In 
many  instances  they  shew  that  peculiar  gloss  which  is  indicative  of 
age.  The  depth  at  which  they  are  found,  which  is  usually  several  feet 
from  the  surface,  appears  to  be  another  indication  of  their  antiquity.  I 
have  only  seen  two  examples  which  have  been  at  all  finely  worked.  One 
of  these  is  a  spear-head  made  from  chert.     It  has  a  lance-like  form,  and 

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is  seven  inches  long  and  one  and  a  half  inches  broad.  The  other  is  a 
double-pointed  head,  also  made  from  chert,  measuring  four  inches  by 
one  inch  and  a  quarter.     (See  III. — 4  and  5.) 

Knives.    (See  111.-6-9  and  IV.— 12-17.) 

These  are  implements  which  are  made  from  chert.  Tney  have 
often  a  scimitar-like  form,  with  two  sharp  edges — one  concave  and  the 
other  convex.  At  the  base  there  is  sometimes  a  tang,  whilst  at  the  head 
there  is  either  a  point  formed  by  the  meeting  of  the  two  scimitar-like 
edges  or  else  it  is  cut  off  squarely.     (See  III. — 6  and  8). 

If  an  implement  like  any  of  these  were  fixed  in  a  short  handle, 
it  would  be  extremely  useful  in  detaching  from  their  coverings  oysters 
and  other  shell-fish  on  which  these  early  people  seem  so  largely  to  have 

Because  their  form  is  so  suggestive  of  a  use  like  this,  I  have 
ventured  to  call  them  knives. 

Axes  or  Chisels.     (Ill— 2,  3  and  13.    IV.— 19  and  20. J 

.  These  are  very  similar  to  those  from  Otaru.  Amongst  them  there 
is  one  specimen  which  is  remarkable  for  its  size,  being  rather  more  than 
15£  inches  in  length.  (EEL — 18.)  This  I  described  in  my  previous 
paper  on  this  subject. 

One  or  two  examples  have  only  been  sharpened  from  one  side,  which 
gives  them  "an  edge  like  that  of  a  carpenter's  plane,  {For  an  edge  view 
of  such  a  chisel  see  III. — 8. ) 

Magatama.     (HI. — 11.) 

In  the  Hakodate  museum  there  are  two  Magatama  which  are  said- 
to  have  been  obtained  from  the  Ainos.  One  of  them  is  made  from  hard, 
green  jasper  and  the  other  from  chalcedony.  The  hole  which  has  been 
made  through  the  latter  seems  to  have  been  made  by  means  of  a  rhymer. 
Magatama,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  do  not  ever  appear  to  have  been- 
found  in  shell-heaps,  and  it  appears  very  probable  that  they  were 
only  introduced  amongst  the  Ainos  since  their  acquaintance  with  the 
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Kudatama.     ( III.  —12.) 

With  the  Magatama  there  are  two  Kudatama.  The  longest  of  them 
is  one  inch  and  the  other  is  half  an  inch.  The  material  of  which  they 
are  formed  is  green  jasper.  The  hole  which  runs  through  them  length- 
wise has  probably  been  made  with  a  metal  tool.  Like  the  Magatama, 
they  were  used  as  ornaments.  These  specimens  were  obtained  from  the 
Ainos,  who,  it  is  probable,  had  previously  obtained  them  from  the 

Pottery.     (IV.— 1-4.     Y.—2  and  S.) 

The  pottery  which  has  been  found  at  Hakodate  is  very  similar  to 
that  which  has  been  found  at  Otaru.  One  difference,  however,  is  that 
the  former  looks  more  worn  and  somewhat  older.  I  may  also  remark 
that  in  the  few  instances  where  I  have  observed  holes,  these  appear  to 
have  been  made  by  means  of  a  rhymer  after  the  pot  had  been  baked. 
(See  IV. — 2.)  In  the  Hakodate  Museum  there  are  two  small  vases 
which  are  almost  complete.  (See  V. — 2  and  8.)  The  larger  of  these  is 
four  inches  deep,  with  a  mouth  2£  inches  wide.  Its  greatest  diameter  is 
five  inches.  Outside  it  is  of  a  black  colour,  and  its  surface  is  covered 
with  the  characteristic  punctured  markings.  Inside  it  is  brown.  The. 
other  vase  is  two  inches  deep,  and  has  a  mouth  one  inch  in  diameter. 
Outside  it  is  of  a  yellowish  colour,  and  it  has  scratched  upon  its  surface 
a  rough  pattern,  in  between  the  scrolls  of  which  there  is  a  punctured 
groundwork.  Inside  it  is  quite  black.  Both  of  these  vases  are  said 
to  have  been  dug  up  in  Hakodate. 

Grinding-stpnes.     (See  V.-=—4.) 

Whilst  making  the  -public  gardens  at  Hakodate,  amongst  other 
.things  a  large  number  of  grinding- stones  have  been  exhumed.  These 
are  flattish  boulders,  which  on  one  or  two  sides  have  been  worn  away 
to  form  smooth,  hollow  surfaces,  apparently  by  the  sharpening  of 
chisels  upon  them.  The  rock  is  andesite,  similar  to  that  of  the 
adjoining  mountain.  One  of  these  boulders  is  almost  two  feet  long, 
one  foot  broad,  and  nine  inches  deep.  Other  examples  are  larger  than 
thiB,  whilst  others  are  smaller. 

From  the  fact  that  I  find  by  experiment  that  these  chisels  become 

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easily  chipped,  even  when  catting  soft  wood,  these  grinding-stones 
mast  have  been  largely  employed.  Their  number  would  seem  to  bear 
out  such  a  view.  Whilst  working  with  them  upon  wood  it  must  have 
been  necessary  always  to  have  had  a  grinding- stone  close  at  hand. 
It  is  probable  that  sand  and  water  may  have  been  used  during  the 
sharpening  process,  but  there  are  no  stricB  on  their  surface  such  as  we 
might  expect  had  such  been  the  case. 

Other  Remains. 

Besides  the  stone  implements  which  have  been  found  actually  in 
Hakodate,  others  have  been  found  in  the  neighbouring  country. 
Amongst  them  I  may  mention  spear  and  arrow-heads  of  obsidian  from 
Obanomura,  Mitshikori,  Shidakakuni,  and  axes  from  Aretake. 


Looked  at  generally,  the  relics  from  Hakodate  appear  to  be  much 
older  than  those  from  Otaru.  This  is  testified  by  their  comparative 
roughness,  their  glossy  surface,  and  the  greater  depth  at  which  they 
have  been  found.  That  such  should  be  the  case  appears  to  be  borne  out 
by  the  fact  that  the  aborigines  of  Yedo  were  probably  driven  away  from 
Hakodate  long  before  tfeey  were  compelled  to  leave  Otaru,  and  therefore 
at  this  latter  place  we  ought  to  expect  to  find  their  more  recent  work. 


As  the  remains  which  I  have* now  described  have  such  an  important 
connection  with  remains  of  a  similar  kind  found  in  Yezo  and  other  parts 
of  Japan,  I  will  now  give,  1st,  a  brief  summary  of  the  more  important . 
facts  which  are  before  us,  and,  2nd,  the  conclusion  towards  which  such 
facts  appear  to  lead  us. 


All  over  Japan,  from  Tezo  in  the  north  to  Eiushiu  in  the  south, 
44  kitchen  middens  H  or  "  shell  mounds "  have  been  found.  In  Yezo 
I    have  seen   such   mounds  at  Nemoro    in   the   extreme   north,   near 

VOL.  Till.  10 

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Horoidznme,  Otaru  and  Hakodate,  and  from  each  of  these,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Horoidzume,  I  have  made  collections.  Besides  these  localities, 
there  are  in  Yezo  several  other  places  from  which  I  have  seen  specimens. 
In  Nipon  I  have  also  examined  several  kitchen' middens,  as  those  near 
Omori,  Tsurnmi  and  Mississippi  Bay.  In  addition  to  these  localities, 
several  others  might  he  mentioned  where  kitchen  middens  are  found, 
and  from  which  collections  have  been  made. 

From  the  south  we  have  the  collections  of  Mr.  Lyman  and  Prof. 
Morse,  made  in  Kiushiu.  These  heaps  are  principally  made  up  of  shells 
and  broken  pottery.  Mixed  with  these,  there  are  many  fragments  of 
broken  bones,  implements  of  stone  and  horn,  and  other  objects  which 
may  have  been  employed  as  ornaments.  The  shells  looked  at  super- 
ficially appear  to  *  be  similar  to  those  found  in  the  neighbouring  sea. 
By  a  careful  examination  of  those  found  at  Omori,  Prof.  Morse  has  come 
to  the  following  four  conclusions : — 

First — That  a  change  has  taken  place  in  the  relative  abundance 
of  certain  species.  v 

Second — That  a  change  has  taken  place  in  the  relative  size  of 
certain  species. 

Third — That  a  change  has  taken  place  in  the  relative  proportions 
of  the  shells  of  certain  species. 

Fourth — That  a  change  has  taken  place  in  the  extinction  of  certain 

With  regard  to  these  observations,  Prof.  Morse  remarks  that  "  the 
modification  in  the  relative  size  and  proportions  of  certain  species  is 
profound,  and  would  seem  to  indicate,  either  that  species  vary  in  a 
much  shorter  time  than  had  been  supposed,  or  else  the  deposits 
presenting  these  peculiarities  have  a  much  higher  antiquity  than  had 
'before  been  accorded  them."  These  changes  we  should  be  inclined  to 
think  are  in  great  measure  due  to  the  great  changes  which  have  been 
taking  place  in  Yedo  Bay  during  recent  times.  Upheaval  is  the 
movement  which  has  last  taken  place,  a*d  is  probably  still  continuing. 
The  bay  is  rapidly  silting  up  with  the  deposits  brought  down  by  trie 
numerous  large  rivers  which  it  receives.  And  during  the  last  8(j)0 
years  large  cities  and  towns  have  sprung  up  round  its  shores,  all  of 
which  have  added  something  to  destroy  the  purity  of  its   shallow  er 

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waters.  All  these  causes  combined  are,  and  have  been,  making  rapid 
changes  in  physical  conditions,  and  with  them  we  should  naturally 
expect  a  rapid  change  in  the  fauna  which  are  dependent  on  them. 

The  pottery  generally  occurs  in  fragments.  At  Nemoro,  in  1878, 
and  this  year  at  Otaru,  I  was  fortunate  enough  to  meet  with  single 
specimens  of  complete  vessels.  Such  specimens  are,  however,  extremely 
rare.  Many  of  the  vessels  indicate  from  their  blackened  interiors  that 
they  had  probably  been  used  for  cooking  purposes.  In  places  they  are 
pierced  with  holes,  which,  from  their  conical  shape,  would  seem  to 
show  that  they  had  been  made  with  triangularly  shaped  rhymers,  as  for 
example  a  pointed  flake  of  flint.  The  chief  point,  however,  which  is  to 
be  noticed  about  the  pottery  is,  that  whether  it  is  found  in  the  north  of 
Tezo  or  the  middle  of  Nipon,  its  general  appearance  is  similar,  and  the 
patterns  and  designs  which  are  worked  upon  it,  so  far  as  I  have  seen, 
are  in  many  cases  identical. 

The  bones  which  have  been  found  are  those  of  fish,  birds,  monkey, 
deer,  dog,  wolf  and  pig.  At  Omori  Prof.  Morse  exhumed  a  number  of 
bones  which  he  pronounces  to  be  human,  and  from  the  way  in  which  they 
are  scattered  amongst  the  other  refuse  of  which  these  heaps  consist,  and 
from  the  manner  in  which  they  are  broken,  their  discoverer  regards 
them  as  evidences  of  cannibalism.  Similar  discoveries  have  been  made 
by  Prof.  Morse  in  Higo. 

Prof.  Morse,  in  describing  the  mounds  at  Omori,  gives  a  list  of 
"  Objects  not  found  at  Omori."     About  these  we  will  make  no  remarks. 

In  these  shell-heaps,  or  scattered  through  the  ground  near  to  them, 
stone  implements  are  often  found. 

The  number  and  the  nature  of  these  may  be  judged  of  from  the 
description  which  I  have  given  of  the  deposits  at  Hakodate  and  Otaru. 


The  mound-like  heap  which  I  partially  explored  at  Otaru  may  be 
regarded  as  an  example  of  a  tumulus.  Many  of  the  tumuli  which  are 
found  in  Japan  are  associated  with  tradition,  as,  for  instance,  the  Yezo 
Mori  near  Morioka,  which  is  said  to  contain  the  bones  of  "  Ebisu  "  or 
Ainos  slain  by  the  general  Tamura  maro.  It  is  possible  that  tumuli 
of  this  description  may  repay  the  explorer.    These  tumuli  must  not, 

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however,  be  confounded  with  the  mounds  which  line  the  sides  of  many 
of  the  high  roads,  which  have  been  heaped  up  to  indicate  distances,  and 
fulfil  the  functions  of  a  European  mile- stone. 


Jn  many  parts  of  Japan  a  large  number  of  caves  have  been 
discovered.  In  the  limestone  districts  and  some  of  the  old  volcanic 
rocks  these  appear  to  be  natural.  I  explored  several  of  these  caves  in 
Shikoku  and  also  in  other  places.  The  only  results  which  I  obtained 
were  purely  geological. 

Artificial  caves  near  Knmagai,  Odawara,  and  in  other  localities, 
which  have  been  examined  by  Mr.  Henry  von  Siebold,  from  the  pottery 
they  contained,  and  other  evidence  which  they  yielded,  showed  that  they 
were  of  Korean  origin.  This  conclusion  is  borne  out  by  the  names  of 
several  places  in  the  neighbourhood,  which  are  also  of  Korean  origin. 

If  we  take  into  account  the  evidence  furnished  to  us  by  history 
(for  example  see  the  commencement  of  the  Nihon-6-dai-ichi  ran,  Annals 
of  the  Emperors),  we  shall  be  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  early 
inhabitants  of  Japan  were  cave-dwellers.  In  the  book  referred  to,  the 
names  and  position,  together  with  a  description  of  many  of  these  caves, 
are  given  in  detail. 

The  following  notes  on  the  caves  and  cave-dwellers  of  Japan  I  have 
extracted  from  the  Kekkio-ko,  a  recent  book  written  by  Mr.  Kurokawa 
Mayori.  These  notes  may  be  of  interest,  as  they  tell  us  not  only 
something  about  the  caves  of  Japan,  but  also  something  about  the 
aboriginal  inhabitants  and  their  wars  with  the  advancing  Japanese. 

For  the  general  revision  and  retranslation  of  the  greater  portion  of 
these  notes,  my  best  thanks  are  due  to  Mr.  Ernest  Satow. 

The  cave-dwellers  of  antiquity  dug  holes  on  the  sides  of  hills 
called  muro,  and  lived  in  them,  and  they  were  also  used  as  sleeping- 
places  because  of  the  protection  which  they  afforded  against  eold  and 
heat.  Some  of  these  caverns  were  in  the  rock  (iha-ya),  others  in  the 
earth  (muro).  In  the  Kozhiki  mention  is  made  of  a  god  "  named 
Lku-no-wo-habari  no  kami,  who  dwelt  in  the  heavenly  rock-cave  at  the 
source  of  the  Peaceful  River  of  Heaven."  [This  so-called  god  was  a 
sword,  and  the  Peaceful  River  is  the  Milky  Way.]     In  the  3rd  book  of 

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the  Ma?i-yefu-ahifuy  Ohishi  no  Sukuri,  in  a  stanza  about  the  rock-cave 
of  Shidzu  in  Ihami,  says  "  the  rock-cave  of  Shidzu,  where  Ohonamuchi 
and  Sukuna-biko-na  dwelt,  through  how  many  ages  they  most  have 
existed  I "  These  were  caverns  artificially  excavated  in  the  rock.  It 
was  also  a  rock-cavern  in  which  the  Sun-goddess  hid  herself. 

In  the  Nihongi  it  is  said  that  Zhinmu  Tenwau  said  secretly  to 
Michi-no-omi  no  mikoto,  "  Do  you  be  leader  of  the  Oku  kumebe,  and 
construct  a  large  muro  at  the  village  of  Osaka,"  and  it  is  further  said 
that  "  he  dug  a  muro."  [It  is  worth  while  noticing  that  the  Chinese 
character  §?  used  in  the  original,  and  translated  muro  bv  the  Japanese, 
has  no  connection  with  "caves,"  and  simply  means  "apartment."] 
Mention  is  also  made  in  the  same  part  of  the  Nihongi  of  tmchi-gumo, 
literally  earth-spiders,  who  stoutly  resisted  the  army  of  the  mikado,  but 
were  finally  subjugated.  [It  is  thought  probable  that  tsuclji-gumo  is  for 
teuchi-gomori,  "  dwellers  underground."]  Some  of  them  are  described  as 
short  in  the  body,  with  long  legs  and  arms,  like  pigmies,  and  they  are 
said  to  have  been  caught  in  nets  made  of  the  long  creeping  stems  of  a 
wild  plant,  probably  the  kuzu  (Pueraria  Thunbergiana).  The  same 
part  of  the  Nihongi  speaks  of  "  people  of  simple  habits,  who  perched  in 
nests  and  lived  in  holes."  In  the  Chinese  classic  called  the  Book  of 
Changes  (^fE)  there  is  a  passage  which  speaks  of  men  having 
lived  in  caves  and  in  the  open  air,  until  the  Sages  (or  Holy  men)  of 
later  ages  taught  them  how  to  build  houses,  and  the  Book  of  Rites 
(ISfiJi)  says  that  the  ancient  sovereigns  lived  in  excavated  caverns 
during  the  winter,  and  in  huts  (or  nests  in  the  trees)  during  the 

The  ancient  Topography  of  Setsutsu .  (no  longer  extant,  but  a 
fragment  quoted  in  the  commentary  on  the  Nihongi,  called  Shiyaku 
Nihongi)  speaks  of  cave-dwellers,  who  were  called  Uuchi-gumo  in  the 
vernacular.  In  the  Topography  of  Hiuga  (fragment  quoted  in  the  same 
book)  occurs  a  legend  to  the  effect  that  "when  Ninigi  no  mikoto 
descended  from  heaven  upon  Mt.  Takachiho  in  Hiuga,  the  heavens 
were  pitch-dark,  and  day  was  indistinguishable  from  night.  It  was 
impossible  to  find  the  way  or  to  recognize  surrounding  objects.  He  was 
relieved  from  this  predicament  by  two  tsuchi-gumo  named  Big  Sword- 
guard  and  Little  Sword-guard,  who  advised  him  to  pluck  ears  of  the 

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wild  rice  which  grew  there,  and  scatter  the  grains  about  him.  He  did 
as  they  suggested,  upon  which  the  sky  cleared,  and  the  sun  and  moon 
shone  forth."  [Kurokaha  gravely  says  that  we  must  not  suppose  that 
these  cave-dwellers  were  known  as  tsuchi-gumo  at  the  time  of  the  descent 
of  the  "  Heavenly  grandson,"  but  that  it  was  applied  to  them  at  a  later 
date,  the  term  not  having  been  invented  before  the  time  of  Zhinmu 

The  author  is  further  of  opinion  that  persons  of  rank  had  houses  in 
which  they  usually  lived,  and  that  some  of  them  had  caverns  constructed 
behind  the  house,  or  a  little  way  off,  which  they  used  as  sleeping- 
apartments,  while  the  common  people  usually  had  huts  with  caverns 
similarly  attached,  while  there  were  some  who  lived  altogether  in  caves. 

In  the  4th  book  of  the  'bikoiigi,  which  contains  the  history  of 
Suwizei  Teiiwau,  a  story  is  told  of  one  prince  (who  afterwards  became 
mikado)  trying  to  kill  another  as  he  was  sleeping  in  his  great  cellar. 
[The  author  is  of  opinion  that  a  sort  of  dais  or  platform  was  constructed 
on  one  side  of  the  cave  to  use  as  a  bed-place.]  In  the  Shiyau-zhi-roku 
or  Catalogue  of  Families,  mention  is  made  of  a  family  descended  from  a 
man  who  in  the  time  of  Zhinmu  lived  in  a  cave. 

Leaving  the  central  parts  of  Japan,  the  author  next  examines  the 
passages  in  which  cave-dwellers  in  the  eastern  provinces  are  spoken 
of.  He  quotes  passages  from  the  Topography  of  Hitachi,  which  refer  to 
txuchi-gumo  who  lived  in  artificial  caverns.  These  people  are  described 
as  partaking  of  the  character  of  the  wolf  and  owl,  and  being  as  expert 
thieves  as  the  rat.  It  was  impossible  to  tame  them.  (The  Topo- 
graphy of  Hitachi  was  composed  in  the  Chinese  language  about  710, 
and  consists  chiefly  of  legends  taken  down  from  the  lips  of  the  oldest 
inhabitant.)  In  this  same  book  a  story  is  told  of  one  Kurogaka  no 
mikoto,  who,  taking  advantage  of  the  temporary  absence  of  some  of  these 
cave-dwellers,  filled  up  the  entrance  to  their  dwellings  with  thorns. 
On  their  return  he  hunted  them  with  horsemen,  but  being  caught  by  the 
thorns  and  unable  to  escape,  many  received  wounds  of  which  they 
afterwards  died. 

In  the  reign  of  Suzhin  Tenwau  (who,  according  to  the  popular 
chronology,  reigned  from  97  to  80  B.C.  and  died  at  the  age  of  120 
years),  says  the  same  topography,  an  expedition  was  sent  against  the 

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robber  tribes  of  the  eastern  barbarians  (under  the  command  of  one  Take- 
kashima  no  mikoto,  who  very  likely  took  his  name  from  Kashima,  a 
district  in  Hitachi  province).  He  took  up  his  quarters  on  Aba  no 
shima,  lying  some  distance  west  from  the  sea- shore.  There  were  two 
chiefs  of  the  barbarians,  who  dug  holes  and  constructed  banks  of  earth, 
which  formed  their  ordinary  dwellings.  The  Mikado's  officer  sent  his 
men  in  pursuit  of  the  savages,  who  retreated  behind  their  earthworks 
and  guarded  them  strictly.  He  therefore  held  a  council  of  war,  and 
picking  out  his  most  valiant  warriors,  formed  them  into  an  ambuscade 
amongst  the  hills,  while  he  held  the  shore  with  his  ships.  During  a 
whole  week  he  had  songs  and  music  performed  on  board,  which  attracted 
the  whole  population,  man  and  woman,  down  to  the  beach,  when  the 
signal  was  given,  and  the  warriors  issuing  forth  from  their  hiding  places* 
seized  the  earthworks,  and  then  taking  the  barbarians  in  the  rear  made 
them  all  prisoners,  and  burnt  them  alive. 

In  that  part  of  the  Nihongi  which  contains  the  history  of  Keikau 
Tenwau  (said  to  have  reigned  from  71  to  ISO  A.D.  and  to  have  lived 
143  years)  the  most  redoubtable  of  the  eastern  babarians  are  said  to 
have  been  the  Ainos  [so  that  there  must  have  been  other  tribes  as 
well  as  Ainos] .  The  sexes  dwelt  together  promiscuously,  without 
distinction  of  father  and  son  (i.e.  of  parent  and  child).  In  the  winter  they 
lived  in  caves  and  in  the  summer  dwelt  in  huts  (or  nests).  They  dressed 
in  furs  and  drank  blood.  Even  brothers  were  suspicious  of  each  other. 
In  ascending  the  hills  they  flew  like  birds,  and  passed  through  the  grass 
like  running  quadrupeds.  They  forgot  the  favours  they  received,  and 
always  revenged  injuries,  and  to  this  end  they  carried  arrows  in  their 
hair  and  swords  hidden  in  their  dress.  They  were  in  the  habit  of 
assembling  in  bands  to  harry  the  Japanese  frontier.  Sometimes  they 
took  advantage  of  the  Japanese  being  engaged  in  agriculture  to  carry 
them  off  into  captivity.  When  attacked  they  concealed  themselves  in 
the  grass,  and  when  pursued,  fled  into  the  hills. 

Eurokaha  then  examines  the  notices  of  cave-dwellers  in  the  western 
parts  of  Japan. 

The  Topography  of  Hizen  speaks  of  Uuthi-gumo  in  Higo,  who 
refused  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  the  Mikado  in  the  reign  of  the 
prehistoric  sovereign  Suzhiii  Tenwau  already  mentioned.     His  son,  the 

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mythical  hero  Yamatodake  no  mikoto,  also  encountered  tsuchi-gumo  in  the 
coarse  of  his  adventures.  Fourteen  or  fifteen  other  passages  are  cited 
by  him  in  which  tsuchi-gumo  are  spoken  of.  Of  some  it  is  remarked 
that  they  "  did  not  use  stone,  but  built  with  earth,"  from  which  the 
natural  inference  would'  be  that  they  constructed  mud  huts,  or  perhaps 
roofed  enclosures  with  thick  earthen  banks.  It  is  worth  while  noting 
that  all  these  cave-dwellers  and  tsuchi-gumo  disappear  before  the 
beginning  of  authentic  historical  records. 

As  it  is  of  interest  to  know  the  localities  in  which  these  tsuchi-gumo 
are  said  to  have  lived,  and  to  record  the  wars  which  were  waged 
between  them  and  the  advancing  Japanese,  we  add  the  following 
questions  from  the  Topography  of  Hizeii,  and  other  books,  the  names  of 
which  are  mentioned. 

In  the  Topography  of  Hizeii  mention  is  made  of  two  female  tsuchi- 
gumo  who  modelled  out  of  clay  the  figure  of  a  man  and  a  horse.  These 
they  offered  to  the  god  Aragami  in  the  village  of  Shimota  mora. 

The  massacre  of  tsuchi-gumo  by  Yamatodake  is  spoken  of. 

About  this  time  many  barbarians  or  tsuchi-gumo  appear  to  have 
been  killed  on  account  of  not  obeying  Imperial  orders  and  refusing  to 
serve  as  soldiers. 

The  Emperor  Sujin  Tennd,  whilst  hunting  in  a  place  where  there 
were  80  islands,  discovered  that  on  one  of  them  called  Eochika  a  tsuchi- 
gumo  named  Omimi  resided,  and  on  a  second  island  called  Ochika  there 
was-  a  tsuchi-gumo  named  Tarimimi.  The  remaining  islands  were 
uninhabited.  At  the  same  time  a  rebellious  tsuchi-gumo  dwelt  in  Mount 

In  this  book  many  other  accounts  of  tsuchi-gumo  are  given.  Some 
appear  to.  have  been  subdued,  whilst  others  were  destroyed.  They  are 
mentioned  as  living  at  Hayakuno  mura. 

When  Jingo  Kogo  (201-269  A.D.)  intended  to  attack  Korea,  she 
was  wrecked  amongst  tsuchi-gumo. 

The  Emperor  Keik6  Tenn6  (71-180  A.D.)  fought  with  tsuchi-gumo 
in  the  field  of  Negin6. 

A  stone  cave  called  Nedsumi  no  iwaya  existed  in  a  mountain  near 
the  villages  of  Tomi  no  mura  in  Buzen. 

In  Bungo,  north  of  Asami  no  sato,  there  are  two  large  cave-like 

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dwellings  built  of  stones,  which  are  supposed  to  have  been  inhabited  by 
truchi-gunw.  In  this  district  the  teuehi-gumo  seem  to  have  formerjy 
existed  in  great  strength. 

Jinmu  Tennd  destroyed  the  t&uchi-gumo  of  Yamato. 

Sujin  Tennd,  in  the  48th  year,  made  war  against  Uuchi-gumo  of 
the  western  provinces. 

The  Emperor  Keikd  (71-180  A.D.)  carried  on  several  wars  against 
the  tsuchi-gumo  of  the  western  provinces.  .  Special  reference  is  made  to 
wars  in  the  province  of  Omi. 

In  the  middle  volume  of  the  Kojiki,  reference  is  made  to  men  who 
dwelt  in  caves.    These  men  are  said  to  have  had  tails. 

In  the  Jmdai  no  maki  (a  history)  there  are  references  made  to 

In  the  Kojiki  (first  volume)  caves  with  stone  doorB  are  mentioned. 

In  the  Suisei  Tennd  ki  a  large  cave  in  Eataoka  is  spoken  about. 

All  the  caves,  both  the  stone  caves  and  earth  caves,  are  very  often 
mentioned  as  having  doors  which,  when  shut,  were  very  difficult  for 
those  on  the  outside  to  open. 

In  the  Harima  fudoH  caves  are  spoken  of  at  the  village  of  Uwato- 

From  the  Kojiki  and  other  books  we  learn  that  although  the  caves 
were  frequently  very  small,  they  were  often  very  comfortable  within. 
Straw  mats  and  skins  were  used  for  beds. 

In  the  Kenso  Tennd  ki  (history  of  the  times  of  the  Emperor  Eensd 
485-487  A.D.)  mention  is  made  of  the  cave-dwellers  having  beds  made 
np  of  skins. 

From  the  Jindai  no  maki  in  the  NiJum  shoki  we  learn  that  the 
cave-dwellers  buried  a  dead  person  in  the  cave  where  he  had  dwelt  when 
alive.  This  custom  also  exists  among  the  Ainos  in  Yezo.  In  the  same 
book  mention  is  made  of  caves  of  recent  origin. 

In  the  Nintokuki  we  read  that  in  the  62nd  year  of  the  reign  of 
Nintoku,  artificial  caves  were  made  in  which  to  keep  ice. 

Even  down  to  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Tenmu  Tennd  (678-686 
A.D.)  caves  appear  to  have  been  dug  by  the  Japanese  as  bed-rooms  and 
dwelling  places. 

VOL.  Till.  11 

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Pit  Dwellings. 

•  In  various  parts  of  Yezo,  collections  of  small  pits  have  been  found. 
These  were,  I  believe,  first  observed  by  Captain  BlakiBton  of  Hakodate. 
In  1878  I  examined  several  of  these  at  Nemoro.  From  the  similarity 
existing  between  these  pits  and  a  number  of  covered  pits  which  I  saw 
in  the  Northern  Kuriles,  which  had  been  the  tenements  of  Alutes,  I 
was  led  to  the  conclusion  that  the  pit-dwellers  of  Eamschatka  had  at 
one  time  dwelt  further  south  than  they  do  at  present,  and  were  in  ail 
probability  the  originators  of  the  groups  of  pits  which  are  scattered 
round  the  shores  of  Northern  Yezo. 

The  conclusion  to  which  I  am  led  with  regard  to  the  shell-heaps 
is  that  they  are  of  Aino  origin.  The  chief  arguments  which  have  been 
brought  forward  in  opposition  to  such  a*  view  are,  first  that  the  Ainos 
are  not  pot-makers,  and  if  they  ever  were  pot-makers  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  how  such  an  art  could  be  forgotten. 

In  answer  to  such  a  statement,  I  may  mention  that  Mr.  Charles 
Maries,  when  travelling  near  Horoidzume,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  Yezo, 
saw  at  the  houses  of  the  Ainos  clay  vessels,  in  appearance  very  like  the 
fragments  obtained  from  the  shell-heaps,  and  he  believes  that  the  Ainos 
in  that  district  still  manufacture  pots.  Further,  I  may  add  that  in  a 
voluminous  and  profusely  illustrated  work  upon  the  Ainos  written  in 
the  year  1800,  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  James  Bisset  of 
Yokohama,  there  are  drawings  given,  together  with  a  description  of  the 
pots  which  were  at  that  time  manufactured  by  the  Ainos. 

The  second  objection  is  that  the  Ainos  were  not  cannibals,  and  the 
mildness  of  their  character  would  preclude  even  the  suspicion  of  such  a 
trait  ever  having  soiled  their  character.  In  reply  to  this,  I  may  remark 
that  in  many  of  the  works  (of  which  there  are  some  twenty  or  thirty  in 
the  Asakusa  library)  describing  the  Ainos,  there  are  many  references 
given,  which  shew  that  the  Ainos,  a  few  hundred  years  before  they  were 
properly  subdued,  possessed  a  character  which  was  sufficiently  cruel  to 
render  it  unnecessary  for  us  to  extend  our  imagination  very  far  beyond  the 
incidents  which  are  there  recorded  to  see  them  practising  cannibalism.  As 
instances  of  their  cruelty,  we  may  remark  that  amongst  their  punishments, 
severing  the  muscles  of  the  leg,  boiling  the  arms,  slicing  the  nose,  etc., 

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were  not  uncommon  customs.  (On  this  subject  see  the  remarks  of  Mr. 
Henry  von  Siebold,  in  his  interesting  and  valuable  book  entitled  "  Notes 
on  Japanese  archaeology.") 

When  speaking  on  thifc  subject  we  must  remember  that  it  is  not  the 
Ainos  of  the  present  day  about  whom  we  speak,  but  about  their 
ancestors,  wno,  like  the  ancestors  of  nearly  all  races,  were  more  bar- 
barous than  their  modern  representatives.  Even  in  a  country  like 
Scotland,  traces  quite  as  suspicious  as  those  of  Omori  have  been 
discovered,  and  although  the  Scotch  a  hundred  years  or  so  ago  were,  as 
compared  with  their  present  condition,  sufficiently  uncultivated  (see 
Buckle's  History  of  Civilization,  Vol.  II.),  we  have  here  an  instance 
where  it  is  even  more  difficult  than  it  is  in  the  case  of  the  Ainos  to  carry 
our  imagination  back  to  the  times  of  cannibalism ;  but  in  spite  of  our 
repugnance  and  the  apparent  impossibility  of  imagining  such  a  state, 
the  facts  which  are  before  us  force  us  to  these  unpalatable  conclusions. 
Prof.  Morse  lays  great  stress  upon  the  platynemic  tibia  which  he  has 
discovered  in  these  shell-heaps.  If  such  tibia  are  a  characteristic  of  the 
Ainos,  and  I  am  assured  that  such  is  the  case,  we  have  here  another 
indication  pointing  in  the  same  direction. 

That  the  originators  of  these  shell-heaps  were  Ainos,  and  not  the 
remains  of  others  who  may  have  lived  before  them,  I  take  the  following 
as  being  evidence  of  the  strongest  character : — 

1st. — The  contents  of  the  heaps,  from  the  remarks  just  made,  are 
such  that  it  is  quite  possible  that  they  may  have  been  of  Aino  origin. 
The  designs  on  the  pottery  are,  in  very  many  instances,  similar  to  the 
designs  which  are  carved  by  the  Ainos  of  the  present  day.  When  we 
remember  that  the  Ainos  have  been  continually  decreasing  in  numbers, 
whilst  at  the  same  time  they  were  coming  closer  in  contact  with  the 
Japanese,  from  whom  pottery  which  was  both  cheaper  and  better  than 
their  own  could  be  obtained,  it  is  only  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
ait  of  pottery  should  be  gradually  given  up.  Illustrations  of  parallel 
cases  might  be  cited  from  European  sources,  as  for  instance  the  loss  of 
the  art  of  glass  making  amongst  the  Venetians. 

2nd. — The  positions  which  these  shell-heaps  occupy  are  on  spots 
which  we  know  from  history  were  once  tenanted  by  Ainos,  and  even 

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down  to  the  end  of  the  12th  century  Ainos  were  living  in  Nipon. 
Traces  of  this  occupation  are  left  in  the  names  of  many  places,  as  for 
instance  Imabetsu  in  Tsugaru. 

If  we  assume  that  these  shell-heaps  were  formed  near  to  the  shore, 
as  shell-heaps  are  formed  by  the  Ainos  and  Japanese  of  the  present  day, 
and  then  appeal  to  geological  reasoning,  we  shall  be  led  to  similar 

As  an  example  of  such  reasoning  *we  may  take  the  Omori  shell- 
heap,  which  is  situated  on  the  inner  edge  of  the  Tama-gawa  delta,  about 
half  a  mile  distant  from  the  sea-shore.  If  we,  then,  assume  that  the 
rate  of  advance  of  this  delta  has  been  on  an  average  one  yard  per  year, 
880  years  ago  the  Omori  heap  must  have  been  very  near  to  the  sea- 
board. If  the  rate  of  advance  has  been  only  one-third  of  this,  that  is 
one  foot  per  year,  the  time  which  has  elapsed  since  the  Omori  heap  was 
on  the  shore  can  only  have  been  about  2640  years.  These  rates  of 
advance  have  been  computed  by  comparing  together  a  number  of  old 
maps  phewing  the  head  of  Yedo  Bay. 

At  the  time  I  wrote  the  "  Stone  Age  in  Japan  "  (a  paper  which  has 
already  been  referred  to),  in  order  to  determine  the  age  of  the  Omori 
shell-heaps  I  used  an  argument  similar  to  that  which  has  here  been 
brought  forward.  The  materials  on  which  I  based  my  arguments  consisted 
for  the  most  part  of  a  number  of  old  maps  which  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Asakusa  library.  For  copies  of  these  maps  my  best  thanks  are 
due  to  Mr.  Toshio  Nakano,  of  the  Edbu  dai  Gakkd. 

Since  making  these  calculations,  I  have  seen  a  valuable  paper  by 
Dr.  Edmund  Naumann  upon  the  plain  of  Yedo,  in  which  he  publishes  a 
copy  of  a  map  of  Yedo  in  the  year  1028.1  (See  Petermann's  Mittheilungen, 
25  Band,  1879,  p.  128.)  As  this  map,  combined  with  others  to  which 
I  have  before  referred,  forms  such  excellent  material  from  which  to 
study  the  advancements  which  have  taken  place  in  the  coast  line  round 
the  head  of  Yedo  Bay,  I  have  ventured  to  append  the  accompanying 
sketch,  on  which  five  coast  lines  are  marked,  namely,  those  of  the 
periods  Chdgen  (1028-1086),  Chdzoku  (1457-1460),  Eiroku  (1558-1569), 
Kuanyei  (1624-1644),  and  the  one  of  the  present  day.    As  the  old 

1Froxn  what  Dr.  Naumann  says  respecting  this  map,  too  great  reliance  must 
not  be  put  upon  it,  as  it  was  in  all  probability  drawn  from  tradition. 

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maps  from  which  these  are  taken  are  in  many  places  very  indefinite, 
these  sketches  mast  be  regarded  as  being  only  approximately  true.  Also 
it  must  be  observed  that  these  coast  lines  are  not  complete,  only  those 
portions  of  them  being  drawn  which  shew  an  advancement  of  the 
sea-board.  At  many  times  in  places  there  was  a  retreat  of  the  land, 
probably  due  to  its  being  worn  away  by  the  Somida-gawa  or  the 
sea.  To  have  represented  the  complete  coast  lines  during  each  of 
these  periods  would  have  necessitated  the  drawing  of  five  map's,  and 
these,  if  they  were  superimposed  upon  each  other,  would  have  led  to  a 
confusion  of  lines  without  being  more  valuable  for  the  purpose  for  which 
the  accompanying  map  has  been  drawn. 

By  looking  at  the  map  as  it  stands,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  delta  of 
the  Sumida-gawa  and  the  Naka-gawa  has  increased,  like  all  other  deltas, 
at  very  different  rates  in  its  different  parts.  Near  the  mouths  of  the 
rivers  the  advance  has  been  rapid,  whilst  to  the  right  and  left  we  see 
that  it  has  been  slow. 

As  a  few  out  of  the  many  examples  which  might  be  taken  to  shew 
what  this  rate  of  increase  has  been,  we  may  take  the  following : — 

1.  From  Asakusa  in  1459  to  the  mouth  of  the  present  Sumida-gawa 
the  distance  is  about  4,200  yards.  To  form  this  in  420  years  gives  an 
average  advancement  of  the  land  at  88  feet  per  year. 

2.  From  the  coast  line  of  1459  opposite  to  the  castle  and  across 
the  modern  Tsukiji  to  the  present  coast,  is  a  distance  of  about  1,200 
yards.    This  gives  an  advancement  of  eight  feet  per  annum. 

8.  From  the  coast  line  of  1459  at  Shiba,  the  distance*  is  about  800 
yards.    This  gives  an  advancement  of  about  two  feet  per  year. 

4.  From  the  coast  line  of  Asakusa  in  1028,  to  the  present  coast 
line  is  a  distance  of  about  4,800  yards.  To  form  this  in  850  years 
indicates  an  advancement  of  17  feet  per  annum. 

5.  From  the  old  coast  line  of  Funa-gawa  in  1558  to  the  present 
coast  line  is  a  distance  of  about  2,400  yards.  To  form  this  in  820  years 
means  an  increase  in  the  land  at  the  rate  of  22  feet  per  year. 

The  Omori  shell-heap  is  situated  on  the  edge  of  the  Tama-gawa 
delta  as  Shiba  is  on  the  edge  of  the  delta  of  the  Sumida-gawa. 

From  these  results  it  will  be  seen  that  by  taking  an  average  advance 
of  only  one  foot  per  year,  when  calculating  the  age  of  the  Omori  heap, 

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I  am  in  all  probability  far  within  the  limits  of  what  has  actually  been 
the  case,  and  therefore  the  age  of  the  heap,  rather  than  being  more  than 
2,600  years  old,  is  probably  less  than  that  period. 

It  may  of  coarse  be  remarked  that  the  delta  of  the  Samida-gawa  is  not 
that  of  the  Tama-gawa,  and  that  on  this  latter  river  the  rate  at  which 
silt  has  been  deposited  may  have  been  much  lesB  than  the  rate  at  which 
it  has  been  deposited  in  tfce  former. 

To  any  one  who  has  looked  at  the  two  rivers,  it  will,  however,  be  t 
recognized  that  the  differences  are  in  every  probability  too  small  to  make 
any  essential  difference  in  so  general  a  calculation. 

From  the  long  spit  which  the  Tama-gawa  is  throwing  out,  assuming 
that  these  two  rivers  are  of  the  same  geological  age,  it  would  seem  that 
if  there  is  a  difference  we  shall  find  that  the  deposition  in  the  Tama-gawa 
is  the  more  rapid  of  the  two,  and  if  careful  investigations  and  calculations 
were  made,  the  time  when  the  Omori  shell-heap  was  on  the  sea-shore 
would  prove  to  be  less  than  2,000  years  ago. 

[Note. — In  confirmation  of  the  correctness  of  these  old  maps,  I  may 
mention  that  Dr.  Naumann  has,  by  several  historical  references, 
shewn  that  sea  existed  in  those  parts  where  the  maps  indicate  it  to 
have  existed.  '  As  a  farther  proof  we  have  the  geological  evidence 
based  on  the  nature  of  the  soil.] 

Returning  now  to  the  question  before  us,  we  see  that  geological 
reasoning  and  historical  research  are  supplementary  and  afford  each 
other  a  mutual  support. '  The  one  tells  us  when  the  shell-heaps  were  on 
the  shore,  and  the  other  when  Ainos  were  hunters  in  the  land,  and  these 
periods  are  accordant. 

That  the  Ainos  used  stone  implements  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt. 
In  the  book  already  referred  to,  written  in  the  year  1800,  the  names  of 
Aino  tribes  living  in  the  interior  of  Yezo  who  were  then  using  stone 
implements  are  given,  and  the  reasons  why  they  should  be  compelled 
to  do  so  are  commented  upon. 

In  all  that  has  been  here  said  about  the  Ainos,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  name  "Aino  "  has  been  used  in  its  most  general  sense. 
In  Yezo  at  the  present  day  there  are  different  tribes  of  Ainos,  and  it  is 

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quite  possible  that  the  tribes  who  originally  dwelt  m  Nipon  may  have 
become  quite  extinct,  and  that  those  who  still  live  in  Yezo  are  only 
branch  representatives  of  their  ancestors. 

So  far  as  we  are  yet  able  to  judge  from  the  facts  before  us,  the 
conclusions  then  are : — That  the  Ainos  once  covered  Japan,  and  that 
they  have  left  behind  them  kitchen  middens  as  indications  of  their 
presence.  Step  by  step  they  were  gradually  forced  back  towards  the 
north.  During  this  retreat  it  is  possible  that  they  in  turn  drove  the 
pit-dwellers,  who  were  probably  Alutes  or  Kamschadales,  through  the 
Euriles  toward  Eamschatka.  Whilst  these  changes  were  going  on  in  the 
north,  the  Japanese  advancing  from  the  south,  being  desirous  of  learn- 
ing the  arts  practised  by  their  neighbors  on  the  continent,  invited  over 
colonies  of  Koreans. 

If  we  could  go  back  to  the  time  when  the  Ainos  roamed  through 
Nipon,  no  doubt  we  should  find  them  pondering  over  broken  stone  and 
other  spoor  which  had  been  left  by  those  who  lived  before  them.  If, 
on  the  other  hand,  we  could  go  forward  to  the  period  of  the  coming 
race,  to  the  time  when  the  existence  of  Europeans  in  Japan  will  be  little 
more  than  folk-lore,  no  doubt  we  should  see  the  archaeologist  of  the 
future  filling  his  museum  with  fragments  of  brick  gathered  on  the  site 
of  ancient  Tokio. 

In  fact,  all  that  we  have  before  us  is  the  fragments  of  a  long 
story.  Coming  before  that  which  has  here  been  indicated,  there  is  a 
paragraph  which  so  far  has  not  yet  been  read,  whilst  after  it  there  is  a 
paragraph  being  now  worked  out,  and  which  some  day  will  be  studied 
by  a  future  generation. 

The  story  is  that  of  how  one  race  has  succeeded  another.  It  finds 
its  parallel  in  all  countries,  and  it  has  been  called  by  Darwin  the  struggle 

for  existence. 



The  President,  in  thanking  Mr.  Milne  for  his  very  valuable  communication, 
asked  for  more  information  as  to  the  evidence  of  land  upheaval  and  silting  whidh 
had  been  mentioned  in  the  paper,  and  whether  there  was  any  evidence  that 
upheaval  was  now  going  on  in  this  part  of  the  island. 

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.   (88) 

Mr.  Aston  expressed  his  gratification  that  so  much  attention  had  been  paid 
daring  the  last  few  years  to  the  important  subject  of  the  prehistoric  remains 
found  in  Japan.  He  was  glad  to  observe  a  tendency  to  diminish  the  antiquity 
which  had  been  earlier  assigned  to  these  remains  by  some  of  the  writers  on  this 
subject.  Civilization  is  in  Japan  a  product  of  much  more  recent  growth  than  in 
Europe,  and  we  do  not  require  to  go  so  far  back  in  order  to  meet  with  tokens 
of  a  primitive  degree  of  advancement.  In  connection  with  the  question  of 
the  Aino  occupancy  of  the  main  island  of  Japan,  Mr.  Aston  exhibited  a  rubbing 
from  a  stone  which  may  still  be  seen  at  Taga  near  Sendai.  This  stone  has  an 
inscription  of  which  the  following  is  a  translation : — 


••  Castle  of  Taga: 

Distant  from  the  capital 1,500  ri. 

"      "    frontier  of  Yezo 120  ri. 

•'      "        ".       "Hitachi 412  ri. 

»      "        «        "  Shimotsuke 274ri. 

"      "        "        "  Makkatsu 8,000ri. 

"  This  castle  was  built  in  the  first  year  of  Shinki,  Kinoye-Ne  (A J).  724),  by 
OnoAson  Adzumado,  Azeshi  (Commissioner  of  Police)  and  general  for  the 
maintenance  of  order,  upper  grade  of  the  junior  division  of  the  fourth  rank  and 
fourth  rank  of  the  Order  of  Merit.  It  was  repaired  by  Yemi  no  Ason,  Fujiwarano 
Asakari,  Sangi  (Councillor)  Setsudoshi  (General)  of  the  Tdsandd,  upper  grade  of 
the  junior  division  of  the  fourth  rank,  Minister  for  Home  Affairs,  Azeshi(  Com- 
missioner of  Police),  and  General  for  the  maintenance  of  order,  in  the  6th  year 
of  Tempei  Hdji,  Midzunoye-Tora,  AJ).  762. 

"  1st  day  of  2nd  month  of  the  6th  year  of  Tempei  Hdji  (762)." 

The  ri  mentioned  here  are  evidently  not  the  ordinary  Japanese  n,  but  the 
ancient  ri  of  six  cho,  or  somewhat  less  than  half  a  mile.  This  would  place  the 
Yezo  frontier  rather  more  than  fifty  miles  north  of  Sendai,  thus  leaving  a  large 
tract  which  was  then  known  as  Yezo,  and  which  we  may  presume  was  still  in- 
habited by  Ainos.  Of  course  this  inscription  is  only  one  of  a  number  of  evidences 
of  a  similar  character. 

Dr.  H.  Fauldfl  concurred  in  the  President's  estimate  of  the  valuable 
contribution  which  had  just  been  listened  to.  Prof.  Milne  had  spoken  of  one  of 
the  vessels  as  showing  a  cord  mark.  Undoubtedly  the  jar  spoken  of  had  a  raised 
pattern  of  cord-like  shape  running  in  a  wave  around  its  neck.  Archawlogically, 
however,  if  must  be  noted  that  the  so-called  cord-marks  in  primitive  pottery  were 
something  quite  different  from  this.  They  are  simple,  rough,  inartistic  indenta- 
tions in  the  clay,  made  before  drying.  The  simplest,  and  presumably  earliest, 
specimens  seem  to  have  been  the  result  of  pressure  from  bandages  of 
rough  open  mat  or  cloth  made  from  grass  ropes.  These  bandages  were  probably 
wound  around  the  soft  vessel  in  order  to  enable  it  to  retain  its  shape  while 


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(  89  ) 

drying.    Such  an  appearance  is  often  seen  in  the  large  lumps  of  day  taken  out 
of  T6kid  canals  for  the  undercoat  of  plaster,  and  the  impressions  are  made  by  the 
grass  rope  bags  in  which  the  mass  is  carried,  but  the  meshes  are  much  less  open 
in  early  pottery.    The  ordinary  cheap  domestic  earthenware  hitherto  so  despised 
by  connoisseurs  is  fall  of  striking  reminiscences  of  this  rude  art  now  so  generally 
supposed  to  be  lost.    The  black  braziers  in  common  use  in  Japan  are  covered 
with  stamped  impressions  which  can   be  traced  back,    the    speaker   believed, 
through  many  slight  modifications  to  this  early  character.    The  desire  to  conform 
to  a  conventional  type  which  has  become  deeply  rooted  in  the  domestic  habits 
of  a  people  gives  rise  in  art  to  many  such  examples.    The  "mat"  impressions 
figured  by  Prof.  Morse  in  plate  V.  fig.  1   are  to  be  found  repeated   in   the 
most    recent   pottery,  and   the   speaker   had   seen   and   examined  a  piece  of 
the    most    primitive    grass    rope    kind    which    had    certainly   been    made    in 
Japan    within    the    last '  seven    hundred  years.      Those  found   in    the    shell- 
heaps  studied  by  Professors  Milne  and  Morse  were  all  of  a  more  highly  developed 
and  differentiated  type  than  that,  and  the  fragments  now  shown  by  the  essayist  were 
identical  with  more  found  in  Omori.    The  types  hitherto  found  in  these  shell- 
heaps  did  not  seem  to  the  speaker  to  be  separated  by  any  one  well-marked  char- 
acter   from    contemporary   pottery  of    a  low    grade.     Indeed  the  shell-heaps 
scattered  along  the   old   and   recent  coasts  of  Tedo  Bay  presented   in   their 
fragments  of  pottery    a  series  of  modifications  leading   up    fo    recent    times, 
and  some  of  the  heaps  may  be  seen  in  actual  process  of  accumulation.  People 
not  accustomed  to  such  enquiries  naturally  perhaps  tended  at  first  to  exaggerate  a 
little  the  antiquity  of  their  discoveries,  and  hence  cautious  criticism  was  useful. 
What  was  the  greatest  antiquity  which  could  be  allowed  to  them  ?    Looking  at  all 
the  facts,  he  had  ventured  publicly  to  assign  600  years  as  the  probable  antiquity  of 
the  Omori  heap,  and  was  glad  now  to  announce  that  Mr.  Ninagawa,  of  the  Tdkid 
Museum,  and  the  principal  authority  on  the  subject  of  Japanese  pottery,  decides  that 
the  remains  of  earthenware  cannot  be  older  than  about  1,000 years,  for  at  that  time  it 
was  known  that  the  methods  of  working  which  had  been  adopted  were  first  introduced 
into  Japan.    It  thus  remained,  therefore,  for  him  (the  speaker)  to  point  out  that  the 
"  almost  infinite  "  varieties  represented  there,  as  alluded  to  by  Prof.  Morse  in  his  work, . 
and  the  notable  fact  of  their  being  spread  so  widely  along  the  old  coast  of  Japan,  would 
probably  necessitate  their  being  dated  a  century  or  two  later  than  that  period, 
which  came  very  near  indeed  to  his  original  published  estimate  of  600  years.    A 
definite  rise  of  the  beach  had  been  historically  recorded,  and  there  were  several 
facts  to  show  that  even  in  the  present  century  a  very  noticeable  elevation  had 
taken  place.  It  would  be  a  fallacy,  however,  to  assume  generally  that  any  shell-heap 
had  necessarily  been  formed  en  the  actual  coast  line.    Cases  had  been  recorded  in 
a  Scottish  newspaper,  during  the  Queen's  recent  tour  in  the  western  Highlands, 
where  struggling  croft  farmers  had  lived  on  shell  and  other  fish  largely,  And 
although  their  farms  were  at  a  long  distance  from  the  shore  and  high  above  it, 
vol.  viii,    .  12 

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(  90  ) 

their  homesteads  were  surrounded  by  heaps  of  empty  shells,  doubtless  with 
fragments  of  contemporary  pottery  strewed  amongst  them.  A  future  geologist 
looking  simply  at  Buch  a  fact  might  readily  err  in  his  deductions.  In  the  elaborate 
work  of  Professor  Morse,  published  by  the  University,  he  had  carefully  given  us  a 
description  of  the  markings  of  the  prehistoric  pottery  found  by  him.  He  (the 
speaker)  now  begged  leave  to  show  some  interesting  but  unpretentious  specimens 
of  the  "prehistoric"  pottery  of  this  nineteenth  century.  The  first  is-  a  tea-pot  of 
unglazed  earthenware.  It  has  been  entirely  moulded  by  the  fingers,  and  has  in 
many  places  been^  indented  all  over  with  a  rough  cloth  pattern ;  its  ornamentation 
consists  of  the  simplest  and  most  childlike  whirls  and  scratches,  while  its  handle 
is  stuck  on  in  the  most  primitive  fashion.  It  is  in  quite  common  use  in  Tdkid, 
the  capital  of  Japan,  at  the  present  day.  The  next  article  is  BtiU  more  strikingly 
"  prehistoric."  It  cannot  have  been  turned  on  the  wheel,  but  is  an  imperfect  cone 
made  of  a  sheet  of  rolled-out  clay  folded  on  itself  like  a  grocer's  poke.  Its  neck 
has  been  narrowed  and  then  the  rim  everted  by  the  pressure  of  fingers,  the 
markings  of  which  are  retained.  It  has  a  somewhat  amphora-like  appearance,  and 
resembles  also  the  ancient  lachrymatory  or  tear-bottle,  but  is  much  cruder  in  design 
than  any  the  speaker  had  seen  in  museums  and  much  larger  than  the  latter. 
They  are  used  for  keeping  warm  the  »ake  of  the  Japanese  night  policemen  chiefly, 
the  cone  being  thrust  into  the  hot  ashes  of  the  brazier.  Such  examples  ought  to 
suggest  more  caution  in  making  deductions  than  had  sometimes  been  displayed  in 
our  day.  A  curious  example  of  the  conventional  reproduction  of  such  primitive 
scratchings  and  indentations  as  adorn  one  of  the  fragments  (No.  3)  shown  by  Prof. 
Milne  was  on  view  in  a  curio  shop  in  Asakusa  a  few  weeks  ago.  The  vessel  was  of 
iron  and  not  of  vefy  ancient  date.  It  was  an  exact  imitation  of  a  clay  one  of  the 
same  type  which  must  have  existed  as  a  model.  Any  one  would  have  admitted 
that.  Another  type  of  pottery  which  is  now  in  common  use  and  is  glazed, 
reproduces  the  iron  conventional  one — the  staining  of  rust  being  very  well  imitated. 
The  original  type  has  here  undergone  at  least  two  transmutations,  and  the  first 
hatchings  seem  to  be  conventional  "reminiscences"  of  an  expiring  cord-marked 
pottery.  Such  facts,  and  they  are  exceedingly  numerous,  tended  to  show  that  a  tradi- 
tion of  the  oldest  shell-heap  pottery  still  lives  in  the  lower  strata  of  contemporary  art 
in  Japan,  which  in  itself  is  corroboration  of  the  newness  of  these  oldest  known 
shell-heaps  an  J  their  continuity  in  historical  evolution  with  present  Japanese  progress. 
The  late  survival  of  "  prehistoric"  pottery  and  other  arts  is  the  rule  rather  than 
the  exception  under  certain  conditions  of  social  progress.  The  speaker  was  not 
prepared  as  yet  to  accept  finally  the  belief  that  the  Ainos  were  the  founders  of 
these  heaps.  To  show  that  they  now  have  similar  pottery,  etc.,  might  perhaps  in 
itself  not  show  more  than  that,  as  gypsies  in  Europe  do,  they  had  slowly  adopted 
the  arts  of  the  more  civilized  race  surrounding  them.  But  other  evidence  may 
ye*  be  found  to  settle  this  question.  When  we  look  back  to  primitive  man 
struggling  to  reach  a  higher  level,  we  are  glad  to  avail  ourselves  of  every  feeblest  aid 

Digitized  by 


(  91  ) 

to  get  a  glimpse  of  him,  but  the  records  he  has  left  are  very  few  and  not  very 
expressive  at  the  best.  Attempts  had  been  made  to  determine  whether  ancient  ■ 
men  were  not  sometimes  left-handed,  and  the  direction  of  the  pressure  in  making 
arrow-heads  had  been  thought  to  demonstrate  the  fact.  It  had  occurred  to  him 
that  the  finger  markings  in  primitive  pottery  might  be  made  to  contribute  some 
faint  ray  of  light.  The  furrows  on  the  tips  of  one's  fingers  form  a  very  distinct 
pattern.  In  all  the  fingers  of  one  man's  hand  they  might  be  found  to  run  downwards 
obliquely  from  left  to  right.  In  another  the  thumb  only  migbt  show  another 
pattern.  In  another  still,  all  the  fingers  might  be. different  from  this,  and  so  on,  so 
that  it  was  not  impossible  that  a  new  means  of  reaching  some  legible  race  marks 
might  be  added  to  science  by  a  careful  comparative  study  of  these  familiar 
finger-point  patterns.  At  present  the  facts  known  to  him  in  this  connection  were 
simply  puzzling,  but  law  must  underlie  them. 

In  reply  Mr.  Milne  observed  that  with  regard  to  the  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Fanlds  that  a  mistake  might  arise  by  assuming  that  the  Omori  shell-heap 
was  on  the  sea-board  at  the  time  of  its.  formation,  it  must  be  remembered 
that  all  the  shell-heaps  which  have  been  discovered  in  the  same  neighbourhood 
he  round  the  edge  of  an  ancient  coast  line  on  the  border  of  a  delta,  and  that  the 
position  of  the  Omori  heap  was  not  an  exceptional  one  like  the  position  of 
the  shell  heaps  which  had  been  referred  to  by  Dr.  Faulds.  The  pit  dwellings 
which  Mr.  Aston  spoke  of  also  appeared  to  be  of  an  exceptional  nature,  whereas 
from  the  number  of  those  which  are  to  be  found  round  Yezo,  it. would  Bcem  that 
they  represented  ordinary  every-day  dwelling  places  and  not  places  which  had  been 
dug  out  in  cases  of  emergency.  They  were*  in  fact  like  the  groups  of  regular 
dwelling  places  which  are  at'  the  present  day  excavated  in  Kamchatka.  The  best 
proofs  of  elevation  having  taken  place  round  Yedo  bay  appeared  to  be  the  Pholus 
borings  which  are  to  be  seen  at  several  places  in  the  cliffs  almost  10  feet  above  the 
present  high- water  mark — and  this  rise  of  land,  taken  in  conjuction  with  the  vast 
deposits  of  silt  which  are  brought  down  by  the  various  large  rivers  which  flow  into 
the  bay,  would  make  the  changes  in  coast  line  exceedingly  rapid. 

The  meeting  was  then  adjourned. 

. .  Digitized  by 




By  J.  H.  Gubbins. 

[Read  December  9,  1879.] 
Nearly  thirty  years  have  elapsed  since  Japan  emerged  from  the 
seclusion  imposed  upon  her  by  her  rulers,  and  opened  her  markets  to 
foreign  commerce.  These  years  have  witnessed  changes  of  a  magnitude 
which  perhaps  was  scarcely  contemplated  by  the  innovators  themselves. 
Although  during  this  period  much  has  been  learnt  of  the  present 
condition  of  the  Japanese  nation,  it  is  doubtful  if  we  know  much  more 
of  its  past  history  than  was  to  be  found  in  the  chronicles  of  Dutch 
writers  and  the  letters  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  missionaries,  At  the 
present  time,  when  the  wave  of  foreign  civilization  has  yet  to  run  its 
course  in  Japan,  and  whatever  smacks  of  antiquity  is  neglected  in  the 
common  cry  for  something  new,  it  is  not  surprising  if  the  wide,  field 
which  the  history  of  past  centuries  presents  to  the  nafive  student  is  • 
abandoned  for  more  seductive  researches  in,  the  direction  of  European 
literature  and  sciences.  When  the  reaction  sets  in,  it  may  be  that 
Japan  will  give  birth  in  her  turn  to  a  Macaulay,  a  Froude,-  or  a  Hume, 
and  past  events  be  set  forth  with  that  clearness  and  eloquence  which 
these  masters  of  historical  narrative  'have  achieved.  Until  then,  however,  • 
the  task  of  tracing  back  effects  to  their  causes,  and  unravelling  the 
tangled  skein  of  Japanese  history,  must  be  no  light  one.  For,  unfor- 
tunately, native  works  claiming  to  be  histories  of  Japan,  to  which  we  are 
referred  for  information,  are  singularly  barren  of  Jhose  details  which  are 
essential  to  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  the  course  of  events.  They 
are  more  properly  chronological  records,  in  which  great  facts  and  events 
are  noted  in  the  exact  order  in  which  they  happened,  without  comment 

Digitized  by 



or  explanation  of  any  kind.  And  when  we  consider  that  the  two  main 
qualities  by  which  the  merit  of  a  book  in  former  days  was  determined*, 
and  by  which  the  writer  was  therefore  influenced  in  the  composition  of  his 
work,  were  elegance  of  diction  and  accuracy  of  detail,  we  cannot  be  sur- 
prised when  we  hear  of  events  but  learn  nothing  of  the  cause,  and  read 
in  monotonous  order  of  the  births,  accessions,  and  deaths  of  emperors ; 
of  battles,  sieges,  and  startling  occurrences,  without  acquiring  any 
knowledge  of  the  minor  links*  in  the  great  chain  of  events  which  have 
in  reality  a  deeper  interest  for  after  generations  of  readers.  The  writers 
of  these  works  had  in  their  minds  as  they  wrote  two  ideas  upon  which 
they  worked,  to  the  exclusion  of  everything  else, — namely,  that  Japan  was 
a  great  empire,  ruled  by  one  sovereign,  and  that  the  governing  dynasty 
had  preserved,  during  a  period  extending  over  2000  years,  that  unbroken 
succession  of  which  every  Japanese  is,  or  professes  to  be,  proud.  They 
overlooked  the  fact,  so  very  patent  to  us  now,  that  though  Japan  was 
theoretically  under  one  sovereign,  it  was  practically  divided  into  many 
petty  states,  each  with  its  own  history ;  and  that  just  as  in  the  science 
of  medicine  a  knowledge  of  anatomy  is  indispensable  to  the  right  under- , 
standing  of  the  human  frame  and  its  various  functions,  so  the  progress 
of  events  in  each  province  and  clan  had  its  influence  upon  the  history 
of  the  empire,  and  was  in  fact  inseparably  connected  with  it. 

To  give  one  instance  from  many, — "  Japanese  histories  "  tell  us 
of  the  introduction  of  Christianity  at  a  certain  date  into  Kiushiu,  but 
of  the  causes  which  led  to  its  adoption,  assisted  its  development,  and 
finally  brought  about  its  proscription,  we  hear  nothing  whatever. 

Fortunately,  however,  the  information  thus  wanting  in  Japanese 
histories  is  supplied  by  another  class  of  works,  of  which  the  Heike 
Monogatari,  the  Gempei-aeisuiki,  the  Nihonguaishi-ho,  the  TaikSH, 
Tokugawaki,  etc.,  are  prominent  instances.  The  number  of  these  books 
is  happily  large.  They  are  all  more  or  less  local  in  character,  supplying 
details  respecting  particular  clans,  families,  or  provinces,  or  the  subjects 
treated  of  have  a  special  bearing  on  certain  episodes  in  Japanese 
history  which  one  looks  for  in  vain  among  works  of  greater  literary 
pretensions.  They  suffer  by  comparison  with  so-called  histories  of  Japan, 
inasmuch  as  the  authors  have  been  led  by  interested  motives  to  accept 
for  facts  circumstances  which  have  a  high  colouring  of  romance,  but  it 

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94  gubbins:  HID^YOSHI  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

is  a  question  if  they  do  not  gain  more  by  supplying  those  very  details  in 
the  history  of  the  times  which  cannot  be  found  elsewhere.  To  a  student 
of  Japanese  history  they  are  invaluable,  for  it  is  only  by  a  careful  study 
of  each  clan  and  its  relation  to  the  central  government  that  we  can  form 
a  correct  judgment  of  past  events. 

The  subject  of  the  present  paper, — the  struggle  for  supremacy 
between  Hid^yoshi  and  the  Satsuma  Clan  in  the  sixteenth  century,  has 
been  overlooked  by  a  recent1  writer  on  Japan,  for  it  finds  no  place  in 
his  list  of  Hideyoshi's  enterprises.  Yet  in  its  bearing  on  the. history  of 
the  period  it  can  only  be  regarded  as  an  event  of  the  first  importance. 
The  position  of  Satsuma  has  always  been  one  of  peculiar  interest.  Until 
the  year  before  last  she  was  an  imperium  in  imperio.  It  is  the  object  of 
this  paper  to  shew  briefly  how  high  was  the  position  she  held  three 
centuries  ago,  and  how  her  power  was  then  checked,  although  through 
motives  of  policy  the  position  of  the  clan  was  left  practically  uriassared. 

Before  proceeding  to  give  an  account  of  Hideyoshi's  campaign,  it 
may  be  interesting  to  go  back  a  little,  and  beginning  with  a  short  sketch 
of  earlier  events,  shew  the  causes  which  brought  upon  the  Satsuma  Clan 
the  displeasure  of  the.  government  at  Kiyoto.  And  we  cannot  begin  this 
retrospect  better  than  in  the  words  of  a  historical  romance  entitled 
11  Toyotomi  Chinsei  Gunki  " — (an  account  of  the  conquest  of  the  western 
Provinces  by  Toyotomi  Hideyoshi). 

"  Of  all  the  wide  space  under  heaven  there  is  no  corner,  however 
small,  which  does  not  belong  to  the  Sovereign.  Therefore  everything 
that  breathes  the  breath  of  life  is  under  an  obligation  to  the  Emperor. 
From  the  earliest  times  there  have  always  been  evil  persons  who  have 
disobeyed  the  Imperial  commands,  and  have  created  disturbances  in  the 
State  ;  but  thanks  to  the  divine  origin  of  this  land  of  ours,  their  machi- 
nations have  come  to  naught.  During  eighty  generations  of  Emperors, 
from  Jimmu  Tennd  downwards,  the  sixty  odd  provinces  of  Japan  were 
governed  by  hige  (Court  nobles),  who  were  the  channels  through 
which  the  Emperor's  commands  were  transmitted  to  the  people,  and 
revolts  were  put  down  by  the  troops  who  guarded  the  palace.  But 
the  administration  of  the  kuge  was  too  mild,  and  from  time  to  time 
those  people  who  lived  in  remote  districts,  mistaking  the  gentleness  of 

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the  hand  which  ruled  them  for  weakness,  rebelled  against  the  Imperial 
mandates  and  raised  insurrections,  thus  violating  the  peace  of  the 
realm.  In  this  way  the  rival  Houses  of  Minamoto  and  Taira  main- 
tained a  civil  war  during  the  periods  of  Hogen  and  Heiji  [A.  D.  1256]  , 
and  the  feud  continued  until  Yoritomo's  family  finally  defeated  the 
Taira,  and  restored  tranquillity  to  the  country.  In  return  for  his  services 
he  received  the  title  of  %Nihon  sotsui  hosJri,  and  the  government  of  Japan 
from  that  time  may  be  said  to  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
military  class  which  he  founded  [A.D.  1192] .  Yoritomo,  as  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  military  forces,  ruled  with  an  iron  hand,  and  every 
province  submitted  to  his  sway." 

For  the  next  150  years  the  administrative  power  was  nominally  in 
the  hands  of  Yoritomo's  descendants,  but  it  was  wielded  by  members  of 
the  Hojo  family,  who  were  called  SJwyun  no  Shikken  (or  Chief  Adviser 
to  the  Shogun).  On  the  overthrow  of  the  9th  of  the  line  (A.  D.  1888), 
Takatoki,  the  government  of  the  country  reverted  to  the  Emperor  and 
the  huge.  But  only  for  a  short  time.  As  one  of  the  results  of  the  battle 
of  the  Minato-gawa,  the  Shdgunate  was  reestablished  under  Ashikaga 
Takauji,  and  with  its  revival  the  military  class  secured  a  fresh  hold  upon 
the  country,  which  lasted  until  modern  times. 

It  was  of  course  necessary  in  those  turbulent  times  for  the  main- 
tenance of  peace  that  the  Shogun  should  be  a  man  of  determination  and 
ability,  and  since  Yoshimasa,  the  8th  of  the  Ashikaga  Shoguns,  possessed 
neither  judgment  nor  firmness,  the  result  was  the  outbreak  of  another 
disastrous  civil  war  (A.D.  1467)  known  as  the  "  6nin  no  Ran.1*  It 
commenced  in  a  private  feud  between  the  Kwan-riyo,  or  Crown  Advisers, 
but  little  by  little  other  families  were  drawn  into  the  quarrel  on  one  side 
or  the  other,  animated  by  personal  pique  or  hereditary  jealousy,  and 
ultimately  these  civil  troubles  lasted  for  a  whole  century. 

For  this  state  of  anarchy  the  feudal  system  in  itself  was  not  to 
blame.  The  evil  lay  in  the  conditions  under  which  it  existed.  The 
jealous  sanctity  in  which  the  Emperor  was  enveloped  had  the  effect  of 
diminishing  the  direct  influence  of  the  Sovereign  upon  the  administra- 
tion. Other  causes  which  operated  in  the  same  direction  may  be 
found  in  the  disintegrating  effects  of  the  constant  struggle  for  supremacy 
between  two  powerful  religions,  in  the  notorious  weakness  of  the  Court, 

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and  in  the  narrow  sphere  of  action  to  which  the  Shdgunate  was  limited, 
not  to  speak  of  leaser  causes,  such  as  defective  communication,  local 
differences  of  dialect,  and  jealousies  between  the  old  and  new  aristocracy. 
Naturally,  under  such  conditions  the.  feudal  system  was  nourished  and 
maintained  in  growing  splendour  long  after  it  had  ceased  to  be  of 
practical  utility  to  the  country.  It  is  the  fashion  for  modern  writers, 
especially  Japanese,  to  join  in  a  common  outburst  of  indignation  against 
feudalism,  to  which  they  appear  to  attribute  all  the  misfortunes  which 
have  occurred  to  the  people  of  Japan  ;  but  there  js  little  doubt  that  in 
many  ways  it  was  of  much  benefit  to  the  country  at  large.     It  was  this 

'system  which  made  of  Japan  a  nation  of  warriors,  which  brought 
civilization  into  the  remotest  parts  of  the  country,  and  by  promoting  a 
spirit  of  rivalry  between  each  clan  and  each  province,  gave  birth  to 
that  artistic  taste  and  mechanical  genius  which  have  secured  to  Japan, 
in  the  case  of  certain  of  her  productions,  a  monopoly  of  the  markets  of 
the  world.  That  feudalism  had  its  dark  side  is  obvious.  While  it 
existed  Japan  was  as  a  house  divided  against  itself.  Civilization  pro- 
gressed by  fits  and  starts  ;  now  one  province  and  now  another  passed 
each  other  in  the  race  for  prominence ;  and  while  some,  through  contact 
with  each  other  and  the  outside  world,  reached  a  high  state  of  Oriental 
civilization,  others  again,  less  fortunate  in  position,  remained  in  the 
"  darkness  of  an  untutored  barbarism." 

The  provinces  of  Kiushiu  were  among  the  most  favoured  in  Japan. 
Yielding  in  some  respects  to  the  provinces  in  the  immediate  neighbour- 
hood of  the  capital,  which  were  more  fortunately  placed  for  the  growth 
of  literature  and  the  fine  arts,  in  the  advantages  of  climate,  soil  and 

.  situation,  Kiushiu  was  second  to  none.  In  the  dim  twilight  of  early 
history,  the  settlers  in  Japan  come  before  us  associated  with  the  province 
of  Hiuga;  it  was  the  same  province*  which  saw  the  departure  of  the 
expedition  under  the  command  of  the  legendary  hero  Jimmu  Tennd, 
which  landed  in  Settsu  and  established  its  headquarters  at  Kashiwara  in 
Yamato ;  and  when  we  quit  the  uncertain  region  of  romance  rfnd  come 
down  to  the  surer  foothold  of  later  historical  fact,  it  is  Kiushiu  again 
which,  first  by  means  of  commerce  and  secondly  through  the  medium  of 
Christian  missionaries,  was  brought  into  contact  with  the  western  world 
long  before  the  rest  of  the  country. 

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The  advantages  which  Kiushiu  thus  early  secured  have  left  their 
mark  in  history.  Her  civilization  was  developed  earlier,  her  customs 
bore  the  stamp  of  a  clearer  individuality,  her  clans  were  better  organ- 
ized, and  their  chiefs  gifted  with  more  enterprise  than  any  other  part 
of  Japan,  whether  we  take  the  Chiugoku,  the  Gokinai  or  the  Kwantd. 

And  as  time  went  on  and  the  spirit  of  feudalism  worked  its  way 
throughout  every  corner  of  the  land,  leavening  the  national  character 
and  customs,  this  individuality  grew  more  marked,  and  the  distinction 
between  a  native  of  Kiushiu  and  a  northerner  became  more  and  more 
clearly  denned,  until  it  found  expression  in  the  popular  saying  that  a 
Satsuma  man  is  first  a  Satsuma  man  and  then  a  Japanese. 

During  this  period  of  misgovernment  or  rather  no  government 
at  all,  anarchy  reigned  every  where,  and  Kiushiu  was  no  exception  to 
the  rest  of  Japan.  Each  clan  was  up  in  arms  against  its  neighbour ; 
the  aggrandisement  of  one  was  the  signal  for  a  coalition  among  its 
rivals,  and  in  the  prosecution  of  these  feuds  little  magnanimity  was 
shown.  They  were  carried  out  to  the  bitter  end,  with  the  result  that 
not  unfrequently  a  noble  family  which  had  owned  wide  acres  for  many 
a  long  year  was  entirely  exterminated.  "It  seemed,"  says  the 
author  above  quoted,  speaking  of  this  state  of  things,  "  as  if  they  in 
their  mad  eagerness  for  strife  were  contending  as  to  which  should 
quickest  disappear,  as  the  dew  on  the  morning  grass.  Kiushiu  was 
one  wide  field  of  disturbance,  and  a  great  wail  went  up  to  Heaven 
from  the  unhappy  provinces  of  the  southern  island. 

But  circumstances  create  the  men  to  deal  with  them,  and  Japan 
found  such  men  in  Hidfyoshi  and  his  predecessor  Nobunaga.  When 
in  A.  D.  1888  the  former  succeeded  the  latter  in  the  post  of  Kambaku, 
he  found  that  the  centralizing  policy  which  he  advocated  had  already 
been  inaugurated,  and  that  the  blow  dealt  by  his  predecessor  at  the 
Buddhist  priesthood  had  at  all  events  removed  one  obstacle  from  his 
path.  His  military  talent  had  contributed  in  no  small  degree  to 
Nobunaga's  success,  and  it  now  .served  him  in  good  stead,  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  own  designs.  With  astonishing  rapidity  he  over- 
came all  resistance,  being  doubtless  aided  in  the  case  of  the  more  northern 
provinces  by  the  cooperation  of  Iy6yasu,  who  was  already  master  of  a 
great  portion  of  the  Kwantd.  Some  local  chieftains  he  reduced  by  force ; 
vol.  Tin.  13 

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others,  more  powerful,  he  conciliated,  and  thus  in  a  few  short  years, 
by  a  combination  of  tact  and  military  skill,  he  succeeded  in  enforcing 
the  central  authority  everywhere  on  the  main  island.  He  then  prepared 
to  extend  his  policy  to  Eiushiu. 

The  state  of  affairs  there  was  this.  Three  powerful  nobles,  Biuzdji 
Masaiy6,  Prince  of  Hizen ;  Otomo  Yoshishigd,  Prince  of  Bungo ;  and 
Shimadzu  Yoshihisa,  who  was  the  head  of  the  Satsuma  Clan,  divided  the 
island  between,  them.  There  were  of  course  several -smaller  chieftains, 
each  with  his  territory,  his  castles,  and  his  own  feudal  retainers ;  but 
these,  without  an  exception,  held  their  lands  at  the  pleasure  of  one  or 
other  of  the  three  prominent  nobles,  and  were  bound  to  help  their 
patrons  with  money  and  men  in  case  of  need. 

The  first  to  obtain  a  commanding  position  in  Eiushiu  was  the 
family  of  Otomo.  Tradition  relates  that  the  founder  of  the  line  was  a 
natural  son  of  Yoritomo,  by  a  mistress  who  was  the  daughter  of  a  man 
of  gentle  birth  named  Otomo  Tsun&ye\  The  boy  took  the  surname  of 
his  maternal  grandfather,  and  was  known  as  Otomo  Ichihoshi.  At  the 
age  of  seven  he  was  attached  to  the  suite  of  Yoritomo,  and  was  fortunate 
enough  to  attract  his  master's  notice  by  his  coolness  and  courage  on 
the  occasion  of  a  riot  which  occurred  one  night  during  a  campaign.  He 
rapidly  rose  in  the  esteem  of  Yoritomo,  and  after  he  reached  man's  estate 
his  distinguished  services  in  various  military  expeditions,  earned  him,  in 
1198,  the  appointment  of  Governor  of  Bungo  and  Buzen,  with  the  title 
of  Sakon  Shogen.  From  this  time  he  was  known  as  Otomo  Yoshinawo. 
We  hear  little  of  the  Otomo  till  the  civil  war,  in  which  two  courts  with 
rival  emperors  were  established.  In  these  dissensions  the  reigning 
prince  Sadamun6  took  the  side  of  the  king-maker  Ashikaga  Takauji,  and 
was  with  the  latter  in  his  successful  march  on  Kiyoto  and  the  decisive 
battle  of  the  Minato-gawa. 

To  their  connection  with  the  victorious  party  in  the  State  it  is 

probable  that  the  Otomo  owed  the  foundation  of  their  future  greatness. 

Under  Chikao,  the  grandson  of  Sadamun6,  who  according  to  the  records 

of  the  Otomo  appears  to  have  combined  the  abilities  of  an  administrator 

with  military  genius,  the  territory  of  the  Otomo  was  greatly  increased, 

*  *  .      • 

and  before  he  died  Chikao  received  the  title  of  Tsukushi*  no  Tandai,  or 

2  Ancient  name  for  Chikuzen  and  Chikugo. 

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Governor  of  the  Provinces  of  Chikuzen  and  Chikugo>  which  he  held  in 
addition  to  Bnzen  and  Bango. 

During  the  next  hundred  and  fifty  years  the  position  of  the  clan 
deteriorated,  'the  Barons  of  the  tributary  fiefs  in  Chikuzen  and  Chikugo 
took  advantage  of  the  want  of  energy  in  the  Otomo  chiefs  to  assert  their 
independence ;  ^and  little  by  little  the  territory  which  had  been  won  by 
Chik&o  went  out  of  the  clan's  grasp,  and  reverted  to  its  original 
possessors.  The  domestic  relations  of  the  family  were  also  not  alto- 
gether happy.  The  question  of  succession  in  the  principality  was 
frequently  the  Bubject  of  fierce  contention,  and  on  two  occasions  the  chief 
of  the  family  fell  by  the  hand  of  his  son. 

A  revived  of  military  energy  took  place  in  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  under  Gikwan,  whose  son  led  the  Otomo  arms  to 
success  in  Higo,  but  the  prince's  wish  to  disinherit  Yoshishig6,  the 
rightful  heir,  in  favor  of  a  child  by  a  favorite  mistress,  led  to 
another  tragedy  in  the  history  of  the  clan.  Two  of  the  principal 
retainers  of  the  Otomo,  who  sided  with  the  eldest  son,  resolved  that 
this  injustice  should  not  be  done,  and  one  night  they  forced  their  way 
into  the  prince's  sleeping  apartments  and  murdered  him.  His  mistress 
and  the  boy  whom  he  wished  to  make  his  successor  were  killed  at  the 
same  time. 

Otomo  YoshishigeV  whom  this  act  placed  at  the  head  of  the  clan  in 
A.B.  1550,  soon  shewed  proof  of  great  energy.  Desirous  of  emulating 
the  deeds  of  his  ancestor  Chikao,  he  was  soon  engaged  in  a  series  of 
struggles  with  other  nobles  in  Eiushiu,  and  with  the  celebrated  Mdri 
Motonari,  the  Prince  of  Chdshiu,  on  the  main  land.  In  these  he  was 
almost  invariably  successful.  M6ri's  repeated  invasions  of  the  Otomo 
territory  were  repulsed  with  great  loss,  and  he  was  defeated  signally  in 
three  pitched  battles.  Riueoji  in  Hizen  met  with  no  better  success. 
His  advance  in  cooperation  with  Mdri  was  ignominiously  checked,  and 
he  had  to  sign  an  inglorious  peace  with  the  Otomo  Generals  in  his  own 
dominions.     The  rebellious  vassal  chiefs  in  other  provinces  threw  them- 

*YoBhishig6  is  the  Prince  of  Bungo  alluded  to  in  the  works  of  Christian 
missionaries  on  Japan  as  Civandono.  His  influence  in  Eiushiu  was  clearly  one  of 
the  causes  of  the  rapid  spread  pf  Christianity,  as  that  of  Satsuma  was  associated 
with  its  decline. 

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selves  on  the  clemency  of  Yoshishig6,  and  by  the  year  1578  the  territory 
of  the  clan  was  as  great  as  it  had  ever  been,  and  it  held  the  first  position 
in  Kiushiu. 

From  this  high  position  the  fall  of  the  Otomo  was  sadden.  Daring 
the  last  few  years  of  their  power  a  hostile  clan  in  the  south  had  quietly 
been  working  its  way  to  the  fore.  Its  strength  was  now  to  be  shewn. 
A  long  and  successful,  campaign  against  the  neighbouring  prince  of 
Hiuga  had  enabled  the  Satsuma  Clan  to  make  gradual  encroachments  on 
the  southern  frontier  of  its  rival,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1578,  the  same 
year  which  saw  the  Otomo  family  at  the  height  of  its  power,  a  rapid 
and  victorious  inroad  had  carried  the  Satsuma  Generals  to  a  point 
within  40  miles  of  the  Bungo  border.  The  Otomo  chief  hurried  to  the 
assistance  of  his  ally  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  70,000  men,  and  met 
the  invaders  near  the  Mimi-gawa.  In  the  long-contested  battle  which 
ensued, — lasting  the  greater  part  of  two  days, — the  Satsuma  troops 
were  completely  victorious,  and  Otomo  Yoshishige1  barely  escaped  with 
his  life  and  the  remnant  of  his  army.  From  this  blow  the  family 
never  recovered. 

The  tradition  which  gives  the  same  illustrious  descent  to  the 
founder  of  the  House  of  Shimadzu  as  to  the  first  prince  of  the  Otomo, 
pointing  to  Yoritomo  as  their  direct  ancestor,  is  too  well  known  to  quote 
at  length  here.  According  to  this  story  Yoritomo,  when  a  captive  in  the 
power  of  the  rival  House  of  Taira,  formed  an  attachment  to  the  sister  of 
one  of  his  guardians.  Their  connection  was  discovered,  and  the  girl, 
escaping  with  her  life  owing  to  the  tender  heart  of  the  retainer  who  had 
been  ordered  to  kill  her,  found  her  way  into  the  province  of  Settsu, 
where  in  the  shadow  of  the  shrine  at  Sumiyoshi,  she  gave  birth  to  a  son. 
In  the  year  1193  this  son  was  appointed  (Governor*  of  Satsuma,  and 
three  years  later  settled  at  Shutsu-yei-zan,  whence  he  subsequently 
removed  to  Eagoshima,  which  became  the  Satsuma  .Capital  from  that 

It  is  not  until  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  that  the 
Shimadzu  family  appear  prominently  in  history.  Up  to  that  time  a 
succession  of  family  feuds  prevented  the  display  of  that  spirit  of  restless 
aggression  which  subsequently  became  the  principal  characteristic  of  the 
clan,  and  the  territories  of  the  Shimadzu  were  limited  to  the  one  province 

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gubbinb:  hid&yoshi  and  tsA  satsuma  clan.  101 

of  Satsuma.  Bat  in  1552,  under  Shimadzu  Takahisa,  the  affairs  of  the 
province  became  settled,  and  four  years  later  the  clan  embarked  on  the 
rapid  career  of  conquest  which  made  it  finally  master  of  Kiushiu.  In 
16J56  Osumi  was  attacked  and  quickly  annexed.  This  advance  of  the 
Satsuma  frontier  brought  it  to  the  borders  of  ltd  Yoshisuke*,  whose 
ancestors  had  held  the  greater  part  of  Hiuga  since  the  time  of 
Yoritomo.  It  was  not  long  before  a  border  quarrel  arose,  which  was 
the  beginning  of  a  long  struggle  between  the  two  chieftains,  in  the ' 
course  of  which  now  one  and  now  the  other  held  the  upper  hand. 

In  1564  Shimadzu  Takahisa  received  the  title  of  Mutsu  ifo  Kami. 
Seven  years  later  he  died  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Yoshihisa,  who 
led  the  clan  in  the  struggle  against  Hid^yoshi.  Following  his  father's 
policy,  Yoshihisa  devoted  himself  entirely  to  increasing  the  military 
strength  of  the  elan.  For  15  years  his  father  Takahisa  had  fought  with 
ltd  in  Hiuga  without  any  very  decisive  result  except  the  gradual  ex* 
tension  of  the  Satsuma  frontier.  Under  Yoshihisa  the  feud  was  prolonged 
for  seven  years  more, — each  of  those  years  seeing  the  increase  of  the 
Satsuma  power, — until  in  1578  the  defeat  of  the  allied  forces  of  Otomo 
Yoshishige*  and  ltd  Yoshisuke,  in  the  battle  of  Mimi-gawa,  placed 
the  Shimadzu  in  undisputed  possession  of  Hiuga.  Elated  by  this 
success,  he  extended  his  operations  to  Higo  and  Hizen,  and  it  became 
apparent  that  he  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  the  conquest  of  the 
-whole  of  Kiushiu.  The  chieftain  who  opposed  him  in  these  provinces 
was  Biuzdji  Takanobu,  who  at  that  time  owned  the  greater  part  of 
Hizen  and  Higo.  He  was  no  match  for  Shimadzu  Yoshihisa,  and  after 
a  five  years'  contest  he  had  lost  his  possessions  in  Higo  and  was  driven 
to  act  on  the  defensive  in  his  own  province.  In  1584,  Shimadzu  having 
secured  an  ally  in  Arima  Yoshidzumi,  Chief  of  the  district  of  Shimabara 
in  the  south  of  Hizen,  sent  an  expedition  against  Biuzdji  under  the 
command  of  his  brother  Iyehisa.  The  expedition  landed  at  Sukawa-ura 
and  marched  to  Shimabara.  Here  it  was  attacked  by  Riuzoji  with  a 
fbrce  of  80,000  men..  In  the  battle  which  ensued  Biuzdji  was  killed 
and  his  army  dispersed.  No  obstacle  then  remained  to  check  the 
progress  of  the  Satsuma  Chief,  and  his  armies  overran  every  province  in 
Kiushiu  except  Hizen,  where,  however,  he  had  allies. 

The  rapidity  with  which  Satsuma  rose  to  this  position  in  Kiushiu 

Digitized  by 


102  gubbins:  HIDEYOSHI  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

is  surprising.  In  1555  the  territories  of  the  clan  consisted  of  the  single 
province  of  Satsuma.  Thirty  years  later,  when  Hideyoshi  first  prepared 
to  move  against  the  Satsuma  Clan,  the  Shimadzu  were,  as  stated  In  the 
proud  boast  of  their  chief,  the  lords  of  eight  provinces. 

Of  the  origin  of  the  clan  of  which  Riuzoji  Takanobu  was  the  head, 
little  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  which  treat  of  the  Kiushiu  families. 
The  head  castle  of  the  family  was  Saga,  in  the  north-east  of  Hizen,  and 
'  Riuzoji  Takanobu  first  comes  into  notice  as  an  ally  of  Mdri  Motonari  in 
his  attacks  on  the  Princes  of  Bungo.  We  read  of  him  also  as  constantly 
fighting* with  the  Otomo  for  the  possession  of  the  province  of  Higo. 
When  Shimadzu  Yoshihisa  had  crushed  the  power  of  the  Otomo  and 
annexed  Hiuga,  he  found  that  a  formidable  rival  had  established  himself 
on  his  northern  border.  This  was  Riuzoji  Takanobu,  who  had  taken 
advantage  of  the  Satsuma  army  being  occupied  on  its  eastern  frontier  to 
establish  himself  in  the  greater  part  of  Higo.  His  defeat  and  death  in 
the  battle  of  Shimabara  has  been  already  mentioned,  and  the  first  act  of 
his  son  Masaiye\  a  prince  of  little  energy,  was  to  apply  to  Hideyoshi  for 

The  weakness  of  the  Court  had  become,  during  a  century  of  misrule, 
such  an  acknowledged  fact  that  it  was  not  surprising  if  the  Kiushiu 
nobles  should  resent  any  exercise  of  central  authority  on  the  part  of  the 
government  at  Eiydto.  A  few  years  before  the  ascendancy  of  Satsuma, 
and  while  yet  the  balance  of  power  was  evenly  divided,  their  feelings  had 
been  put  to  the  proof  by  the  arrival  of  a  herald  sent  by  Hideyoshi 
with  the  double  object  of  making  a  display  of  his  authority  and  of 
obtaining  a  formal  recognition  of  their  allegiance  Jto  the  Crown.  The 
summons  met  with  little  response  from  the  sturdy  Barons  of  the  south. 
Those  who  felt  least  independent  contented  themselves  with  expressing 
a  general  sense  of  their  attachment  to  the  Emperor,  while  questioning  the 
authority  of  Hideyoshi  to  issue  orders  to  them ; — and  some,  among 
whom  was  the  Satsuma  Chief,  sent  no  answer  whatever  to  the  message. 
If  Hideyoshi  waB  mortified  at  the  result  of  his  mission,  he  did  not  show 
it.  He  waited,  and  before  long  circumstances  assisted  him  in  the 
attainment  of  his  objects  in  a  way  which  perhaps  he  may  have 

For,  as  we  have  seen,  a  few  years  changed  the  aspect  of  things 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC  # 

gubbins:  hidAyoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan.  108 

altogether.  Instead  of  three  masters  in  Kiushiu  there  was  one.  Satsuma 
was  triumphant  everywhere,  and  since  her  victories  in  the  battles  of 
Mimi-£awa  and  Shhnabara  the  absorption  of  the  whole  of  Kiushiu  in  the 
Satsuma  territory  appeared  only  a  question  of  time.  Biuzdji  Masaiye* 
had  succeeded*  his  father  in  Hizen,  and  the  abdication  of  Otomo 
Yoshishige*  raised  his  son  Yoshimun6  to.  the  leadership  of  that  clan.  In 
the  opinion  of  these  two  chiefs  the  condition  of  affairs  was  desperate,  and 
without  hesitation  they  snatched  eagerly  at  the  prospect  of  assistance 
which  might  reach  them  from  a  powerful  quarter  and  appealed  for  aid 
to  Hideyoshi. 

Warned  by  his  previous  failure,  the  latter's  first  step  was  to 
ascertain  the  feelings  of  the  various  chieftains  in  Kiushiu,  and  agents 
for  intrigue,  empowered  to  treat  with  those  Barons  who  were  well 
disposed  towards  the  court,  were  secretly  distributed  throughout  the 
northern  provinces  of  the  island.  Their  overtures  were  favorably 
received  in  many  places,  for  the  supremacy  of  Satsuma  was  viewed  with 
disfavour  by  the  majority  of  the  lesser  nobles,  prominent  amongst 
whom  were  Tachibana  Sakon  Shdgen,  a  leading  noble  in  Chikugo,  and 
Akidzuki  Tan£zan6,  who  played  an  important  part  in  the  campaign 
which  was  to  follow.  They  were  related  by  no  ties  of  blood  to  the 
Satsuma  men,  and  owned  to  no  dearer  connection  than  that  of  having 
perhaps  at  some  time  or  other  fought  side  by  side  in  a  border  feud. 
Their  independence  was  reduced  to  a  mere  shadow.  For  some  time 
past  they  themselves,  their  vassals,  and  all  that  was  theirs  had  been 
at  the  beck  and  call  of  one  of  the  three  dominant  clans.  And  now  they 
were  in  daily  fear  of  peeing  their  broad  acres  incorporated  with  Satsuma, 
and  their  revenues  diverted  into  her  exchequer.  So  far,  the  reports  of 
Hideyoshi's  emissaries  were  encouraging ; — he  might,  he  learnt,  look  for 
allies,  by  no  means  contemptible  in  their  way,  whose  fidelity  was 
guaranteed  partly  by  actual  fear,  partly  by  feelings  of  clan  jealousy. 
But  he  was  not  disposed  to  act  hastily.  The  position  of  Satsuma 
was  undeniably  strong.  Osumi  and  Hiuga  were  hers  by  right  of 
previous  conquest  and  absorption ;  she  had  allies  in  Hizen ;  and  her 
armies,  flushed  with  success,  were  then  overrunning  Chikuzen,  Chikugo, 
Bungo,  Buzeh  and  Higo. 

'Hideyoshi  therefore,  with  his    usual    caution,    hesitated  before 

Digitized  by 



commencing  hostilities,  and  decided  to  send  a  second  summons  to  the 
Satsuma  Prince,  which  should  be  in  the  form  of  an 'ultimatum.  For  the 
bearer  of  the  message  he  seleoted  Sengoku  Gombei  Hid£hisa,  of  whom 
we  know  little  beyond  the  fact  that  he  was  of  good  family  and  owned 
•estates  in  the  Province  of  Iyo,  in  Shikoku. 

The  visit  of  this  special  envoy  to  the  Satsuma  Capital,  and  his 
interview  with  the  chief  of  the  southern  clan  forms  in  itself  a  highly 
dramatic  incident.  The  limits  of  a  paper,  however,  forbid  more  than  a  fyief 
allusion  to  it.  The  letter  delivered  by  Sengoku  condemned  the  obstinacy 
of  Shimadzu  in  refusing  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  Court  at 
Kiyoto,  dwelt  in  forcible  terms  on  the  lamentable  state  to  which  the 
prolonged  civil  war  had  reduced  Eiushiu,  and  called  upon  the  Satsuma 
leader  to  withdraw  his  troops  at  once,  and  having  made  peace  on 
suitable  terms  with  his  opponents,  to  visit  KiyOto  and  seek  new 
patents  from  the  Emperor  for  his  territories.  Hid£yoshi  offered, 
on  condition  of  Shimadzu  complying  with  his  summons,  to  confirm 
him  in  possession  of  Satsuma  and  Osumi,  and  the  half  of  Hiuga, 
Higo  and  Chikugo.  The  answer  of  the  Prince  was  brutal  and 
defiant.  He  tore  up  the  missive  handed  to  him  by  the  envoy  after 
hastily  scanning  its  contents,  and  trampling  it  under  his  foot,  confined 
himself  to  a  verbal  reply.  In  this  he  justified  his  own  action  on  the 
ground  that  he  had  not  been  the  first  to  provoke  hostilities,  refused  to 
recognize  in  Hid£yoshi  anything  but  an  adventurer  of  low  extraction, 
who  had  by  questionable  means  attained  a  high  position  in  the  State 
quite  incompatible  with  his  merits,  and  declared  his  determination  to 
consider  no  interests  save  those  of  his  own  clan  and  subjects,  whose 
honor  was  in  his  keeping.  Hideyoshi's  offer  was  dismissed  with  the 
remark  that  Satsuma  had  conquered  eight  provinces,  and  these  she 
was  determined  to  hold.  For  the  substance  of  the  answer  Hideyoshi 
was  perhaps  not  unprepared ;  it  may  be  questioned  if  he  quite  anticipated 
its  rudeness.  It  reached  him  early  in  the  summer  of  1586,  and  both 
sides  immediately  prepared  for  the  impending  struggle,  on  which  the 
future  of  Kiushiu  depended. 

Being  alive  to  the  importance  of  striking  the  first  blow,  and  gaining 
what  advantages  he  could  secure  before  reinforcements  from  Hideyoshi 
could  take  the  field  in  sufficient  numbers  to  render  a  more  cautious 

Digitized  by 


gubbins:  HmiYosm  and  the  satsuma  clan.  105 

policy  necessary,  Shimadzu  divided  his  army  into  two  large  forces.  One 
of  these,  60,000  strong,  under  the  joint  leadership  of  Shimadzu 
Dzusho  no  Kami  and  Ijiuin  Tadamune\  entered  Chiknzen.  The  other 
was  intended  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Bungo,  and  was  formed  into 
three  separate  divisions.  The  first  division,  composed  of  15,000  men, 
commanded  by  the  Prince  in  person,  moved  on  Bungo  by  way  of  Hiuga, 
while  the  other  two  advanced  on  the  threa'tened  province  by  way  of 
Higo.  Of  the  two  latter,  one  was  evidently  intended  to  act  merely  as  an 
advanced  guard  to  the  main  body,  for  it  consisted  of  only  1800  men, 
led  by  the  brother  of  the  Prince,  Shimadzu  Nakatsukasa  Taiyu  Iy£shisa. 
The  main  army  numbered  no  less  than  67,000  men,  and  was  commanded 
by  Shimadzu  Yoshihiro,  the  heir  to  the  principality,  assisted  by  Niiro 
Musashi  no  Kami,  and  other  generals  of  repute. 

Hideyoshi  on  his  side  was  not  idle.  He  recognized  that  he  had  a 
powerful  enemy  to  deal  with,  and  could  not  afford  to  risk  the  cflance  of 
defeat.  Accordingly  he  caused  instructions  to  be  issued  to  87  provinces 
to  supply  troops  at  Osaka  by  the  first  month  of  the  following  year,  and 
commenced  preparations  for  the  ensuing  campaign  on  a  gigantic  scale. 
He  could  the  more  easily  do  this,  as  his  position  in  the  State  was  second 
to  none,  and  by  the  end  of  the  year  he  had  reached  the  summit  of  his 
ambition  as  a  statesman,  and  was  nominated  Prime  Minister,  holding 
this  post  conjointly  with  that  of  Regent.  As  it  was  necessary,  however,' 
for  some  time  to  elapse  before  such  a  large  army  as  he  contemplated 
forming  could  take  the  field,  he  met  the  urgent  calls  for  assistance  from 
Hizen  and  Bungo  by  sentiing  orders  to  Mdri  Terumoto,  the  Prince  of 
Chdshiu,  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  relief  of  the  invaded  provinces, 
and  learning  soon  afterwards  that  Mdri's  two  generals,  Kobayakawa 
and  Kikkawa,  had  as  much  as  they  could  do  to  hold  their  own  on  the 
northern  Ohikuzen  frontier,  Hideyoshi  sent  word  to  Nobuchika,  the  son 
of  Chdgokabe*  Motochika,  Prince  of  Tosa,  to  hasten  at  once  to  the  succour 
of  Otomo  Yoshimune*  in  Bungo. 

The  Satsuma  army  operating  in  Chiknzen  had  little  difficulty  in 
reducing  the  Castle  of  Iwaya ;  and  moving  westwards  rapidly,  invested 
Tachibanayama,  the  chief  castle  of  the  province,  which  was  defended  by 
the  Prince's  eldest  son.  The  garrison  was  hard  pressed,  and  the 
generals  of  the  relieving  force,  finding  that  they  could  not  risk  a  pitched 
vol.  tux.  14 

Digitized  by 



battle  with  the  powerful  Satsuma  army  before  them,  had  recourse  to 
stratagem.  A  letter  addressed  to  the  commander  of  the  garrison  was 
written,  stating  that  both  Mdri  and  Hideyoshi  had  taken  the  field  at  the 
head  of  large  armies,  and  might  be  expected  to  arrive  at  any  moment, 
and  the  bearer  was  instructed  to  allow  himself  to  be  captured  by  the 
enemy,  but  to  get  as  near  the  castle  as  possible.  The  ruse  succeeded. 
The  letter  was  intercepted,  and  the  Satsuma  leaders,  fearing  for  the 
safety  of  their  communications,  hastily  raised  the  siege,  and  withdrew 
into  Higo,  within  reach  of  castles  friendly  to  the  Satsuma  cause. 

But  in  Bongo  the  Satsuma  operations  were  more  successful.  The 
invaders,  moving  in  the  three  divisions  already  mentioned,  carried  all 
before  them.  In  the  autumn  Otomo  was  defeated  when  endeavouring 
to  relieve  the  Castle  of  Toshimitsu,  and  the  Satsuma  troops  pushing  on, 
laid  siege  to  Funai,  the  capital  of  the  province.  This,  then,  was  the 
situation  of  affairs  in  Bungo,  when  towards  the  end  of  the  year  (1586) 
the  reinforcements  from  Tosa  arrived  at  the  port  of  Usuki.  The  Tosa 
prince  commanded  in  person,  being  unwilling  to  entrust  the  charge  of 
so  important  an  expedition  to  his  son.  Otomo  hurried  to  meet  him, 
and  a  council  of  war  was  immediately  held.  In  spite  of  his  recent 
defeat,  the  Bungo  chief  was  for  taking  the  offensive,  and  in  this 
view  he  was  supported  by  Sengoku  Gombei  IJid^hisa  the  late  envoy 
to  the  Satsuma  capital,  who,  burning  to  revenge  himself  for  the 
slights  he  had  then  received,  had  been  at  his  earnest  request  attached 
to  the  expedition  in  the  capacity  of  military  adviser  from  the  court. 
His  action  was  in  direct  opposition  to  the  instructions  given  him 
by  Hideyoshi,  which  were  that  he  was  to  throw  all  his  weight  against 
a  general  engagement  being  hazarded  in  the  critical  position  of 
affairs.  These  opinions  also  found  a  supporter  in  another  General 
named  Miyoshi  Masayasu  Shimodzuke'  no  Kami,  who,  influenced  by  the 
memory  of  former  feuds  with  Chdsokab6,  took  a  pleasure  in  thwarting 
his  wishes.  The  Tosa  leader  was  thus  alone  in  his  dissent.  He  did  all 
he  could  in  the  way  of  argument  to  prove  to  the  others  Jhat  the  only 
course  to  be  pursued  was  to  act  on  the  defensive,  and  keeping  their 
forces  concentrated,  endeavour  to  hold  the  Satsuma  army  in  check  until 
Mdri,  or  Hideyoshi,  could  effect  a  junction  with  them.  But  his  warning 
fell  on  deaf  ears,  and  with  reluctance  he  prepared  to  carry  out  to  the 

Digitized  by 



best  of  his  ability  the  rash  decision  of  the  council.  This  was  that  the 
relief  of  the  Castle  of  Toshimitsu,  in  which  Otomo  had  failed  only  two 
months  before,  should  again  be  attempted. 

Since  their  entry  into  Bungo  the  distribution  of  the  Satsuma  forces 
had  undergone  some  alteration.  The  advanced  guard  of  1,800  men 
under  Shimadzu  Iy&iisa,  constituting  the  2nd  division,  had  joined  the 
3rd  division,  and  half  of  the  latter,  which  formed,  as  has  already  been 
shown,  the  main  body  of  the  army,  had  been  sent  back  to  protoct  the 
communications  of  tfie  invading  forces.  The  division  therefore  actually 
besieging  Yoshimitsu  was  not  more  than  80,000  strong.  It  was  com- 
manded by  Iye'hisa  Yoshihiro  and  Niiro  Musashi  no  Kami.  Through 
their  scouts  the  Generals  in  the  lines  before  Yoshimitsu  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  reinforcements  from  Tosa,  and  of  the  intention  of  the  allies 
to  march  at  once  to  the  relief  of  the  castle.  They  therefore  redoubled 
their  efforts,  and  Yoshimitsu  was  taken  by  storm ;  so  when  the  allies, 
20,000  strong,  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Tosu-gawa,  which  crossed 
their  line  of  march  at  a  point  within  view  of  the  castle,  the  Satsuma 
pennons  waving,  on  its  battlements  told  them  that  they  had  come  too 
late.  Chdsokabe'  at  once  consulted  a  retreat,  but  he  was  overruled,  and 
it  was  decided  to  offer  battle  the  next  day. 

The  battle  of  Tosu-gawa,  as  it  may  be  called,  was  hardly  contested. 
On  the  left  of  the  allies  were  the  Bungo  forces,  while  the  right  was 
occupied  by  the  Tosa  contingent.  The  Satsuma  troops  appear  to  have 
crossed  the  river  and  attacked  the  allies,  and  by  feigning  a  retreat  they 
drew  the  left  wing,  commanded  by  Otomo  and  Sengoku,  after  them. 
Having  drawn  them  some  distance  in  pursuit,  they  turned,  and  after  a 
sharp  struggle  completely  routed  them,  and  drove  them  back  in  disorder 
upon  the  right  wing.  The  latter,  had  held  its  ground  during  the  whole 
day,  but  on  the  defeat  of  the  left  wing  the  Tosa  leader  was  obliged  to 
give  the  signal  for  retreat,  and  in  carrying  out  this  movement  his  son 
Nobuchika  was  killed,  while  he  himself  only  escaped  with  a  small 
remnant  of  Jiis  men.  After  this  defeat  Otomo  fled  from  Bungo,  and  the 
province  was  thus  left  at  the  mercy  of  the  invaders. 

We  thus  reach  the  end  of  the  year  1586,  when  Hid^yoshi's  prepa- 
rations were  approaching  completion.  The  call  for  troops  from  87 
provinces  was  promptly  answered,  and  at  the  appointed  time  150,000 

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men  of  all  arms  had  assembled  at  Osaka.  .Provisions  for  twice  this 
number  and  fodder  for  20,000  horses  had  been  already  stored  at  Kokura 
in  Buzen,  the  point  where  a  part  of  the  vast  army  was  to  cross  the 
straits,  and  whence  supplies  would  be  drawn  daring  the  campaign ;  and 
post-houses  for  convenience  of  transport  had  been  established  along  the 
whole  route  from  Kiydto  to  Shimonoseki.  Everything  being  in  readi- 
ness, Hid£naga,  Hid6yoshifs  brother,  was  sent  in  advance  with  the 
vanguard  of  60,000  men,  who  consisted  of  levies  drawn  from  Yamato, 
Eawachi,  Idzumo,  Awa,  Sanuki,  Mino,  Tajima  ancr  Inaba.  This  force 
set  sail  from  Osaka  on  the  7th  January,  1587,  and  arrived  at  Yunoshima 
in  Bongo  on  the  19th  of  the  same  month.  There  it  was  shortly  joined 
by  the  two  Chdshiu  Generals,  Eobayakawa  and  Kikkawa,  with  80,000 
men,  including  a  contingent  furnished  by  TJkeMa  Hid&ye\  lord  of  the 
three  provinces  of  Bizen,  Bichiu  and  Mimasaka,  and  the  united  forces, 
numbering  not  less  than  90,000  men,  advanced  on  Funai. 

Shimadzu  appears  to  have  shown  no  hesitation  as  to  the  course  to 
be  adopted.  Probably  the  news  of  the  extensive  preparations  which  were 
being  made  by  Hid6yoshi  had  reacted  him,  for  otherwise  it  is  difficult 
to  understand  why  he  should  have  retreated  before  an  enemy  numeri- 
cally inferior,  abandoning  his  conquests  in  Bungo  and  elsewhere 
without  a  struggle.  However  this  may  be,  he  at  once  issued  orders 
for  a  general  retreat  of  all  the  Satsuma  forces.  Leaving  his  brother 
Iy£hisa  to  bring  up  the  rear,  he  withdrew  his  army  rapidly  from  Bungo, 
and  almost  before  the  allies  knew  of  his  having  left  Funai,  he  was  already 
across  the  borders  of  Hiuga  on  his  return  march  to  Eagoshima. 


Hid6naga,  on  his  arrival  at  Funai,  heard  of  the  retreat  of  the 
Satsuma  army,  and  immediately  hurried  in  pursuit.  Crossing  the  Hiuga 
border  unopposed,  he  overtook  the  rear-guard  of  the  Satsuma  forces 
under  Shimadzu  Iy6hisa  close  to  the  river  Hira-kawa.  On  the  other 
side  of  the  sjaream  was  a  castle  of  the  same  name  held  by  a  Satsuma 
garrison.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  the  southern  army,  only 
10,000  strong,  observed  the  approach  of  the  allies,  and  the  General  at 
once  moved  his  troops  down  to  the  river  in  order  to  contest  the 
passage.    But  the  Regent's  brother   was   not    disposed  to  risk  an 

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engagement  in  which  the  advantage  was  so  palpably  on  the  side  of  the 
enemy,  and  he  accordingly  encamped  on  his  side  of  the  stream  and 
waited  for  the  morning.  Stung  by  the  taunts  of  the  Satsuma  men, 
who  dared  them  to  cross  the  river  and  shew  what  mettle  they  were 
made  of,  the  young  soldiers  of  the  Imperialist  army  were  solaced  as 
they  bivouacked  that  night  by  the  thought  that  early  on  the  following 
morning  they  would  be  able  to  cross  swords  with  the  foe.  But  they 
were  baulked  of  their  expectation.  When  day  broke  no  enemy  was  in 
sight.  Shimadzu  Iyeiiisa  had  withdrawn  his  troops  under  cover  of  the 
darkness,  and  was  far  on  the  road  to  Sadowara.  The  news  of  the 
enemy's  retreat  soon  spread,  and  the  Imperialists,  indignant  at  what 
they  conceived  to  be  a  trick  played  upon  them,  broke  up  their  camp  in 
hot  haste  and  poured  across  the  river  in  eager  pursuit.  About  midday 
an  advanced  guard  of  800  cavalry  came  up  with  the  retiring  enemy  at 
a  place  called  Nokiguchi.  A  brisk  engagement  ensued,  in  which  the 
attacking  party  secured  some  advantage,  takbg  several  prisoners.  The 
main  body  of  the  Satsuma  army,  however,  maintained  an  orderly 
retreat,  and  continued  its  march  to  Sadowara  without  further  molesta- 
tion from  the  pursuing  force. 

Details  are  wanting  of  the  exact  route  taken  by  the  Imperialists 
after  leaving  Funai,  but  the  proximity  of  that  town  to  the  coast,  taken 
in  connection  with  the  absence  of  good  roads  at  that  time,  particularly 
in  such  a  mountainous  district  ad  Hiuga,  and  the  necoessity  for  a  large 
force  to  avail  itself  of  the  best  and  most  convenient  routes,  suggests  the 
probability  that  the  Satsuma  army  was  retiring  before  the  Imperialists 
along  the  high  road  which  leads  from  the  Satsuma  territory  along  the 
sea-coast  through  Osumi  and  Hiuga,  then  traversing  the  provinces  of 
Bongo  and  Buzen,  terminates  at  Kokura  on  the  southern  shore  of  the 
Inland  Sea.  When  only  18  miles  on  the  road,  the  invading  army  found 
an  inconvenient  obstacle  to  its  further  advance  in  the  shape  of  the 
Castle  of  Takashiro,  which  stood  about  10  miles  off  the  main  road.  The 
natural  defences  of  this  place  were  great,  and  it  had  been  specially 
garrisoned  and  provisioned  by  the  Satsuma  Prince  as  he  fell  back  on 
Eagoshima  with  his  main  army.  Instead  of  detaching  a  force  sufficient 
to  mask  this  fortress,  Hidenaga,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  several  of  his 
generals, — who  argued  that  the  dapger  of  leaving  a  hostile  stronghold 

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in  the  rear  would  be  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  advantage  to  be 
gained  by  a  rapid  advance  on  the  Satsuma  frontier, — sat  down  before  it 
with  his  whole  army  and  commenced  a  regular  siege.  The  garrison 
made  'a  stubborn  defence,  but  'the  odds  against  them  were  great,  and 
towers  having  been  erected  by  the  besiegers  from  which  they  could 
enfilade  the  ramparts,  the  defenders  were  forced  to  abandon  the  outer 
circle  of  fortifications.  But  this  advantage  was  all  that  the  besiegers 
could  gain.  One  day  after  a  general  assault  which  had  failed,  when 
both  sides  were  equally  exhausted,  a  strange  courier  rode  into  the 
Imperialist  camp  with  a  .letter  for  Kuroda  Yoshitaka,  who  was  in 
command  of  a  division  posted  on  the  south  side  of  the  castle,  so  as  to 
guard  the  approaches  from  Sadowara.  The  letter  was  signed  by  Shi- 
madzu  Iy£hisa,  and  stated  that  he  was  marching  to  the  relief  of 
Takashiro,  and  on  the  28rd  instant  would  offer  battle  to  the  allies. 
Hidenaga,  on  being  informed  of  the  challenge,  did  not  consider  it 
advisable  to  employ  his  whole  army  in  meeting  Shimadzu's  threatened 
attack.  He  therefore  told  off  60,000  men  for  this  duty,  and  remained 
himself  with  the  remaining  80,000  in  the  lines  before  Takashiro.  He 
also  caused  it  to  be  distinctly  understood  that  on  no  account  were  the 
two  divisions  to  assist  each  other.  Not  being  acquainted  with  the  exact 
strength  of  the  Satsuma  army,  the  leaders  of  the  troops  selected  to  oppose 
Shimadzu  took  every  means  to  fortify  their  position.  Long  rows  of 
entrenchments  were  thrown  up,  trees  were  felled  by  the  score,  and 
the  fallen  trunks  disposed  so  as  to  form  barricades.  Within  these  were 
erected  towers  from  which  musketeers  could  play  upon  the  enemy's 
ranks  while  yet  at  a  distance  from  the  entrenchments. 

The  Satsuma  men,  by  their  courage,  physique,  and  dash,  had 
inspired  a  wholesome  dread  in  the  minds  of  the  mixed  levies  on  the 
Imperialist  side,  and  the  leader  of  these  latter  felt  that  while  they 
could  individually  rely  on  the  devotion  of  their  otm  men,  the  army 
generally  lacked  that  mutual  sympathy  and  confidence  which  it  was 
desirable  should  exist  in  the  face  of  the  military  prestige  of  the  enemy. 
Despite,  therefore,  the  almost  certain  knowledge  of  superior  strength, 
it  was  with  grave  doubts  as  to  the  issue  that  the  Eiydto  forces  awaited  in 
their  entrenchments  the  attack  which  was  hourly  expected.  We  hear 
of  Mdri,  Prince  of  Choshiu,  taking  part  in  the  siege  of  Takashiro, 

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GUBBINS:  HID6Y08HI  and  the  satsuma  clan.  Ill 

though  when  he  joined  Hid6naga  is  not  quite  clear.  He  appears  to 
have*  shared  the  anxiety  of  the  Imperialist  leaders,  for  on  the  evening 
of  the  engagement  he  secretly  reinforced  Kuroda  Yoshitaka  with  a 
contingent  of  his  own  troops. 

At  daybreak  on  the  appointed  day  the  vanguard  of  the  enemy  was 
seen  approaching  from  the  direction  of  Sadowara.  'Iy^hisa  had  received 
reinforcements  since  his  retreat  from  the  Hira-kawa,  and  he  was  now  at 
the  head  of  80,000  men.  His  plan  of  attack  was  as  follows : — First 
came  a  picked  force  of  8,000  swordsmen,  who  were  directed  to  demolish 
the  entrenchments.  Behind  these  was  stationed  a  body  of  cavalry  in 
readiness  to  charge  over  the  barricades  the  moment  that  practicable 
breaches  had  been  made.  In  the  rear  of  the  cavalry  the  main  body  of 
the  army  was  drawn  up,  while  a  force  of  1,000  men  was  sent  to  assail 
the  Imperialists  in  the  rear.  These  dispositions  were  rapidly  made,  and 
the  vanguard  advanced  to  the  attack  with  the  usual  Satsuma  elan. 
At  one  point  in  the  entrenchments  the  Satsuma  leaders  had  recourse  to 
a  stratagem  which  was  probably  not  uncommonly  resorted  to  in  those 
days,  and  reminds  one  of  the  tactics  of  the  North  American  Indians. 
While  busily  engaged  in  repelling  their  assailants,  the  attention  of  the 
defenders  was  attracted  by  the  figure  of  a  man  who,  seated  on  a  chair, 
appeared  to  be  directing  the  movements  of  the  attacking  party.  Conclud- 
ing that  this  must  be  one  of  the  Satsuma  Generals,  a  hot  fire  was 
proued  on  the  spot.  Five  times  was  the  object  of  this  concentrated  fire 
shot  off  its  seat,  and  each  time  its  place  was  promptly  filled.  The 
marksmen  were  congratulating  each  other  upon  the  accuracy  of  their 
aim,  when  one,  keener-sighted  than  the  rest,  discovered  that  the  supposed 
General  was  nothing  more  than  a  straw  figure  placed  in  a  conspicuous 
position  in  order  to  draw  upon  it  the  fire  of  the  defenders.  Meanwhile 
the  assailants  had  effected  a  large  breach  in  the  entrenchments,  and 
feigning  a  retreat  they  made  way  for  the  cavalry,  who  dashed  in  and 
made  themselves  quickly  masters  of  this  portion  of  the  line  of  entrench- 

But  in  spite  of  the  success  of  the  Satsuma  force  at  this  point  and 
elsewhere  in  the  Imperialist  positions  where  they  had  effected  an  entry, 
they  were  in  the  end  worsted  by  a  stratagem  devised  and  executed  by 
a  young  officer  on  the  staff  of  Kuroda.    At  the  head  of  1,500  men  he 

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made  a  rapid  flank  march  so  as  to  get  between  the  Satsuma  army  and 
its  line  of  communication  with  Sadowara,  and  all  the  way  along  his 
route  he  caused  paper  flags  and  streamers  to  be  tied  to  the  pine  trees, 
allowing  glimpses  of  horses*  trappings  to  be  seen  here  and  there,  so  as  to 
give  the  appearance,  when  seen  from  a  distance,  of  an  army  on  the 
march.  So  in  the  hour  of  their  expected  triumph,  when  the  Imperialists 
were  being  gradually  driven  from  their  entrenchments,  scouts  came  in 
in  hot  haste  and  reported  to  the  Satsuma  General  that  a  large  force  of 
the  enemy  had  outflanked  them  and  was  clearly  on  the  march  to 
Sadowara.  Iy&isa  looked  in  the  direction  indicated,  and  saw  what 
appeared  to  oonfirm  his  scouts*  reports.  Recognizing  the  danger  of  his 
position  if  he  were  surrounded  and  cut  off  from  Sadowara,  he  decided 
not  to  pursue  his  success  an^  further,  and  gave  the  signal  for  an  instant 
retreat.  He  was  suffered  to  withdraw  unmolested  for  some  distance,  but 
as  soon  as  it  was  seen'  that  the  retreat  was  made  in  earnest,  the 
Imperialists  dashed  out  of  their  entrenchments  and  charged  furiously 
upon  the  retiring  foe.  At  the  same  moment  the  Satsuma  commander 
found  himself  assailed  in  the  rear  by  the  column  whose  successful 
execution  of  the  stratagem  above  mentioned  had  turned  the  day  against 
him.  Despite  his  utmost  efforts  to  retire  in  good  order,  he  saw  his 
troops  gradually  losing  the  steady  conformation  on  which  their  safety 
depended.  Outflanked,  outnumbered,  assailed  in  front  and  rear  by  an 
enemy  whose  strength  was  unknown,  the  retreat  of  the  Satsuma  army 
was  only  saved  from  becoming  a  rout  by  the  gallant  conduct  of  three 
chiefs  named  Ijiuin,  Shirakawa,  and  Hirata.  These  brave  fellows, 
seeing  the  confusion  round  them  rapidly  becoming  worse,  agreed  to 
make  a  stand  together,  each  with  his  band  of  devoted  retainers.  The 
leaders  were  the  first  to  fall,  but  their  followers,  fired  by  their  example, 
scorned  to  fly,  and  forming  a  half-circle  round  their  fallen  chiefs, 
prepared  to  dispute  the  ground  inch  by  inch.  Beading  of  the  gallant 
stand  made  by  these  feudal  retainers,  we  are  reminded  of  the  well-known 
description  of  the  last  fight  on  Flodden  Field,  where — 

"  The  stubborn  spearmen  still  made  good 

Their  dark  impenetrable  wood 

Each  stepping  where  his  comrade  stood 

The  instant  that  he  fell." 

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The  long  Satsuma  blades  did  terrible  execution,  and  for  a  time  the 
advance  of  the  enemy  was  checked.  Bat  the  odds  against  them  were 
enormous*.  As  their  ranks  were  thinned  and  the  enemy  closed  in  on  all 
sides,  there  was  soon  no  room  for  them  to  use  their  swords.  So  the 
last  man  went  down,  and  the  tide  of  pursuit  rolled  over  the  spot  thus 
bravely  contested.  But  the  Satsuma  army  was  saved.  The  short 
respite  had  been  all  that  was  required,  and  with  ranks  reformed  the 
Satsuma  leader  retired  in  good  order  on  Sadowara. 

Details  are  wanting  of  the  loss  sustained  by  each  side  in  this 
engagement,  but  it  is  a  question  *if  the  Satsuma  army  lost  many  more 
men  than  the  Imperialists.  The  first  part  of  the  engagement  was 
decidedly  in  their  favor,  and  man  for  man  the  southern  swordsmen  were 
more  than  a  match  for  their  opponents.  *  Of  the  moral  effect  of  the 
Imperialist  victory  there  can  be  no  doubt.  To  have  proved  that  the 
southerners  were  not  invincible  was  a  great  achievement,  and  the  spirit 
of  the  allies  rose  in  proportion  as  those  of  the  Satsuma  men  fell. 

After  this  repulse  of  the  Satsuma  army- the  Imperialist  Generals 
again  urged  Hid6naga  to  follow  up  his  success  and  march  on  Sadowara, 
but  he  refused  to  stir,  alleging  that  his  instructions  were  to  wait  until 
Hidfyoshi  should  take  the  field  in  Higo,  when  a  simultaneous  advance 
would  be  made  on  the  Satsuma  frontier.  So  the  whole  force  reen- 
camped  before  the  Castle  of  Takashiro  and  proceeded  to  starve  out  the 

It  was  the  22nd  of  January  before  Hid£yoshi  left  Osaka  with  his 
main  army  of  180,000  men  of  all  arms,  and  as  such  a  large  force  could 
not  travel  quickly,  he  did  not  reach  Shimonoseki  (or  Akamagaseki  as  it 
was  then  called  and  is  sometimes  yet)  till  the  17th  February.  On  the 
19th  he  crossed  the  straits  to  Kokura,  where  he  stayed  for  four  or  five 
days.  Here  he  appears  to  have  held  a  sort  of  court,  at  which  he 
received  all  the  chieftains  in  Eiushiu  who  had  declared  against  Satsuma, 
and  here  also  Hidenaga  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  Imperialist  army  in 
Hiuga  came  to  meet  him  and  report  progress.  Having  assured  himself 
of  the  loyalty  of  most  of  the  chiefs  of  northern  Eiushiu,  Hideyoshi 
broke  up  his  camp  and  proceeded  to  carry  out  his  plan  of  campaign. 
The  Generals  of  distinction  under  him  were  Kato  Kiyomasa,  Gamo 
Ujisato,  Fukushima  Masanori,  and  May6da  Yasutoshi,  whose  brother 
▼ol.  tui.  15 

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Yoshiiye*  had  been  left  to  watch  over  the  affairs  of  the  Government  at 
Kiydto,  together  with  Tokagawa  Iyeyasu,  during  the  absence  of 
Hideyoshi.  The  position  of  Yasutoshi  seems,  therefore,  to  have  been  in 
a  measure  that  of  a  hostage.  There  was  also  a  strategist,  Hon 
Hidemasa,  whose  duty  was  to  arrange  the  military  details  of  the  march 
and  the  disposition  of  the  various  contingents  of  which  the  army  was 
composed.  The  route  to  be  followed  led  Hideyoshi's  army  to  the 
Chikuzen  frontier.  On  the  other  side  of  the  border  lay  a  district  hostile  , 
to  the  Imperialist  cause.  It  was  held  by  Akidzuki  Tan£zan£,  a  chieftain 
of  some  mark  in  Eiushin,  who  had  been  one  of  the  first  to  ally  himself 
with  the  Shiznadzu  family.  Before  the  army  had  gone  far  beyond  the 
border,  it  came  to  the  Castle  of  Ganz&ijd,  occupied  by  *a  vassal  of 
Akidzuki.  This  place  not  Being  of  much  importance,  it  was  decided 
to  leave  a  force  to  reduce  it,  while  the  main  body  moved  on.  But  here 
a  difficulty  arose.  None  of  the  Generals  would  consent  to  be  left 
behind  for  this  duty.  Accordingly  lots  were  drawn,  and  resulted  in 
the  selection  of  Gamo  Ujisato.  The  latter  with  a  bad  grace  took  up 
his  position  before  the  castle,  and  in  a  perfect  samurai  spirit  he  decided 
that  it  was  no  part  of  a  gentleman's  duty  to  sit  down  before  a  fortress 
and  quietly  blockade  the  garrison.  He  would  therefore  storm  it ;  and 
having  ascertained  that  the  garrison  was  not  composed  entirely  of 
fighting  men,  but  included  several  villagers  impressed  into  the  service 
of  the  defenders,  he  led  his  men  at  once  to  the  assault.  After  a  sharp 
struggle  the  castle  fell,  and  no  quarter  being  asked  or  given,  the 
garrison  was  put  to  the  sword.  Three  only  escaped  to  carry  the  tidings 
to  Akidzuki,  who  was  in  the  castle  of  Oguma  carefully  watching  the 
course  of  events.  On  hearing  the  news  thus  brought,  Akidzuki  was 
much  startled,  for  he  had  calculated,  on  the  castle  holding  out  at  least 
for  several  days.  His  first  thought  was  to  surrender  without  striking 
a  blow,  and  he  justified  such  a  course  to  himself  on  the  grounds  that  he 
was  not  originally  a  vassal  of  Shimadzu,  but  only  became  so  by  force 
of  circumstances.  On  further  reflection,  however,  he  decided  to  defer 
his  action  until  he  had  had  an  opportunity  of  estimating  Hideyoshi's 
strength.     He  therefore  made  preparations  to  resist. 

How  well  Hid£yoshi  had  informed  himself  of  the  state  of  affairs  in 
Eiushiu  and  of  the  relations  between  the  clans  may  be  gathered  from 

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the  address  which  he  issued  to  his  Generals  confidentially  as  he  advanced 
on  Akidzuki's  stronghold.  "In  Akidzuki,"  he  said,  "  we  have  to  deal 
with  a  man  of  considerable  weight  in  Kiushiu,  and  especially  in  the 
province  of  Chikuzen.  In  submitting  to  Shimadzu  he  only  yielded  to 
superior  force,  and  accepted  the  situation.  The  Satsuma  cause  has  in 
him,  therefore,  only  a  lukewarm  adherent.  We  must  take  our  measures 
accordingly,  and  it  would  be  bad  policy  in  us  to  attack  him  vigorously, 
for  then  he  might  bo  compelled  to  fight.  Let  us  rather  make  a  great 
display  of  our  strength,  and  he  will  then  doubtless  submit  without 

These  instructions  were  carefully  followed.  The  army  advanced 
on  the  Castle  of  Oguma  in  an  extended  line,  conches  blowing  and  flags 
flying,  and  the  defenders  looking  out  over  the  plain  and  beholding 
nothing  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see  but  the  waving  of  banners  and  the 
gleam  of  armour,  acknowledged  that  this  was  indeed  a  mighty  host  that 
had  come  up  against  them.  Akidzuki  and  his  son  shared  the  general 
consternation,  but  to  their  surprise  the  large  army  whose  approach  was 
witnessed  from  the  ramparts  made  no  assault  on  the  castle,  but  quietly 
encamped  within  bowshot  of  the  walls.  The  same  night  Akidzuki 
evacuated  Oguma  and  retreated  to  another  castle.  Hideyoshi  forbade 
any  pursuit,  being  confident  that  Akidzuki  would  shortly  send  in  his 
submission.  His  opinion  was  justified  by  the  result,  for  before  two 
days  had  elapsed  a  herald  arrived  bearing  Akidzuki's  submission.  An 
ancedote  which  savours  strongly  of  romance,  and  is  'only  one  of  a 
numerous  class  illustrating  the  genius  of  Hideyoshi  and  his  military 
exploits,  is  told  in  explanation  of  Akidzuki's  sudden  resolution  to  submit 
to  Hideyoshi.  The  latter,  it  is  said,  on  entering  Oguma  found  that  the 
defences  had  been  only  recently  thrown  up,  the  work  having  been  done 
with  such  haste  that  the  finishing  coat  of  white  plaster  had  not  been 
placed  on  the  walls.  He  at  once  gave  orders  to  cover  the  outer  defences 
with  white  paper,  which  at  a  distance  had  the  appearance  of  stucco. 
Early  the  next  morning  a  scout  sent  out  by  Akidzuki  from  the  neigh- 
bouring castle  to  reconnoitre  returned  hurriedly  and  brought  the 
astounding  intelligence  that  the  defences  of  Oguma  were  nearly  com- 
pleted. He  himself  had  seen  hundreds  of  workmen  busily  engaged  on 
the  fortifications,  and  so  rapidly  had  the  work  progressed  that  already 

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the  whole  of  the  outer  defences  had  been  plastered.  Akidznki  was  so 
thunderstruck  at  this  proof  of  the  energy  of  the  Regent  that  he  at  once 
tendered  his  submission. 

His  surrender  was  accepted,  and  with  the  wise  liberality  which 
distinguished  his  action  during  the  whole  compaign,  Hideyoshi  made 
-only  one  condition, — namely,  that  Akidznki  Tanezane*  and  his  son 
should  follow  the  vanguard  of  the  army  on  its  march  to  Satsuma.  His 
policy  may  be  judged  by  an  address  which  he  issued  to  the  army  after 
the  march  south  had  been  continued,  and  in  which  he  rebuked  the  over 
eagerness  of  the  Imperialist  leaders  to  have  a  brush  with  the  enemy. 
"  Shimadzu,"  so  runs  the  address,  "  has  never  yet  been  hard  pressed. 
Although  many  .chiefs  have  submitted  to  us,  there  are  still  too  many 
of  his  adherents  in  Kiushiu'to  permit  of  our  advancing  hastily  on  the 
southern  strongholds.  Let  us  proceed  with  caution,  and  concentrating 
our  strength,  add  to  it  daily  by  winning  over  to  our  side  those  barons 
who  are  vassals  of  Shimadzu.  Then  when  Satsuma  stands  alone,  like 
a  tree  shorn  of  its  leaves  and  branches,  we  will  attack  and  destroy  the 
root,  and  our  task  will  be  comparatively  easy." 

He  accordingly  remained  for  some  time  longer  in  Ghikuzen,  and  the 
result  of  his  negotiations  with  the  local  chieftains  and  samurai  was  a 
daily  increase  to  his  forces  (among  those  who  flocked  to  his  standard 
being  a  contingent  from  the  monastery  of  Hikozan4),  and  when  he 
moved  to  Korazan  in  Ghikugo  his  army  had  swelled  to  a  total  little 
short  of  200,000  men.  At  Korazan,  Akidznki  Tanezane*  proposed  to 
Hid£yoshi  that  while  the  latter  should  stay  there  to  rest  his  army,  he 
should  employ  the  interval  in  making  a  secret  expedition  to  Higo  and 
Hizen,  where  he  would  endeavour  to  gain  adherents  to  Hide'yoshi's 
cause  among  the  local  samurai,  and  thus  prepare  the  way  for  the 
advance  of  the  army.  He  added  weight  to  his  proposal  by  pointing  out 
that  there  was  considerable  disaffection  towards  Satsuma  among  the 
samurai  of  those  provinces,  who  were  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
open  negotiations  with  Hid6yoshi ;  they  were  as  people  who  wished  to 
cross  a  river  but  had  no  ferry-boat.  Hideyoshi  was  much  struck  with 
the  proposal.     The  views  put  forward  by  Akidznki  were  quite  in 

4  Not  marked  in  the  maps. 

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accordance  with  his  own  policy,  and  in  spite  therefore  of  the  urgent 
requests  of  his  Generals,  who  sought  to  persuade  him  to  order  a  general 
advance,  he  resolved  to  stay  where  he  was  and  await  the  result  of 
Akidzuki's  mission. 

Akidzuki  lost  no  time  in  making  his  preparations,  and  set  out  for 
Hizen  attended  by  ap  escort  of  24  horsemen,  leaving  his  son  Tanenaga 
as  a  hostage  in  the  camp  at  Korazan.    In  Hizen  he  easily  effected  the 
object  of  his  journey.    He  found  the  samurai  of  two  important  districts, 
Mateu-ura  in  the  north  and  Omura  in*  the  south,  favorably  disposed  to 
make  common  cause  against  Satsumfe,  and  by  his  instructions  delegates 
were  at  once  sent  to  the  camp  at  Korazan  to  settle  the  conditions  of 
alliance  with  Hideyoshi.     In  Higo  it  was  quite  a  different  matter.     Here 
he  had  to  encounter  great  difficulties,  for  the  province  was  occupied  by 
Satsuma  in  considerable  force.     It  will  be  remembered  that  the  army 
which  had  invaded  Chikuzen  retired  into  Higo  when  it  gave  way  before 
the  Chdshiu    reinforcements  which  were  sent  to  aid  the  Castle  of 
Tachibana-yama.     This  army  was  now  distributed  in  various  places 
throughout  the'  province,  forming  the  garrisons  of  Mamibe\  Aiko  and 
other  towns.     The  latter  stronghold  was  held  by  Ijiuin  Tadamune*,  and 
the  former  by  Niiro  Musashi  no  Kami  and  Hayata  Dewa  no  Kami,  all 
three  Generals  of  distinction  in  the  Satsuma  army.     Rightly  concluding 
that  the  movements  of  a  well-known  chieftain  from  another  province 
could  not  be  concealed  from  the  army  of  occupation,  especially  at  a 
time  when  the  presence  of  an  enemy  on  the  border  rendered  the  utmost 
vigilance  necessary,   Akidzuki  resolved  to  take  a  bold  course.    Ac- 
cordingly he   proceeded  at  once  to  the  Satsuma  headquarters,   and 
concealing  the  fact  of  his  submission  to  Hideyoshi,  reported  that  the 
Castle  of  Akidzuki,  the  chief  stronghold  in  his  district,  was  being  then 
besieged,  and  would  surrender  in  a  few  days  unless  relieved.     His 
hearers  had  no  reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  his  representations,  and 
the  Chikuzen  chief  left,  taking  with  him  promises  of  speedy  help  to  the 
beleaguered  garrison.     On  his  way  back  he  opened  negotiations  with  the 
local  samurai  of  the  districts  through  which  the  invading  army  would 
pass,  and  by  dwelling  on  the  irresistible  strength  of  the  vast  host  that 
would  soon  overrun  Higo,  and  drawing  comparisons  unfavorable  to  the 
Satsuma  rule,  he  succeeded  in  gaining  many  allies  for  Hideyoshi. 

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118  GtJBBINS:  HID&YOSHI  and  the  satsuma  clan* 

Under  the  feudal  system  these  local  samurai  played  no  insignificant 
part  in  the  politics  of  Japan.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  three  centuries 
ago  they  formed  a  much  larger  proportion  of  the  population  than  they 
do  now,  and  were  therefore  a  more  important  factor  in  the  State.  In 
those  times  of  political  disturbance,  when  the  only  right  to  possession 
was  the  power  to  hold,  people  had  no  inducements  to  adopt  settled 
occupations,  and  the  class  of  swashbucklers  was  naturally  very 
numerous.  Unable  to  maintain  an  independent  position,  these  samurai 
were  led  by  motives  of  self-preservation  to  attach  themselves  to 
the  banner  of  some  noble  of  the  day.  And  as  the  fortunes  of  their 
patrons  changed  with  the  hour,  when  the  ability  to  protect  no  longer 
existed  they  transferred  their  allegiance  without  hesitation  to  another 
quarter,  and  the  master'  of  to-day  became  the  enemy  of  to-morrow. 
They  had  thus  no  fixed  political  bias,  but  were  time-servers  of  necessity, 
always  trimming  so  as  to  be  on  the  winning  side.  This  was  the  case  in 
Eiushiu  at  the  period  of  which  we  are  speaking.  The  civil  war  which 
had  raged  for  so  long  in  the  southern  island  saw  these  samurai  continu- 
ally changing  their  allegiance.  As  long  as  the  Princes  of  Bongo  and 
Hizen  were  able  to  hold  their  own  against  Shimadzu,  they  could  always 
count  on  the  assistance  of  several  hundred  blades  wielded  by  men  whom 
the  guerilla  warfare  of  the  times  had  seasoned  and  inured  to  the  hard- 
ships of  a  military  campaign.  •  But  with  the  establishment  of  Satsuma 
supremacy  these  sworded  gentry  quickly  deserted  the  fallen  fortunes  of 
their  former  patrons,  and  declared  themselves  vassals  of  the  ruling 
powers  of  the  day.  During  the  short  period  that  Euishiu  lay  at  the  feet 
of  Shimadzu,  he  had  no  more  obsequious  adherents  than  these  local 
samurai,  whose  policy  could  so  conveniently  adapt  itself  to  circum- 
stances. But  the  arival  of  Hideyoshi  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army, 
and  the  simultaneous  retreat  of  the  Satsuma  forces  were  the  signal  for 
an  immediate  defection  from  the  Satsuma  cause.  The  Satsuma  crest 
was  hastily  exchanged  for  the  Imperial  insignia,  and  the  lately  obedient 
vassals  awaited  with  eagerness  the  arrival  of  the  great  force  which  was, 
to  quote  their  own  words,  "  to  free  them  from  the  yoke  so  recently 

When,  therefore,  Niiro  and  Ijiuin,  believing  the  statements  of  Akidzuki, 
called  upon  the  samurai  of  the  various  districts  in  the  north  of  Higo  to -help 

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them  raise  the  siege  of  the  Castle  of  Akidzuki,  few  came  forward  in  response 
to  the  appeal,  and  from  most  the  astonishing  reply  was  sent  that  the 
samurai  in  question  were  allies  of  the  great  General  Hideyoshi.  Nor 
was  this  disaffection  confined  to  one  or  two  districts.  Rumours  of 
seditious  movements  reached  them  from  all  sides,  and  it  needed  no 
sagacity  to  perceive  that  at  the  first  opportunity  a  general  rising  would  take 
place  against  the  Satsuma  Clan.  There  was  every  reason,  therefore,  for 
the  Generals  to  concentrate  their  forces  while  they  were  able  to  do  so. 
This  they  did,  and  evacuating  the  two  castles  they  had  been  holding  up 
to  that  time,  they  fell  back  towards  the  Satsuma  frontier.  The  movement 
was  made  none  too  soon,  as  the  event  proved.  The  samurai  of  the 
south  of  Hizen,  anxious  to  shew  zeal  in  the  cause  of  their  new  ally,  fitted 
out  an  expedition,  and  landing  in  Higo,  laid  seige  to  the  town  of  Yatsushiro. 
The  retreat  of  the  Satsuma  army  was  hastened  by  this  news,  and  the 
Generals  in  command  hurried  to  the  relief  of  the  garrison.  On  their 
march  they  were  much  harassed  by  bodies  of  Higo  samurai,  who  rose 
in  each  district  and  village  as  soon  as  the  Satsuma  troops  had  left  it. 
The  garrison  was  relieved  without  difficulty,  but  the  whole  province  was 
now  up  in  arms  against  Satsuma,  and  in  spite,  therefore,  of  its  stra- 
tegical importance,  Yatsushiro  was  abandoned  and  a  general  retreat 
became  necessary.  The  army  did  not  stop  till  it  had  reached  Oguchi 
and  was  well  within  the  borders  of  its  native  province. 

In  the  general  rising  against  Satsuma  among  the  samurai  of  Hizen 
and  Higo,  Hideyoshi  saw  a  proof  of  the  success  of  Akidzuki's  mission, 
and  he  accordingly  gave  orders  for  a  general  advance.  Detaching  two 
divisions  under  Fukushima  Masanori  and  Katd  Eiyomasa  to  reduce  the 
two  castles  of  Akaboshi  and  Eoshiro,  which  still  held  out  for  Shimadzu, 
he  made  a  rapid  march  with  the  main  army  to  Yatsushiro,  where  he 
halted.  Both  castles  were  quickly  taken,  and  the  forces  detached 
against  them  joined  Hideyoshi  at  Yatsushiro. 

Fortune  did  not  favor  the  Satsuma  arms  elsewhere.  The  Prince  and 
his  son  Yoshihiro  were  with  the  main  army  in  the  south  of  Hiuga  when 
the  news  of  the  blockade  of  Takashiro  and  the  defeat  of  the  force  which 
had  proceeded  to  its  relief  under  Iyehisa  reached  them.  And  soon  after 
they '  learnt  that  the  garrison  of  that  castle,  despairing  of  succour,  had 

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surrendered.  Under  these  circumstances  there  was  nothing  for  it  but 
to  carry  oat  their  original  plan,  and  they  accordingly  fell  back  on  the 
capital,  leaving  Iy£hisa  to  establish  himself  in  the  Castle  of  Sadowara, 
and  thus  check  the  advance  of  the  enemy  through  Hiuga.  At  Eagoshima 
more  bad  tidings  awaited  them,  for  they  there  heard  of  the  withdrawal 
of  the  Satsuma  army  from  Higo ;  and  in  view  of  the  critical  state  of  affairs, 
it  was  agreed  that  a  general  council  of  war  should  be  held  to  discuss  what 
measures  were  best  for  the  defence  of  the  province.  An  order  was  accord- 
ingly sent  to  Oguchi  (to  which  place  it  will  be  remembered  the  Higo 
army  had  retired)  to  summon  the  Generals  to  attend  the  council.  The 
receipt  of  this  order  led  to  a  spirited  discussion  between  the  commanders. 
Ijiuin  suggested  that  the  order  was  imperative  and  that  the  army  must 
be  at  once  withdrawn  to  Eagoshima  there  to  await  the  result  of  the 
deliberations.  Niiro,  however,  stoutly  refused  to  move.  "  The  army 
must  stop  here,"  he  contended,  "and  dispute  the  passage  of  the 
Chiyo-gawa.  No  enemy  has  ever  before  crossed  the  Satsuma  border, 
and  never  shall  as  long  as  I  am  here  to  prevent  it.  Po  you  go.  I  will 
stay."  To  this  Ijiuin  retorted  that  the  enemy  was  not  likely  to  arrive 
so  very  quickly,  and  that  they  would  have  time  to  return  if  the  council 
decided  to  meet  the  invaders  at  Oguchi.  "  But,"  said  Niiro,  « the 
possibility  remains.  He  may  come,  and  if  he  finds  no  one  here  to 
receive  him,  of  what  use,  think  you,  will  Our  deliberations  be  at  Eago- 
shima— a  hundred  miles  off?  Hidtyoshi  has  a  reputation  for  swift 
action  in  a  campaign,  and  he  may  arrive  at  any  moment.  In  warfare  a 
General  should  be  guided  by  circumstances — not  only  by  his  orders. 
My  duty  his  here,  and  I  shall  remain."  His  arguments  prevailed  in  the 
end,  and  Ijiuin  and  Masahisa  proceeded  to  the  capital,  leaving  Niiro  on 
the  banks  of  the  Chiyo-gawa  with  his  20,000  men. 

No  sooner  had  they  left  than  Niiro  crossed  the  river  and  took  up  a 
position  on  the  other  side.  Being  expostulated  with  on  the  way  in 
which  he  had  drawn  up  his  army,  with  the  river  behind  instead  of  in 
front  of  him,  he  replied  that  he  had  done  so  with  the  object  of  deceiving 
the  enemy.  "  Hideyoshi,"  he  said,  "  always  goes  to  the  root  of  things, 
and  is  accustomed  to  find  a  reason  for  everything.  On  seeing  the  way 
in  which  our  forces  are  disposed,  he  will  suspect  the  existence  of  some 
stratagem.     His  suspicions  will  be  imparted  to  the  Generals  under  him, 

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oubbtns:  mpftYosm  and  the  satsuma  clan.  121 

and  by  them  to  the  whole,  army.  His  men  will,  through  fear  of  a 
surprise,  fight  half-heartedly,  and  by  a  bold  attack  we  can  count  upon 
defeating  them." 

The  Council  of  war  at  the  Satsuma  Capital  was  very  numerously 
attended,  and  its  members  included  every  male  relation  of  the  Prince, 
for  on  such  a  momentous  occasion,  when  none  knew  at  what  instant 
the  enemy  might  not  be  reported  on  the  border,  or  signalled  on  the  coasts, 
it  wbs  fitting  that  the  course  to  be  pursued  should  be  put  to  the  general 
vote  of  the  clan.  The  question  at  issue  was  whether  the  passage  of  the 
frontier  by  the  enemy  should  be  disputed,  or  whether  the  Satsuma  troops 
should  be  withdrawn  to  some  defensible  position  nearer  the  capital, 
where  the  issue  of  the  campaign  should  be  decided.  After  a  short 
debate  Niiro's  plan  of  action  was  unanimously  approved,  and  it  was 
settled  that  Ijiuin  should  at  once  return  to  the  Chiyo-gawa  with  80,000 
men  in  order  to  cover  Niiro's  retreat  if  he  were  compelled  to  retire, 
while  the  young  Prince  Yoshihiro  was  to  take  up  a  position  about  eight 
miles  to  the  north  of  the  capital,  where  he  was  to  await  the  result  of  the 
engagement.  Ijiuin  lost  no  time  in  marching  back  to  the  Chiyo-gawa, 
and.  he  was  just  able  to  inform  Niiro  of  the  assistance  he  might  look  for 
when  the  outposts  reported  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

Hideyoshi  was,  as  Niiro  had  predicted,  nearer  than  was  expected. 
At  Yatsushiro  he  had  been  joined  by  Biuzdji  Masaiy6,  Prince  of  Hizen, 
who  brought  him  in  considerable  reinforcements,  and  from  that  place 
he  made  a  rapid  march  on  Sashiki.  Here  he  quickly  collected  a  fleet  of 
boats  and  transported  his  immense  army  by  sea  to  the  north-west  of 
Satsuma,  where  it  landed  unopposed  at  the  end  of  April.  The  ordinary  route 
by  sea  would  take  the  expedition  to  Akur£,  and  we  shall  probably  not  be  far 
wrong  if  we  accept  the  neighbourhood  of  that  place  as  the  point  of  dis- 
embarkation. Hideyoshi  was  now  established  in  Satsuma  territory.  Leav- 
ing a  force  of  60,000  men  in  readiness  to  proceed  by  sea  to  Kagoshima  if 
necessary,  he  pushed  forward  rapidly  with  the  remainder  of  the  army, 
170,000  men,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  26th  of  March  he  came  in 
Sight  of  the  Chiyo-gawa,  and  the  Satsuma  army,  which  was  drawn  up 
to  dispute  the  passage.  The  position  taken  up  by  the  Satsuma  General 
will  be  understood  by  a  reference  to  the  map.  It  will  be  seen  that  the 
Kawachi-gawa,  which  is  evidently  the  Chiyo-gawa  of  our  history, 
tol.  nu.  •  16 

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122  gubbins:  hid&yoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

.  traverses  the  province  from  east  to  west,  falling  into  the  sea  near  a 
place  called  Kiyodamari.  This  river  forms  a  natural  barrier  to  any  force 
approaching  the  capital  from  the  north.  It  was  on  its  farther  bank  and 
close  to  the  sea  that  Niiro  was  posted. 

That  a  force  of  inferior  strength  should  prefer  to  fight  with  the 
river  in  its  rear  was  a  puzzle  to  every  military  man  in  the  Imperialist 
army.  To  Hid£yoshi's  mind  it  vfas  capable  of  solution  in  only  one  way. 
The  Satsuma  leader,  he  concluded,  must  have  some  stratagem  in 
reserve.  But  though  he  rode  forward  and  personally  reconnoitred  the 
position,  he  could  see  no  signs  that  any  particular  stratagem  was  in 
contemplation,  and  a  careful  inspection  revealed  nothing  suspicious.  So 
he  gave  the  order  to  advance,  accompanying  it  with  a  caution  to  the 
commanders  to  engage  the  enemy  in  separate  divisions  as  their  turn 
came,  and  on  no  account  to  allow  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  a  pell 
mell  encounter. 

On  came  the  huge  army,  its  two  wings  overlapping  the  flanks  of 
the  Satsuma  force ;  but  when  within  half  a  mile  of  the  river  it  stopped, 
and  the  leaders  could  be  seen  busily  engaged  in  forming  their  men  into 
the  order  in  which  the  battle  was  to  be  commenced.  Seeing  the  enemy 
apparently  hesitating,  Niiro  gave  the  signal  to  his  men,  and  at  the  head 
of  5,000  charged  into  the  thick  of  the  Eiydto  army  before  it  had  time  to 
reform  its  rankB.  Thus  taken  at  disadvantage,  the  resistance  was  feeble 
and  the  first  line  broke  and  scattered  in  disorder.  Pressing  on,  Niiro 
engaged  the  second  line,  which  consisted  of  the  Hizen  and  Chikuzen 
contingents  under  Riuzoji  and  Akidzuki,  and  here  again. the  impetuous 
rush  of  the  Satsuma  men  carried  all  before  it.  By  this  time  the 
Satsuma  leader  was  well  into  the  centre  of  the  Eiydto  army,  and  flushed 
with  his  success  he  resolved,  in  spite  of  the  knowledge  that  his  men  must 
be  spent  with  their  exertions,  to  make  a  dash  for  Hidfyoshi's  standard. 
But  before  he  could  get  within  reach  of  this  he  had  to  meet  and  dispose 
of  the  flower  of  the  Eiydto  army,  a  force  more  than  double  his  own 
strength  under  Fukushima  and  Katd.  Niiro's  men  were  tired;  the 
troops  they  now  met  were  fresh,  and  the  issue  of  the  struggle  was  not 
long  in  doubt.  At  the  first  shock  the  southerners  wavered,  and  in  a 
few  moments  they  began  to  give  way.  When  it  was  clear  that  they 
could  not  hold  their  own  any  longer,  the  15,000  men  forming  the 

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remainder  of  the  Satsuma  force  on  that  side  of  the  river  came  to  their 

assistance,   and  the  action  became  general.     The  two    armies    soon 

became  so  mixed  np  that  it  was  hard  to  tell  -friend  from  foe,  and  what 

Hidtyoshi  had  wished  to  avoid  was  thus  forced  upon  him.     Bat  though 

the  skill  of  the  Satsama  swordsmen  told  in  the  hand-to-hand  struggle, 

the  superiority  of  numbers   made  itself,  felt,  and  step  by  step  the 

southerners  were  forced  back  on  the  river.    In  the  height  of  the 

engagement,  however,  Ijiuin,  who  had  observed  the  critical  state  of 

things  from  his  position  on  the  other  side  of  the  Chiyo-gawa,  dashed 

across  at  the  head  of  a  picked  body  of  cavalry  and  threw  himself  on 

the  right  flank  of  the  enemy.     While   the   Imperialists  turned  their 

attention  to  this  new  foe,  the  Satsuma  leader  profited  by  this  diversion 

to  commence  a  retreat  across  the  river.     But  the  enemy  did  not  allow 

this  movement  to  be  carried  out  unopposed,  and  swooping  down  with 

fresh  levies,  the  struggle  recommenced*  with  renewed  fury.    Its  chief 

incident  was  a  personal  combat  between  Katd  Eiyomasa  and  Niiro 

Musashi  no  Kami,  in  which  the  latter,  by  the  fall  of  his  horse,  was 

placed  at  the  mercy  of  his  antagonist,  who  generously  refused  to  take 

advantage  of  the  accident.     The  fight  lasted  till  darkness  set  in,  when 

the  Imperialist  Generals  recalled  their  men,  and  the   Satsuma  army 

retired  in    a    shattered  condition  across  the    river    without    further 

molestation.     The  victory,  such  as  it  was,  rested  with  Hid£yoshi,  for 

although  the  Satsuma  men  had  held  the  river  against  superior  numbers, 

their  loss  in  the  battle  was  heavier  than  that  of  the  allies,  and  they  were 

obliged  to  abandon  their  line  of  defence. 

The  news  of  this  ineffectual  attempt  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 

enemy  travelled  rapidly  to  Kagoshima,  but  the  Satsuma  chiefs,  though 

discouraged,  by  no  means  despaired  of  success.     The  country  through 

which  the  invading  army  had  to  advance  was  ill-adapted  to  the  progress 

of  a  large  force.     TJftiat  roads  there  were  lay  over  high  passes  and  in 

deep  ravines,  and  they  might  therefore  fairly  argue  that  the  superior 

knowledge  of  the .  locality  possessed  by  the  defenders  would  render  it  a 

matter  of  no  great  difficulty  to  prosecute  a  guerilla  warfare  with  every 

chance  of  success.    But  in  thus  confidently  awaiting  the 'enemy's  advance 

they  .were  unaware  that  he  had  already  taken   means  to  obtain  an 

intimate  knowledge  of  the  district  which  lay  before  him,  and  even  of  the 

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neighbourhood  of  Kagoshima.  To  explain  how  Hideyoshi  gained  this 
information  it  will  be  necessary  to  go  back  a  little  hi  the  history 
of  events. 

The  design  of  invading  Satsnma  and  of  placing  a  curb  on  her 
ambitious  policy  had  been  in  Hideyoshi's  mind  some  years  before,  and 
at  that  time  one  of  the  reasons  which  induced  him  to  postpone  his  action 
was  his  ignorance  of  the  actual  condition  of  the  province  and  of  its 
geography.  With  the  object,  therefore,  of  acquiring  knowledge  on  these  * 
points,  he  had  in  the  previous  year  enlisted  the  services  of  the  chief 
priest  of  the  Shin  sect  of  Buddhists,  a  man  named  Eenniyo  Kdsa.  He 
was  one  of  the  few  who,  during  the  long  struggle  between  Nobunaga  and 
the  priesthood,  had  maintained  a  successful  opposition.  Half  monk, 
half  warrior,  as  the  times  made  him,  he  stubbornly  held  his  own,  while 
on  every  side  monasteries  were  sacked  and  their  defenders  put  to  the 
sword,  till  at  length  his  skill  in  the  field  and  fertility  of  resource  won  him 
the  respect  of  his  opponents,  and  by  a  silent  compromise  he  was  left  at 
liberty  to  devote  his  attention  to  the  religious  interests  of  the  sect  for 
whose  independence  and  very  existence  he  had  laboured  so  strenuously. 
This  was  the  man  whom  Hideyoshi  had  singled  out  to  assist  him  in 
gaining  information  about  Satsuma,  and  the  result  showed  the  wisdom 
of  his  selection.  Won  over,  doubtless,  by  promises  of  rich  endowments 
in  the  event  of  the  enterprise  being  successful,  the  abbot  was 
induced  to  proceed  to  Satsuma, — ostensibly  on  business  connected  with 
the  religious  affairs  of  his  sect, — in  reality  to  conceal  a  party  of  spies 
sent  by  Hideyoshi  to  learn  the  secrets  of  the  province.  There  were 
several  establishments  of  the  Shin  sect  throughout  Satsuma.  One  of 
these  was  in  the  small  island  of  Shismjima,*  within  easy  reach  of 
Kagoshima,  and  in  this,  probably  on  account  of  its  secluded  position, 
and  its  proximity  nevertheless  to  the  capital,  the  abbot  took  up  his 
residence.  The  dignity  of  his  position  was  supported  by  a  retinue  of  56 
persons,  which  included  two  emissaries  of  Hideyoshi  named  Hirano 
^agayasu  and  Kasuya  Kadzumasa.  No  suspicions,  appear  to  have 
attached  to  his  arrival.  He  was  cordially  greeted  by  the  Prince  of 
Satsuma,  and  busied  himself  with  religious  ceremonials  and  lectures  on 
the  mysteries  of  Buddhism.    Meanwhile,  under  cover  of  their  clerical 

•  Not  marked  in  the  maps. 

Digitized  by  LfOOQ IC 

GUBBnre:  hu>£yoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan.  125 

disguise  and  of  the  enthusiasm  eyoked  by  the  presence  of  so  eminent 
an  ecclesiastic,  the  spies  circulated  freely  all  over  the  province  and 
made  themselves  intimately  acquainted  with  its  geography  and  the  affairs 
of  the  clan. 

Hirano  and  his  confederates  had  been  absent  for  about  a  year 
when  Hideyoshi  opened  his  campaign,  and  from  that  moment  their 
first  thought  was  how  they  could  leave  Satsuma  and  communicate  the 
result  of  their  investigations  to  Hideyoshi.  There  were  many  obstacles 
in  the  way.  In  the  first  place  they  had  come  with  the  abbot,  and 
having  passed  for  members  of  his  suite  it  was  impossible  for  them  to 
leave  him  without  exciting  suspicion  as  to  their  movements.  And 
secondly,  the  prince,  as  soon  as  he  had  entered  on  the  struggle  with 
Hideyoshi,  had  issued  strict  orders  prohibiting  any  one  resident  in 
Satsuma  from  crossing  thfe  borders.  So  they  had  to  wait  and  watch 
the  course  of  events.  Beforo  long,  to  their  great  delight,  they  heard  of 
Hid6yoshi's  triumphant  march,  and  of  his  arrival  at  Kiyodomari,  and 
recognizing  the  importance  of  their  seeing  him  before  he  made  his  final 
move  on  the  Satsuma  Capital,  they  begged  the  abbot  to  leaxre  the  island 
at  once  and*  proceed  with  them  to  Kiyodomari.  Kdsa  consented,  and 
calling  together  the  priests  of  the  monastery,  he  signified  to  them  his 
desire  to  return.  He  was  not  alarmed,  he  said,  by  the  critical  condition 
of  the  province,  "but  in  the  present  unsettled  state  of  affairs  his  efforts  in 
the  cause  of  religion  were  thrown  away ; — he  felt,  moreover,  that  his 
presence  was  a  source  of  solicitude  to  his  parishioners,  and  he  desired 
to  relieve  them  of  that  anxiety  by  going  away  and  waiting  for  quieter 
times.  His  wishes  were  at  once  complied  with.  As  travelling  by  land 
was  out  of  the  question,  owing  to  the  vigilance  with  which  the  borders 
were  guarded  to  prevent  egress  from  the  province,  while  it  was  also 
essential  that  their  departure  should  be  kept  secret  from  the  Satsuma 
authorities,  it  was  arranged  that  the  journey  should  be  made-  by  sea. 
The  necessary  preparations  were  quickly  completed,  and.  one  dark  night 
a  small  fleet  of  boats  left  the  island  unobserved  and  put  out  to  sea, 
having  the  abbot  and  his  suite  on  board  and  an  escort  of  monks  to 
shew  them  the  shortest  route.  It  had  been  agreed  that  the  party  should 
be  conveyed  beyond  the  limits  of  Satsuma,  but  the  abbot  persuaded  the 
guides,  much  against  their  will,  to  land  them  at  Kiyodomari.    On  their 

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arrival  the  spies  at  once  waited  on  Hideyoshi,  and  explaining  how  they 
had  succeeded  in  escaping  from  Satsuma,  supplied  him  with  the 
information  they  had  collected  daring  their  stay. 

Hideyoshi  then  called  the  abbot  to  his  presence  and  thanked  him 
for  his  assistance,  but  to  the  latter' s  request  to  be  allowed  to  return  to 
Kiyoto  he  replied  : — "  Wait ;  I  have  yet  need  of  you.  What  you  have 
done  for  me  amounts  after  all  to  very  little,  for  you  were  forced  to  leave 
Satsuma  before  your  work  was  completed.  But  there  is  one  way  in 
which  you  can  render  me  valuable  service.  I  will  not  ask  you  to 
fight, — although  men  do  say  you  are  no  bad  hand  at  it,  as  Nobunaga 
found  to  his  cost, — for  I  have  no  wish  to  hurt  your  feelings.  What  I 
desire  you  to  do  is  this.  I  have  formed  a  certain  scheme  for  the  proper 
execution  of  which  a  special  knowledge  of  the  locality  is  required.  The 
monks  of  Shishijima  who  brought  you  here  have  that  knowledge.  I 
wish  you  to  guarantee  that  they  will  obey  my  orders.  Wtien  I  am 
satisfied  of  this  I  will  communicate  the  details."  The  abbot,  who  had 
looked,  distressed  at  Hid£yoshi's  allusions  to  his  military  exploits, 
answered  that  if  Hideyoshi  would  summon  the  priests  of  Shishijima,  he 
would  secure  their  acquiescence  in  any  orders  which  might  be  imparted 
to  them.  The  priests  were  therefore  conducted  to  Hideyoshi' s  presence, 
where,  to  their  amazement,  they  heard  from  their  abbot  that  they 
were  to  assist  in  the  execution  of  a  scheme  which  was  devised  by  a 
hostile  invader,  and  which  had  for  its  object  the  subjugation  of  their 
native  province.  But  sectarian  discipline  triumphed  over  patriotism, 
and  their  consciences  were  doubtless  satisfied  when  they  replied : — "  The 
commands  of  Hideyoshi  are  not  binding  upon  us ; — those  of  the  head  of 
our  sect  we  will  implicitly  follow."  Thus  assured  of  their  obedience 
to  the  abbot,  Hideyoshi  clapped  his  hands,  and  at  the  signal  a  retainer 
stepped  into  the  apartment,  and  unfolding  a  roll  of  paper  read  the 
following  address : — 

"His  Excellency  Hideyoshi's  intentions  in  coming  to  Eiushiu  are 
not  to  destroy  Shimadzu,  but  to  restore  tranquillity  to  the  country,  and 
to  establish  peace  within  the  four  seas.  This  is  the  reason  why  last  year 
he  sent  a  messenger  to  direct  Shimadzu  to  repair  to  Kiydto.  But 
Shimadzu  disobeyed  this  order,  and  stirring  up  disturbances  in  Kiushiu, 
took  pleasure  in  civil  war,  paying  no  regard  to  the  interests  of  the 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 


people.  Consequently  orders  were  issued  by  His  Majesty  the  Emperor 
that  Sfaimadzn  was  to  be  punished,  and  His  Excellency  was  obliged 
to  enter  Kiushiu.  Still  even  now  if  Shimadzu  submit,  His  Excellency  is 
mercifully  minded  to  forgive  his  past  offences,  and  although  there  is 
no  present  appearance  of  submission  on  Shimadzu's  part,  and  he  con- 
tinues to  resist  obstinately,  His  Excellency,  in  the  exercise  of  extra- 
ordinary clemency,  and  in  order  not  to  waste  more  valuable  lives  in  this 
struggle,  desires  to  make  a  final  effort  to  bring  him  to  reason.  You  are 
therefore  required  to  serve  as  guides  to  the  army,  in  order  that  the  troops, 
advancing  by  a  secret  road  unguarded  by  the  defenders,  may  take  the 
Satsuma  army  by  surprise,  and  forte  it  to  surrender  without  further 
bloodshed.  Say,  'good  Sirs !  Will  you,  out  of  regard  for  the  noble 
House  which  rules  over  you,  and  love  for  your  abbot  give  your  services 
as  guides  to  the  expedition  and  swear  to  act  faithfully  by  His 
Highness?  Your  refusal  will  involve  the  clan  of  Satsuma  and  the 
Family  of  Shimadzu  in  common  ruin :  your  consent  will  save  the  lives 
of  thousands." 

The  abbot  supported  the  address  in  a  few  words: — "  My  friends,1' 
said  he,  "  do  not  the  precepts  of  Buddha  teach  that  evil  is  to  be  punished 
and  good  encouraged  ?  The  men  of  Satsuma  are  obstinate  and  do  not 
understand  what  is  right.  To  turn  them  away  from  their  evil  ways, 
and  place  them  in  the  right  path  is  to  do  what  the  gods  will  approve.1' 

Thus  urged,  the  priests  of  Shishijima  consented.  "  Certainly,?' 
they  said,  "  we  will  act  as  guides,  and  Buddha  shall  see  that  we  make 
no  mistakes ;" — and  they  swore  to  be  true  to  their  promise.  • 


Everything  at  this  stage  of  the  campaign  was  going  well  for 
Hidlyoshi.  He  had  arrived  within  easy  reach  of  the  Satsuma  Capital 
after  an  almost  unopposed  march  through  the  island,  his  negotiations 
with  the  other  princes  in  Kiushiu  had  succeeded  beyond  the  most 
sanguine  expectations,  and  his.  relations  with  the  local  samurai  and  their 
leaders  were  satisfactory ;  he  had  met  his  spies  and  learnt  from  them 
the  result  of  their  investigations  into  the  internal  condition  of  Satsuma, 
guides  were  at  hand  to  assist  in  the  final  advance  on  Eagoshima,  and 
now  he  received  further  encouragement  in  the  arrival  at  the  camp  at 

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128  oubbins:  hidAyoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

Taihegi  of  his  brother  the  Dainagon  Hidenaga,  who  brought  with  him 
as  prisoner  Shimadzu  Nakatsukasa  no  Taiyu  Iy&iisa.  This  Satsuma 
General,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  last  heard  of  as  defending  the 
Hiuga  border.  After  the  battle  of  the  Mimi-gawa  and  the  fall  of 
Takashiro,  he  fell  back  on  Sadowara  and  maintained  himself  in  that 
castle  in  spite  of  the  utmost  efforts  of  the  besiegers.  The  fortress  was 
strong  and  well  provisioned,  'so  Iy6hisa  had  nothing  to  fear  on  this 
score ;  and  if  he  had  heard  nothing  of  what  was  happening  in  other 
parts  of  Kiushiu,  he  would  probably  have  continued  to  hold  out.  But 
having  no  reverses  to  conceal,  the  besiegers  took  care  to  keep  him 
acquainted  with  everything  that  passed.  He  heard  in  this  way  how 
the  Satsuma  troops  had  been  driven  out  of  Higo  and  Hizen,  of  the 
triumphant  march  of  Hideyoshi,  and  of  the  enemy's  unopposed 
occupation  of  Satsuma  territory ;  and  as  each  fresh  piece  of  intelligence 
reached  him  he  fumed  and  fretted  until  his  position  became  intolerable. 
Sadowara  was  the  last  stronghold  in  Hiuga  which  held  out  for 
Satsuma.  The  enemy  was  all  round  him,  had  crossed  the  border  and  was 
harrying  the  Satsuma  homesteads  before  his  eyes.  In  this  extremity 
he  resolved  to  yield,  in  the  hope  of  finding  some  opportunity  later  on  to 
escape  to  Satsuma  territory  with  a  portion,  if  not  the  whole,  of  his  force. 
He  therefore  sent  a  message  to  Hidenaga  offering  to  surrender,  adding 
that  if  his  surrender  were  refused,  he  would  lead  his  men  out,  and  die 
fighting  in  the  ranks  of  the  besiegers.  The  offer  took  Hidenaga  by 
surprise.  His  knowledge  of  the  resources  of  the  garrison,  and  of  the 
fighting  qualities  of  their  commander,  made  him  doubt  its  sincerity. 
But  at  the  council  of  war  which  was  held  to  consider,  the  proposal,  the 
arguments  of  Kobayakawa  Takakag6,  the  General  on  whom  Hidenaga 
chiefly  relied,  were  convincing.  He  pointed  out  that  whatever  designs 
Iy£hisa  might  have,  from  the  moment  of  his  surrender  they  could  be 
frustrated  by  the  exercise  of  ordinary  vigilance.  The  fall  of  the  castle 
would  enable  them  to  advance  and  join  Hideyoshi,  and  it  would  be 
a  lasting  disgrace  if  they  were  to  remain  inactive  under  the  walls  of 
Sadowara  whilst  Hideyoshi  fought  his  way  into  the  Satsuma  capital. 

So  Iy£hisa's  offer  was  accepted.  Hostages  were  sent  to  the  camp 
of  the  Imperialists,  and  mustering  his  garrison  for  the  last  time,  he 
opened  the  gates  of  Sadowara  and  came  out  to  meet  Hidenaga.     The 

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gubbins:  HID6YOSHI  and  the  satsuma  clan.  129 

castle  was  at  once  occupied  by  the  Imperialists,  and  Hid£naga  harried 
off  to  Hideyoshi's  camp  to  present  his  prisoner.  Shortly  after  their 
arrival  Iye*hisa  was  summoned  to  the  Regent's  presence,  and  met  the 
fetter's  remark  that  he  had  not  shown  his  reputed  sagacity  in  delaying 
his  submission  so  long,  with  an  offer  to  go  to  Kagoshima  and  persuade 
the  prince  to  surrender.  This  startling  proposal  was  received  with 
derision  and  indignation  by  Hideyoshi's  Generals.  One  and  all  declared 
their  belief  that  it  was  but  a  ruse  to  regain  his  liberty :  if  the  bird  was 
let  go  it  would  never  return  to  its  cage.  But  Hideyoshi,  much  to  their 
surprise,  took  a  different  view  of  the  case.  "  You  speak  like  a  soldier," 
he  said.  "  Go  and  endeavour  to  bring  Yoshihisa  and  Yoshihiro  to  us. 
If  you  cannot  induce  them  to  surrender,  return  and  prove  the  falseness 
of  the  suspicions  cast  on  your  good  faith." 

Iy£hisa  started  on  his  errand,  overjoyed  at  having  regained  his 
liberty  of  action  so  easily,  being  attended  only  by  a  body-guard  of  20  men. 
Travelling  rapidly,  he  reached  his  nephew's  camp  near  Kagoshima,  and 
the  two  proceeded  together  to  the  capital.  There  a  secret  conference 
was  held  between  the  three  leading  men  of  the  Satsuma  clan.  Iy6hisa 
was  prepared  to  be  received  with  reproaches,  and  hastened  to  explain 
the  reasons  for  his  surrender.  In  his  isolated  position  at  Sadowara  he 
was  powerless.  All  his  communications  were  cut  off  by  the  enemy,  and 
the  Higo  samurai,  following  at  the  heels  of  the  invaders,  had  poured  into 
Hiuga  and  aggravated  the  position.  For  if  by  any  chance  the  bearer  of 
a  despatch  succeeded  in  running  the  gauntlet  of  the  besieging  forces, 
he  was  sure  to  be  intercepted  by  one  or  other  of  these  hostile  bands. 
Under  these  circumstances  he  decided  to  surrender,  trusting  to  have  an 
opportunity  of  communicating  with  his  toother,  and  learning  his  plans, 
in  order  to  be  able,  to  further  their  execution.  This  opportunity  he  had 
now  got,  and  he  was  there  to  hear  from  the  lips  of  his  prince  what  his 
arrangements  for  the  defence  of  the  capital  were.  "  But  why  desert 
your  men  ?"  interrupted  the  prince.  "  Had  I  no  .care  for  their  lives  I 
should  have  fought  my  way  out  of  Sadowara,"  was  the  reply.  "  My 
men  are  with  Hideyoshi,  and  I  shall  rejoin  them*  when  my  business  here 
is  finished."  He  then,  listened  attentively  while  the  prince  and  his  son 
retailed  the  plan  by  which  he  hoped  to  lead  the  Imperialist  army  into 
an  ambush  aa  soon  as  it  crossed  the  river.  The  road  on  the 
vol.  vra.  17 

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Kagoshima  side  of  the  Chiyo-gawa*  led  through  a  thick  forest,  and  for 
some  miles  was  nothing  hat  a  bridle  path.  It  then  suddenly  widened, 
opening  on  to  a  broad  lerel  meadow;  from  this  point  the  road  as 
suddenly  narrowed  again,  and  led  over  a  succession  of  passes,  till  it 
finally  debouched  on  to  the  plain  where  Yoshihiro  had  taken  his  stand 
with  the  bulk  of  the  Satsuma  army.  The  invading  army  was  to  be 
suffered  to  cross  the  'river  without  molestation.  It  was  then  to  be 
decoyed  into  the  narrow  path  by  advanced  bodies  of  skirmishers,  who 
were  to  offer  sufficient  resistance  to  lead  the  enemy  to  regard  them  as 
placed  there  to  harass  their  line  of  march.  Meanwhile  a  large  force 
was  to  lie  in  ambush  on  each  side  of  the  road,  whilst  a  third  body  was 
stationed  on  the  other  side  of  the  broad  opening  in  the  middle  of  the 
forest.  At  a  given  signal,  when  the  Imperialists  had  advanced  as  far  as 
they  were  to  be  permitted,  the  brush  was  to  be  fired  on  all  sides, — for 
which  purpose  bundles  of  faggots  ready  cut  and  dried  were  already 
stacked  in  different  places, — the  party  in  ambush  would  dash  in  on 
the  extended  line  of  the  Imperialists,  and  the  enemy,  surrounded  on  all 
sides  and  blinded  by  the  smoke,  would  be  caught  in  a  trap  from  which 
no  escape  was  possible.  This  plan,  if  properly  carried  out,  was,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  narrators,  certain  of  success.  Iy£hisa  did  not  take  such 
a  sanguine  view. .  His  experience  of  the  Imperialist  army  led  him  to 
believe  that  the  military  discipline  of  the  enemy  would  render  such  a 
plan  difficult  and  hazardous  in  execution.  Finding,  however,  that  his 
brother  and  nephew  were  full  of  confidence,  he  agreed  to  help  them  to 
the  best  of  his  ability.  "I  will  return  now,"  he  added,  "and  tell 
Hideyoshi  you  are  deaf  to  all  remonstrance.  I  will  say  that  the  castle 
is  plentifully  provisioned  and  can  hold  out  for  several  years  if  necessary, 
and  that  you  are  prepared  to  fight  to  the  Jast.  In  fact  I  will  draw 
such  a  picture  of  Kagoshima  and  our  army  that  he  will  be  impatient 
to  advance  and  try  conclusions  with  such  a  stubborn  opponent.  The 
battle  once  begun  in  earnest,  I  will  collect  my  men,  and  making  a 
sudden  onslaught  on  Hideyoshi,  seize  him  and  carry  him  prisoner  to 
Kagoshima."  His  brother  urged  him  to  think  of  his  own  safety,  and 
to  consider  whether  it  would  not  be  better  to  forfeit  his  parole  and  fight 
in  the  army  before  Kagoshima.  But  to  this  Iy6hisa  would  not  listen : 
"  My  word  is  pledged  to  return.     I  cannot  break  faith  with  our  enemy ; 

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and  as  to  safety,  dangerous  as  it  *may  seem  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  I  am  safer  there  than,  anywhere  else,  and  can  escape  when 
I  like." 

The  conference  then  broke  up.  Iy&isa  went  back  to  the  camp  at 
Taiheiji  and  Yoshihiro  to  his  position  before  the  capital  to  prepare  for 
the  final  straggle  which  was  to  decide  the  issue  of  the  campaign. 

Meanwhile  at  Hideyoshi's  camp  the  various  Generals  were  loud  in 
condemnation  of  the  poKcy  which  had  allowed  so  important  a  prisoner 
to  escape ;  for  so  they  called  it,  not  thinking  he  would  return.  But  the 
loader  their  murmurs,  the  firmer  the  confidence  of  their  chief.  "  There 
may  be  more,"  he  would  say,  "  in  Iy^hisa's  submission  than  meets  the 
eye ;  but  he  is  not  the  man  to  imperil  the  lives  of  his  soldiers  who  are 
here  as  hostages.  He  most  return  and  he  will, — for  is  he  not  a  valiant 
soldier  of  Satsuma,  and  one  of  the  Shimadzu  Family  ?  Let  him  plot. 
I  will  counterplot,  and  you  shall  see  who  will  win. 

As  we  know,  Iy^hisa  did  return,  and  redeemed  his  pledge.  It  was 
enough  for  him  that  he  had  kept  to  the  letter  of  nis  promise.  That  he 
•had  solemnly  agreed  to  be  the  bearer  of  overtures  for  the  surrender  of 
the  clan,  and  had  seized  the  opportunity  to  intrigue  against  his  captors ; 
that  by  this  misuse  of  his  liberty  he  had  grossly  violated  the  spirit  of  his 
engagement, — these  considerations  weighed  for  nothing  with  the  Satsuma 
leader.  Treachery  towards  enemies  was  sanctioned  by  the  morality  of 
the  times,  and  we  may  be  disposed  to  view  his  conduct  the  more  leniently 
if  we  reflect  that  throughout  the  double  game  he  was  playing  his  life 
was  the  forfeit  if  detected.  It  required  no  little  boldness  to  follow  the 
course  he  had  adopted ;  but  Iy&risa  was  equal  to  the  occasion.  His 
report  to  Hideyoshi  of  the  results  of  his  «nission  amounted  to  this : — The 
negotiations  had  failed ;  both  the  prince  and  his  son  were  obstinate  in 
their  determination  to  resist  to  the  last  extremity ; — it  was  in  vain  that 
he  had  represented  to  them  that  the  very  existence  of  the  clan  was 
imperilled ;  he  had  been  chased  away  with  reproaches  for  disloyalty 
and  cowardice.  "  It  now  only  remains  for  you,"  Iy6hisa  added,  "  to 
carry  out  your  intentions." 

"Yes,"  said  Hideyoshi;  "I  suppose  there  is  nothing  for  it  but 
to  carry  the  matter  through  by  force  of  arms.  As  you  know  the  country 
you  will  do  us  the  favor  to  precede  the  army."    But  to  the  amazement 

Digitized  by 


132  gubbins:  HID6Y0SHI  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

of  all  who  hear  J,  Iy^hisa  declined.  *  His  refusal  roused  Hidenaga,  who 
had  throughout  been  loudest  in  his  suspicion's  of  the  prisoner's  good 
faith,  and  he  burst  in  with, — "  According  to  the  law  of  surrender,  the 
person  so  surrendering  is  bound  to  make  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  his 
submission  by  fighting  in  the  vanguard.  It  is  strange  that  you  decline 
to"  follow  this  universal  custom.1'  "  You  are  probably  right  as  regards 
general  cases,"  was  the  answer,  "but  mine  is  an  exceptional  one. 
I  surrendered  simply  in  order  to  save  my  clan*  and  I  have  kept  my 
word  under  circumstances  which  made  it  hard  for  me  to  do  so.  I  was 
sorely  tempted  to  throw  in  my  lot  with  the  rest,  but  I  refrained,  because 
I  desire  to  save  a  remnant  of  the  clan  from  the  general  destruction. 
Do  not,  then,  urge  me  to  commit  the  blackest  of  all  crimes  by 
fighting  in  the  vanguard  against  my  brother,  my  relatives  and  my  lord. 
If  you  insist,  you  send  me  to  my  death ;  for  I  shall  not  survive  the 

•  This  appeal  was  not  without  effect,  for-Hideyoshi  at  once  excused 
his  attendance  on  the  vanguard.  But  as  Iy£hisa  withdrew,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief turned  to  his  staff  and  said : — *'  This  is  a  dangerous 
fellow ;  he  is  not  like  an  ordinary  traitor.  To  have  charge  of  him  is 
like  making  a  pet  of  a  tiger.  He  must  be  carefully  watched,  or  we 
shall  suffer  for  our  imprudence." 

The  Satsuma  army  under  Niiro,  Ijiuin  and  Tanegashima,  to  which 
was  entrusted  the*  task  of  carrying  out  the  plan  for  the  defeat  of  the 
invading  forces  related  to  Iy^hisa  during  his  visit  to  Eagoshima,  lay 
within  reach  of  the  enemy ;  the  bulk  of  their  forces  being  concealed  in 
a  thick  forest  a  short  distance  from  the  Chiyo-gawa.  Seeing  an  unusual 
movement  in  the  Imperialist  camp,  which  they  interpreted  as  the  prelude 
to  an  advance  across  the  river,  the  Satsuma  leaders  made  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  the  execution  of  their  stratagem,  and  in  obedience  to 
orders  *a  body  of  8,000  men  under  Tanegashima  moved  out  in  the 
direction  of  the  hostile  camp  with  the  object  of  commencing  a  skirmish. 
The  Imperialists,  whom  their  recent  successes  had  inspired  with  con- 
fidence, were  quite  willing  to  accept  the  challenge,  and  in  spite  of  the 
cautions  of  their  leaders  some  of  the  wilder  spirits  dashed  forward  and 
engaged  a  portion  of  the  Satsuma  force.  Others  soon  followed,  and  the 
figtit  became  general.    Tanegashima  at  once  commenced  to  retreat,  and 

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when  reinforcements,  sent  by  Hideyoshi  to  recall  those  troops  already 
engaged,  came  up,  the  Satsuma  men,  in  obedience  to  orders,  broke  and 
fled.  The  Imperialists  dashed  after  them,  and  in  the  excitement  of  the 
moment,  neglecting  their  proper  duties,  the  reinforcing  battalions  joined 
eagerly  in  the  pursuit.  The  forest  was  entered,  and  while  some  of  the 
pursuers  followed  the  path,  others  made  their  way  as  best  they  could 
through  the  brushwood.  When  the  open  meadow  was  reached,  the 
Satsuma  men,  without  attempting  to  reform,  dashed  across  it  and 
into  another  narrow  path  on  the  further  side.  Their  pursuers,  who 
were  by  this  time  without  formation  of  any  kind,  followed  them 
headlong  till  they  were  suddenly  brought  up  by  a  barricade  of  logs  of 
wood  thrown  across  the  path,  and  held  by  a  body  of  archers,  who  met 
them  with  a  shower  of  arrows.  As  they  turned  back  in  confusion  the 
forest  resounded  with  shouts  and  warlike  signals,  and  it  seemed  to  the 
bewildered  Imperialists  as  if  each  thickot  was  alive  with  unseen  foes. 
To  add  to  their  distress,  torches  were  applied  by  hidden  hands  to  the 
bundles  of  brushwood,  and  the  smoke  from  the  burning  trees  choked 
and  blinded  them.  But  the  main  object  of  the  stratagem  was  defeated, 
for  owing  to  recent  heavy  rains  the  brushwood  would  not  take  fire 
easily,  and  for  the  most  part  only  smouldered.  The  Imperialists  were 
thus  able  to  retreat,  thought  not  without  loss.  A  sharp  struggle  took 
place  in  the  meadow,  where  the  retreating  forces  found  a  body  of  the 
enemy  who  had  been  posted  in  ambush  drawn  up  to  oppose  them. 
Thanks,  however,  to  the  timely  arrival  of  reinforcements  under  Katd, 
Fukushima  and  Gamo,  the  Satsuma  troops  were  forced  to  give  way. 
The  southern  Generals  were  for  once  humiliated  by  the  failure  of  their 
carefully  arranged  stratagem,  and  with  sinking  hopes  they  fell  back  in 
the  direction  of  the  main  army.  At  the  council  of  war  which  followed, 
the  Satsuma  counsels  were  divided.  Niiro,  always  an  advocate  for 
bold  measures,  proposed  an  immediate  attack  on  the  Imperialists  with 
the  whole  effective  strength  of  the  clan,  and  this  proposal  found 
many  supporters  amongst  younger  and  more  enthusiastic  officers. 
Others,  however,  foremost  of  whom  was  Ijiuin,  argued  that  it 
was  madness  to  offer  battle  in  the  open,  when  by  simply  acting 
on  the  defensive  they  had  on  their  side  the  advantages  of  a  know- 
ledge of  the  country  and  a  choice  of  positions  which  were  almost 

Digitized  by 


184  gubbins  :  taH&Yosm  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

impregnable.  These  more  cautious  views  were  accepted  by  the  majority, 
and  accordingly  the  Satsuma  leaders,  in  ignorance  of  the  treachery  by 
which  they  were  to  be  taken  unawares  by  a  simultaneous  attack  on 
their  flank  and  rear-guard,  concentrated  their  troops  to  the  north  of 
Kagofthima  in  positions  favorable  to  the  defence  of  the  main  approaches 
to  the  capital.  Yoshihiro  took  up  a  position  about  seven  miles  distant 
from  the  capital,  and  in  front  of  him,  and  separated  from  the  main 
army  by  only  two  miles,  four  divisions  of  5,000  men  each,  under  Niiro, 
Ijiuin,  Tan£gashima  and  Machida,  were  posted  at  strong  points  on  the 
hills  to  right  and  left  of  the  main  road.  The  prince  himself  remained 
in  the  castle  with  the  remainder  of  his  army.  Leaving  the  Satsuma 
leaders  to  make  their  arrangements  for  the  last  stand  against  the 
invader,  we  will  return  to  Hid£yoshi,  who  had  completed  his  disposi- 
tions for  the  final  advance  upon  Kagoshima. 

The  end  of  the  campaign  was  not  far  off.  A  force  of  50,000  men 
was  sent  by  sea  to  Shishijima,  with  orders  to  divide  into  two  columns, 
and  operate  from  the  south  against  Kagoshima  and  any  Satsuma  army 
which  might  be  placed  to  oppose  it ;  another  force  78,000  strong,  led 
by  Hid£naga,  was  to  advance  on  Kagoshima  by  the  main  road  from  the 
north ;  while  two  lesser  divisions  under  Katd,  Fukushima  and  Kuroda, 
proceeded  by  two  different  roads  leading  across  the  mountains  under 
the  guidance  of  Kenniyo  Kosa  and  certain  of  the  priests  of  Shishijima, 
with  orders  to  converge  upon  a  point  between  the  Satsuma  Capital  and 
the  army  of  Yoshihiro. 

The  forces  by  sea  and  land  left  on  the  night  of  the  21st  April 
within  a  few  hours  of  each  other,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  28rd 
Hid£naga's  army  came  in  sight  of  the  Satsuma  outposts.  The  great 
force  moved  on  until  almost  within  striking  distanpe  of  the  enemy,  then 
suddenly  halted  and  waited,  as  if  reluctant  to  begin  the  struggle.  While 
the  Satsuma  leaders  were  hesitating  as  to  what  they  should  do, 
messengers  arrived  post  haste  from  the  camp  of  Yoshihiro  with  the  as- 
tounding news  that  the  main  army  had  been  attacked  by  a  large  force 
of  Imperialists  which  had  approached  from  an  unknown  direction. 
What  had  actually  occurred  was  this.  The  fleet  had  sailed  to  Shishi- 
jima, and  embarking  again  had  landed  the  expedition  on  the  mainland. 
The  force  thus  landed  having  separated  into  two  columns,  commanded 

Digitized  by 



respectively  by  Hirano  Masayasu  and  Wakizaka  Yasuharu,  had 
advanced  rapidly  northwards,  and  leaving  a  small  body  to  watch  the 
Kagoshima  garrison,  had  fallen  upon  the  rear  of  Yoshihiro's  army.  At 
the  same  moment  one  of  the  two  divisions  which  had  advanced  by  the 
mountain  roads,  that  led  by  Fuknshima,  hearing  the  attack,  poured  out 
of  the  denies  where  it  had  lain  concealed  and  closed  in  upon  the 
Satsnma  army  with  a  wild  shout.  Yoshihiro,  disconcerted  by  this 
attack  from  a  quarter  where  he  thought  himself  secure,  and  suspecting 
treachery,  lost  heart,  and  cutting  his  way  through  the  enemy  with  50  or 
60  horsemen,  sought  safety  in  flight.  The  other  Generals  followed  his 
'example,  while  the  army,  left  to  itself,  kept  up  an  ineffectual  struggle  for 
a  time  and  then  laid  down  its  arms.  This  catastrophe  decided  the  day. 
Niiro,  Ijiuin  and  the  two  other  Satsuma  Generals  had  meanwhile  been 
assailed  by  the  other  Imperialist  division  under  Katd  Euroda,  which 
had  come  over  the  hills,  but  thanks  to  the  desperate  valour  of  their  men, 
and  to  the  inaction  of  the  large  force  under  Hidenaga,  which  remained 
where  it  had  halted,  they  were  able  to  hold  their  own.  Aware,  however, 
of  the  perilous  position  of  Yoshihiro,  they  determined  to  retire  upon  the 
main  army.  They  fell  back  in  good  order,  but  the  first  step  in  their 
retreat  was  the  signal  for  the  vast  host  in  front  of  them  to  advance.  It 
poured  down  upon  them,  overpowering  all  resistance,  and  thus  over- 
whelmed by  numbers  the  retreat  soon  became  a  rout.  Hotly  pursued, 
the  Satsuma  leaders  hurried  back  only  to  find  the  enemy  in  undisturbed 
possession  of  what  had  been  the  cainp  of  Yoshihiro.  All  hope  was  then 
abandoned,  and  commanders  and  men,  mixed  up  in  one  common  mass  of 
fugitives,  took  to  flight  in  the  direction  which' each  judged  to  be  safest. 

The  Satsuma  army  was  thus  entirely  dispersed,  and  nothing 
remained,  before  the  invaders  but  the  castle  of  Kagoshima.  But  before 
assaulting  it,  the  Imperialist  Generals  communicated  to  Hid^yoshi 
the  complete  success  of  the  operations  and  asked  for  instructions. 
These  were  at  once  issued,  and  were  to  the  effect  that  each  General  was 
to  occupy  the  ground  that  he  had  won,  but  on  no  account  was  any  one 
to  advance  and  follow  up  the  success. 

Hideyoshi's  campaign  had  been  one  continued  success,  and  the 
Satsuma  clan,  whose  pride  it  had  ever  been  that  no  hostile  force 
had  ever  crossed  the  borders  of  Satsuma,  was  reduced  to  the  last 

Digitized  by 


136  gubbins  :  hh>£yoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan. 

extremity,  its  armies  dispersed  and  its  Generals  forced  to  seek  safety 
in  flight.  Iy Lisa's  position  in  the  camp  of  Hideyoshi  was  very 
humiliating.  Nominally  he  had  submitted,  but  in  his  heart  he  had 
meditated'  treachery,  and  the  final  catastrophe  before  Kagoshima,  so 
unexpected  and  overwhelming,  caused  him  the  bitterest  mortification. 
While  allowed  the  fullest  freedom  of  action  compatible  with  his  position 
as  a  prisoner,  be  was  watched  narrowly,  unknown  to  himself,  and 
during  the  events  of  the  last  few  days  he  had  had  no  opportunity  of 
carrying  out  the  rash  project  which  he  had  proposed  to  himself. 
Hideyoshi  was  always  attended  by  a  strong  guard,  and  the  success  in 
every  action  had  been  so  decisively  on  the  side  of  the  Imperialists  that 
Iy6hisa  had  never  the  chance  which  might  otherwise  have  been  afforded 
by  the  proximity  of  the  struggle  to  the  camp  at  Taiheiji.  Shortly  after 
the  final  defeat  of  the  Satsuma  army,  Hideyoshi  summoned  his  leading 
Generals  to  a  conference,  and  he  invited  Iy6hisa  to  attend  the  council. 
When  all  were  assembled,  Asano  Nagamasa — who,  it  is  said,  had  been 
previously  instructed  by  Hitfeyoshi  as  to  what  he  should  say — stepped 
forward  and  addressed  the  council  as  follows : — 

•'  Sirs,  our  Generals  have  triumphed  everywhere,  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  House  of  Shimadzu  is  imminent.  The  head  of  that  family  has 
been  treated  with  much  forbearance,  but  he  has  resisted  obstinately. 
It  is  therefore  fitting  that  he  should  reap  as  he  has  sown,  and  my  advice 
is,  that  Kagoshima  should  be  at  once  attacked  and  destroyed.  Its 
ancient  stronghold  once  razed  to  the  ground,  the  clan  can  never  again 
hold  up  its  head  in  Kiushiu,  and  the  administration  of  the  conquered 
provinces' will  be  rendered  by  so  much  the  easier." 

The  same  language  was  held  by  Kuroda  Yoshitaka,  who  urged  that 
the  object  of.  the  campaign  would  not  be  effectually  completed  unless 
the  caBtle  of  Kagoshima  was  destroyed.  The  latter  speaker  also 
touched  on  the  fact  that  a  prolonged  delay  before  the  Satsuma  capital 
might  give  an  opportunity  for  the  execution  of  intrigues  against 
Hideyoshi  at  the  Kiy6to  court.  By  the  general  hum  of  approval  which 
followed  these  speeches,  it  was  easy  for  Iy&iisa  to  see  that  the  views 
thus  forcibly  expressed  found  favor  with  the  majority  of  the  council. 
He  felt  that  his  worst  fears  were  about  to  be.  realized,  when  Hideyoshi, 
who  had  listened  attentively,  made  the  following  remarkable  speech : — 

Digitized  by 


tHJBBINS:  HTOftTOSHI  and  the  satsuma  clan.  187 

"The  course  proposed  by  Asano  and  Euroda  has  certainly  one 
advantage.  Undoubtedly  the  destruction  of  the  Satsuma  clan  would 
make  the  task  of  governing  these  provinces  very  simple.  But  I  am 
averse  to  such  severe  measures.  Were  I,  on  the  strength  of  a  few 
paltry  successes  in  the  battle  field,  to  put  an  end  to  a  house  like  that  of 
Shimadzu,  I  should  feel  shame  even  in  my  grave.  In  carrying  out  the 
Emperor's  orders  for  the  pacification  of  the  country, at  has  been  my 
endeavour  to  accomplish  this  end  peacefully  where  possible.  Now 
before  the  walls  of  Eagoshima  I  am  animated  by  the  same  purpose. 
I  am  not  waging  a  war  of  extermination,  but  wish  to  smooth  the  road 
of  submission  for  the  rebellious.  When  once  Satsuma  submits,  her 
allegiance  is  secured  for  ever.  The  clan  glories  in  its  keen  sense  of 
honour,  and  would  never  furnish  traitors  to  a  cause  it  has  once 

Even  to  those  who  have  been  able  to  trace  the  spirit  in  which 
Hid^yoshi  conducted  the  campaign  from  the  first,  his  liberality  will 
appear  surprising.  To  advance  so  far  and  yet  not  enter  the  rebel 
capital ;  to  have  his  enemy  within  his  grasp,  and  yet  not  crush  him ; 
to  hold  back  a  victorious  army  in  the  hour  of  victory ; — all  this  argues  a 
forbearance  and  strength  of  will  which  few  Generals  in  those  days  pos- 
sessed, and  which  we  certainly  would  not  look  for  to  the  feudal  times 
of  Japan.  In  his  speech  he  doubtless  endeavoured  to  conceal  his 
real  motives^  under  the  guise  of  extreme  generosity  and  an  honest 
admiration  for  a  resolute  enemy.  These  motives  can  only  be  explained 
by  assuming  that  his  campaign  had  shown  him  that  the  only  guarantee 
for  the  maintenance  of  order  and  good  government  in  Eiushiu,  was 
the  existence  of  some  strong  authority,  bending,  of  course,  to  orders 
from  the  Court  at  Kiydto ;  and  in  the  same  way  he  doubtless  acquired 
the  conviction  that  the  House  of  Shimadzu,  from  its  ancient  connection 
with  Eiushiu,  and  its  real  importance,  was  the  best  fitted  to  exercise  this 
authority.  He  might  crush  the  Satsuma  clan,  but  what  could  he  put  in 
its  place?  Here  lay  the  problem.  He  could  not  replace  it  by  any 
family  of  equal  influence  and  solidity,  and  unless  a  strong  chain  of 
garrisons  was  left  to  preserve  order  and  enforce  the  authority  of  the 
Central  Government — a  system  which  would  entail  heavy  expenditure — 
his  withdrawal  might  be  the  signal  for  the  beginning  of  a  reign  of  anarchy. 
vol.  vni.  18 

Digitized  by 


188  gubbins:  hid&yoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan/ 

It  did  not  occur  to  Iy^hisa  as  he  listened  to  Hideyoshi's  speech,  to 
enquire  into  the  speaker's  motives ;  it  was  as  much  as  he  could  do  to 
realise  the  fact  that  the  clan  was  to  be  spared  if  possible,  and  his 
conscience  smote  him  for  having-  meditated  treachery.  When  invited 
to  attend  the  council,  he  saw  no  other  motive  in  the  summons  than  a 
wish  to  humiliate  him,  and  cause  him  to  suffer  doubly  by  first  hearing 
the  doom  of  his  clan  pronounced,  and  later  on,  being  a  witness  to  its 
death  struggle.  We  have  seen  how  happily  he  was  undeceived.  Im- 
pulsive like  all  his  clansmen,  he  was  overwhelmed  with  conflicting 
emotions,  and  when  the  Imperialist  commander,  the  man  whose  life  he 
had  plotted,  turned  to  where  he  was  sitting  and  expressed  his  belief  in 
the  loyalty  of  the  Satsuma  clan  when  once  its  pledges  were  given,  in  an 
agony  of  remorse  the  listener  secretly  vowed  that  he  would  further  his 
generous  captor's  intentions  with  his  whole  energy.  From  that  moment 
Iy£hisa  was  Hideyoshi's  man. 

The  council  broke  up,  and  Iy^hisa  hurried  off  to  see  the  head  priest 
of  the  temple  of  Taiheiji..  To  him  the  Satsuma  leader,  full  of  his  new 
ideas,  explained  abruptly  that  it  was  in  his  power  to  save  the  House  of 
Shimadzu.  "  Your  sect,"  he  said,  "  was  the  first  to  be  introduced  into 
Satsuma,  and*  Taiheiji  is  the  ancestral  temple  of  the  prince's  family  ;  it 
is  therefore  right  that  you  should  obey  my  orders."  The  reply  was 
characteristic : — "  To  the  prince  this  province  owes  its  existence ;  to  the 
province,  this  temple ;  my  services  are  at  the  disposal  cff  my  lord." 
"Good,"  said  Iy£hisa;  and  he  then  explained  to  him  Hideyoshi's 
generous  policy,  and  his  own  wish  to  induce  the  prince  to  make  terms 
with  the  conqueror. ,  "  Go,  therefore,"  he  proceeded,  "  to  Hid£yoshi,  and 
ask  him  for  permission  to  negotiate  with  the  prince.  You  will  tell 
Yoshihisa  and  Yoshihiro  that  you  have  Hideyoshi's  orders  to  use  every 
effort  to  secure  their  submission.  Their  pride  may  then  be  saved  by 
the  thought  that  they  have  not  been  the  first  to  make  overtures,  and 
when  they  hear  that  I  am  safe  they  will  listen  to  you." 

The  priest  waited  on  Hideyoshi,  and  obtaining  the  required  permis- 
sion set  out  at  once  for  the  Satsuma  capital.  Besides  the  detailed 
instructions  Hideyoshi  had  given  to  him,  he  carried  a  letter  from 
Iyelusa  to  the  Prince  Shimadzu  Yoshihisa. 

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gubbins:  hid&yoshi  and  the  satsuma  clan.  189 

On  the  disastrous  day  on  which  the  Satsuma  forces  had  been 
routed  in  every  part  of  the  field,  the  young  Prince  Yoshihiro  had  fled  to 
Kagoshima,  where  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  scattered  remnants  of 
his  army.  To  his  surprise  he  found  that  the  actual  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded  amongst  his  own  men  was  but  small.  The  attack  had 
been  so  sudden,  and  the  panic  so  complete,  thfct  both  leaders  and  men 
had  fled  without  striking  a  blow.  That  night  the  woods  and  hills  in 
the  neighbourhood  held  thousands  of  fugitives  of  all  ranks,  who,  now 
that  the  enemy  showed  no  signs  of  pursuing  them,  came  creeping  out  of 
their  hiding  places  into  Kagoshima.  The  disbanded  forces  thus  collected 
made  a  still  formidable  army,  but  the  old  spirit  which  had  animated 
them  was  gone.  Both  leaders  and  men  were  utterly  cowed,  and 
recognising,  therefore,  the  uselessness  of  attempting  to  make  another 
stand  without  the  walls  of  the  town,  the  Satsuma  Generals  concentrated 
their  troops  in  the  castle.  And  as  an  attack  might  be  expected  at  any 
moment,  the  garrison  busied  themselves  in  making  every  provision  for 
a  siege.  Weak  points  in  the  defence  were  strengthened,  fresh  entrench- 
ments were  dug,  and  the  battlements  were  manned  with  the  full 
complement  of  men.  Bat, — and  not  for  the  first  time  in  the  course  of 
his  campaign, — the  enemy  showed  no  disposition  to  follow  up  his 
success,  but  lay  quietly  encamped  in  the  captured  positions.  Three 
days  had  thus  passed  since  the  defeat  before  Kagoshima,  and  still  the 
enemy  had  not  stirred.  On  the  morning  of  the  fourth  day,  a  scout 
reported  that  a  slight  stir  was  observable  in  the  enemy's  lines,  and 
presently  some  sentinels,  posted  on  the  look-out,  observed  a  procession 
of  a  few  palanquins  crossing  the  hills  to  the  north  of  the  town. 
Gradually,  for  it  moved  but  slowly,  it  neared  the  castle,  and  to  the 
challenge  of  the  guard  an  answer  was  given  that  a  messenger  from  the 
Imperialist  commander-in-chief  demanded  an  audience  of  the  prince. 
With  so  small  a  following  there  could  be  no  fear  of  treachery,  so  the 
gates  were  opened  and  the  messenger  admitted.  Having  entered,  he 
stept  out  of  his  palanquin  and  announced  himself  as  the  head  priest  of 

Shimadzu  Yoshihisa  was  prejudiced  against  the  priest  because  he 
came  from  a  place  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  but  he  received  him  with 
the  courtesy  due  to  his  rank,  and  learning  that  the  nature  of  the 

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communication  he  had  to  make  was  private,  led  the  way  into  an  inner 
chamber,  into  which  only  his  son  Yoshihiro  and  the  priest  followed 

Seating  himself  and  motioning  the  visitor  to  do  likewise,  the  prince 
inquired  his  business.  "  I  come,"  replied  the  priest,  "  seeking  the  wel- 
fare of  the  province."  *'The  welfare  of  the  province,"  repeated  the 
prince  drily ;  "  please  explain  yourself." 

Thus  urged,  the  abbot  commenced  a  long  harangue,  taking  for  his 
text  the  "  Will  of  Heaven,"  a  common  theme  of  Buddhist  discourses. 
Man,  he  explained,  has  his  duties  to  perform  in  this  world,  according 
to  the  class  of  life  he  fills,  and  though  it  might  seem  otherwise,  all 
social  ranks  and  distinctions  are  in  reality  the  work  of  Heaven.  Nothing 
in  the  world  can  be  done  without  its  influence ;  man  is  but  an 
instrument  in  the  hands  of  Heaven.  As  instances  in  support  of  his 
argument,  the  speaker  alluded  to  the  rise  of  Nobunaga,  his  death 
by  the  hand  of  Akechi  Mutsuhid£,  the  career  of  Hid6yoshi  and  his 
recent  victorious  campaign.  In  each  case  the  hand  of  Heaven  was  dis- 
cernible. Heaven  had  willed  that  Hideyoshi  should  conquer  Kiushiu, 
audit  was  not  for  the  Shimadzu  to  withstand  the  decree  of  Providence. 
The  speaker  discoursed  at  length  on  this  text,  then  skilfully  shifting 
his  ground,  he  appealed  earnestly  to  the  personal  sympathies  of  his 
hearers.  Of  the  widespread  desolation  caused  by  the  long  waged  war ; 
of  the  family  ties  which  must  count  for  something  in  the  forthcoming 
decision  of  the  clan,  he  said  nothing ;  nor  of  the  diminished  revenues, 
scanty  harvests,  and  suffering  peasantry.  But  he  reminded  his  hearers 
of  their  illustrious  descent  from  Yoritomo,  and  the  foundation  of  their 
family  four  centuries  before,  and  dwelt  with  a  touch  of  genuine  pride 
(for  he  was  a  Satsuma  man  himself)  on  the  glorious  traditions  of  the 
clan  and  the  proud  position  which  it  had  achieved  for  itself  unaided  in 
Kiushiu.  He  concluded  an  eloquent  appeal  in  these  words : — "  Would 
it  be  right,  think  you,  to  stake  all  this  on  an  issue  in  which  your 
chances  of  success  are,  believe  me,  as  nothing  ?  Would  it  not  rather  be 
ingratitude  to  your  ancestors,  cruelty  to  your  clansmen,  and  injustice  to 
your  posterity  ?  Be  wise,  therefore ;  dismiss  your  pride,  and  negotiate 
for  peace ;  so  shall  posterity  have  cause  to  thank  you  and  the  shades  of 
your  ancestors  rest  in  their  graves." 

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There  was  so  much  sound  sense  in  the  abbot's  address  that  the 
prince  and  his  son  hardly  knew  what  to  reply.  And  when  they  found 
an  answer,  it  only  betrayed  the  weakness  of  their  position. 

For  their  objection  that  the  clan  was  no  longer  in  a  position  to 
sue  for  terms  without  lowering  itself  irretrievably  in  the  eyes  of  the 
world  the  abbot  at  once  met  by  pointing  out  that  the  first  overtures 
had  come  from  Hidtyoshi.  Their  pride  could  not  therefore  suffer  on 
that  score.  As  for  their  unwillingness  to  yield, — the  feeling  was  a 
natural  one :  but  even  if  they  considered  such  a  step  wrong,  the 
Shimadzu  might  surely  be  content  to  err  in  such  good  company  as 
that  of  Mdri  of  the  Ten  Provinces  and  Chdsokabe'  of  Shikoku. 

The  prince  and  his  son  were  gradually  won  over  by  these  arguments, 
and  when  the  priest,  who  had  watched  his  opportunity,  gave  them  the  letter 
of  IyeUsa  and  explained  under  what  circumstances  it  was  written,  the 
scale  was  turned  in  favor  of  submission.  This  resolution  was  at  once 
laid  before  a  general  assembly  of  the  clan,  by  whom  it  was  approved, 
and  nothing  then  remained  but  to  arrange  the  details  of  the  surrender. 
To  guard  against  treachery  it  was  decided  that  Yoshihisa  should  set  out 
immediately  for  the  camp  of  Hid£yoshi,  where  his  son  should  join  him 
if  everything  was  found  to  be  satisfactory. 

The  party,  travelling  quickly,  soon  reached  the  headquarters  of  the 
Imperial  army,  and  there  Yoshihisa  for  the  first  time  stood  face  to  face 
with  Hid£yoshi.  He  saw  indeed  a  man — such  as  described  in  all 
chronicles  of  the  times — of  small  stature  and  a  weazened,  monkey-like 
face ;  but  as  our  historian  .tells  us,  "  there  was  an  innate  nobility  in  the 
demeanour  of  the  great  General,  and  Yoshihisa  was  filled  with  awe." 

The  negotiations  between  the  two  leaders  need  not  detain  us  long. 
At  the  instance  of  Hid^yoshi,  who  declined  to  move  in  the  matter  in  the 
absence  of  Yoshihiro,  the  Prince's  son  was  sent  for.  On  his  arrival . 
Hid^yoshi  communicated  his  terms.  The  territory  of  Satsuma  was 
restored  almost  in  its  entirety,  and  was  to  comprise  Osumi,  Satsuma  and 
half  of  Hiuga.  But  this  concession  was  purchased  by  the  deposition  of 
the  reigning  Prince  Yoshihisa,  who  was  to  abdicate  in  favor  of  his  son 
Yoshihiro,  and  was  to  accompany  Hid£yoshi  on  his  return  to  the  capital 
as  a  hostage  for  the  clan. 

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142  gubbins:  hh>£yoshi  and  the  satbuma  clan. 

The  liberality  of  these  terms  astonished  the  Shimadzu  Family,  while 
it  disappointed  many  of  the  Generals  nnder  Hidfyoshi,  who  had  looked 
for  a  redistribution  of  the  Satsuma  territory,  in  which  their  claims 
would  receive  attention. 

A  characteristic  incident  occurred  on  the  return  march  of  the 
Imperialist  army.  As  the  vanguard  was  defiling  through  one  of  the 
passes  on  the  borders  of  Satsuma,  they  suddenly  found  the  road  barred 
by  a  hostile  force,  whose  leader,  advancing  close  to  the  front  ranks  of  the 
Imperialists,  announced  himself  as  Niiro  Musashi  no  Kami.  With  an 
obstinate  fidelity  to  a  failing  cause  which  refused  to  recognize  defeat  as 
long  as  a  handful  of  his  men  were  still  round  him,  he  had  taken  to  the 
hills  on  the  day  of  the  final  disaster  to  the  Satsuma  army,  and  refused 
to  join  his  clansmen  in  seeking  shelter  behind  the  walls  of  Eagoshima. 
While  the  negotiations  we  have  described  were  pending,  he  carefully 
kept  aloof,  and  as  each  day  the  arrival  of  fresh  fugitives  swelled  the 
ranks  of  his  small  army,  at  the  end  of  a  fortnight  he  considered  himself 
strong  enough  to  take  the  field  at  the  head  of  a  force  of  8,000  men.  Of 
the  course  of  events  since  his  retreat  from  the  field,  when  all  seemed  to 
be  lost,  he  knew  nothing,  and  he  accordingly  conceived  the  bold  idea  of 
marching  to  the  border,  there  to  He  in  wait  for  any  portion  of  the 
enemy's  army  which  might  pass  that  way.  It  happened  that  he  chose 
the  very  line  of  route  by  which  the  whole  Imperialist  army  was 
returning,  and  thus  further  bloodshed  was  avoided ; — for  on  learning 
the  actual  state  of  things  he  saw  the  absurdity  of  attempting  any 
further  resistance  and  gave  in  his  submission.  He  earned,  however, 
the  proud  distinction  of  being  the  last  Satsuma  man  who  laid  down  his 

In  closing  our  account  of  this  chapter  of  Japanese  history  it  only 
remains  to  notice  an  episode  which  illustrates  the  barbarity  of  the  times. 
After  the  surrender  of  the  Prince  of  Satsuma  it  leaked  out  in  some  way 
that  the  success  of  the  movement  by  which  the  Satsuma  forces  were 
surprised  and  routed  before  Eagoshima  was  due  to  the  assistance  of 
guides.  And  as  soon  as  the  last  soldier  of  the  invading  army  had 
left  the  country,  a  searching  inquiry  was  instituted,  with  the  result  that 
the  part  taken  by  the  Shishijima  priests  was  disclosed.  The  popular 
feeling,    eager    to    find    some    scapegoat  on  which   to   avenge   their 

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•humiliation  in  the  late  campaign,  clamoured  for  the  execution  of  the 
men  who  had  been  traitors  to  their  province,  and  the  poor  priests  of 
Shismjima  and  their  parishioners  were  barbarously  crucified.  Nor 
did  the  Satsuma  vengeance  stop  here.  A  decree  was  issued  that  every 
inhabitant  of  Satsuma,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  from  the 
samurai  down  to  the  common  pedlar,  who  belonged  to  the  Shin  sect  of 
Buddhists  must  renounce  his  creed.  Any  who  disobeyed  this  order 
were  to  be  expelled  the  province,  and  those  who  resisted  expulsion 
might  be  killed  with  impunity.  The  effects  of  this  ill-advised  policy 
are  to  be  traced  to  this  day,  and  the  general  repugnance  to  Buddhism 
in  the  southern  provinces  of  Kiushiu  is  thus  explained: 

It  may  be  asked  what  action  Hid^yoshi  took  on  hearing  of  the 
massacre.  He  availed  himself  of  a  method  of  shewing  dissatisfaction 
much  in  vogue  among  diplomatists.    He  protested. 

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Digitized  by  LrOOQ IC 


«— i  i  . 

r.>        "  i" 

.  .* 


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■%  « 

Digitized  by  LfOOQ IC 

APR  271881 

(  146  ) 


By  C.  J.  Tabbing,  Esq.,  M.  A. 


[Read  December  9, 1879.] 

The  Taihd  Rid,  or  Code  of  Taihd,  is  so  called  from  having  been 
drawn  np  in  the  second  year  of  the  period  of  Taihd,  A.  D.  702,  which 
was  the  thirty-second  year  of  the  reign  of  Mommn  Tennd,  who  reigned 
from  A.  D.  671  to  A.  D.  706.  The  text  was  supplemented  by  notes 
contributed  by  the  judges  and  lawyers  and  other  learned  men  in  the 
spring  of  the  10th  year  of  Tench6,  A.  D.  768,  by  order  of  the  Emperor 
Junna,  and  authorized  by  the  Imperial  Government.  Text  and  notes 
now  form  a  work  called  Bid  no  Gi-ge,  or  Commentaries  on  the  Law,  the 
whole  written  in  the  Chinese  in  use  among  the  Japanese  of  those  times. 

The  work  is  divided  into  thirty  sections,  devoted  to  as  many 
branches  of  the  law.1    The  section  treating  of  the  land  system  is  called 

1  These  sections  are  named  as  follows:  Vol.  1 — Kuwan-irid  (Official' titles), 
Shoku-in  rid  (Duties  of  officials),  Kd-in-shoku-in  rid  (Duties  of  officials  of  the 
household  of  the  Empress),  Td-gu-shoku-in  rid  (Duties  of  officials  in  the  household 
of  the  Heir-apparent  to  the  crown),  Ka-rei-shoku-in  rid  (Duties  of  officials  in  the 
household  of  officers  of  high  rank) ;  vol.  2 — Jin-gi  rid  (Dedication  to  the  gods), 
Sd-ni  rid  (Buddhist  priests),  So  rid  (the  Family) ;  vol.  3— Den  rid  (the  Land), 
Fu-yaku  rid  (Taxation),  Gaku  rid  (Learning) ;  vol.  4— Sen- jo  rid  (Official  ranks  and 
titles),  Eei-shi  rid  (the  Descent  of  the  Crown  and  Dignities  of  royal  or  imperial 
persons),  Kd-kuwarid  (Meritorious  fulfillment  of  official  duties),  Boku  rid  (Salaries) ; 
vol.  6 — Kn-yei  rid  (Court  guard),  Gum-bd  rid  (Army  and  frontier  defence) ;  vol.  6— 
Gi-seirid  (Ceremonies),  I-fuku  rid  (Official costumes),  Yei-zen  rid  (Public  works) ;  vol. 
7 — Ku-shiki  rid  (Mode  of  addressing  persons  of  rank) ;  vol.  8— Sd-ko  rid  (Stores  of 
rice  and  other  grain),  Kiu-boku  rid  (Stables  and  fodder),  I-shitsu  rid  (Duties  of 
medical  officers  attached  to  the  Court) ;  vol.  9— Ka-nei  rid  (Official  vacations), 
Sd-Bd  rid  (Funerals  and  mourning),  Kuwan-shi  rid  (Watch  and  ward  and  markets), 
Ho-bd  rid  (Arrest  of  criminals) ;  vol.  10— Goku  rid  (Jails),  Zatsu  rid  (Miscellaneous, 
including  bailment,  finding  of  lost  goods,  etc.)* 

vol.  vni.  19 

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146  tarring:  land  provisions  of  the  taiho  rio. 

Den  rid,  or  Law  of  Land ;  but  a  few  provisions  relating  to  the  same 
subject  are  found  in  the  Fu-yaku  rio  (Law  of  Taxation),  the  Ko  rid  (Law 
of  the  Family),  and  the  Sd-ni  rid  (Law  of  Buddhist  priests).  There  is,  as 
might  be  expected,  a  lack  of  logical  division  and  ordering  of  the  subject, 
which  the  writer  of  the  present  paper  has  attempted  to  remedy ;  topics 
are  treated  fragmentarily  in  different  places,  which  a  modern  author 
would  have  given  a  single  complete  view  of  at  once.  There  are, 
however,  indications  of  a  highly  artificial  organisation  of  society 
having  already  developed  itself,  both  in  the  ingenious  and  even  minute 
classifications  and  distinctions  found  in  the  Den  rid,  and  in  the  titles 
themselves  of  other  sections  of  the  entire  work.     (See  Note  1.) 

There  seems  to  be  considerable  doubt  as  to  the  amount  of  binding 
force  possessed  by  the  Code.  It  appears  only  to  have  had  effect  at  any 
time  in  those  parts  of  Japan  immediately  subject  to  the  rule  of  the 
Imperial  Court.  The  rise  and  progress  of  the  Shdgunata  must,  therefore, 
have  seriously  restricted  its  authority.'  However  that  may  be,  it  is 
of  considerable  interest  to  jurists  at  the  present  day,  as  exhibiting  the 
juridical  ideas  concerning  property  in  land  in  vogue  at  that  epoch. 
Theoretically,  the  law  is  still  in  force ;  and  it  forms  one  of  the  subjects  of 
study  in  the  Law  Department  of  Tdkiyd  University. 

At  the  outset  the  principle  is  laic}  down  that  the  whole  of 
the  land  is  the  property  of  the  Sovereign,  by  whom  different  kinds  of 
estates  were  granted  out  to  different  classes  of  persons.  These  kinds 
of  estates  were  as  follows : — 

1.  Ku-bun~den,  or  wiouth-sliare-land. — This  was  granted  to  all 
persons  of  the  age  of  five  years  and  upwards  in  the  proportion  of 
two  tan  each  to  males  and  two- thirds  of  a  tan  each  to  females,  except 
where  the  population  was  large  and  the  available  land  of  small  extent.9 
Even  slaves  received  a  share  of  ku-bun-den.  Public  slaves  were  entitled 
to  as  much  as  free  men,  but  land  in  their  hands  was  said  to  be  fu-zri-den, 
i.e.,  it  could  not  be  sold  or  let  to  profit.  .  Private  slaves  were  entitled  to 

2  The  tan  is  an  area  anciently  30  ho  by  12  ho,  now  30  Iw  by  10 ;  and  10  tan 
make  one  cho.  In  the  present  day  ac/w  is  12,000  square  yards,  and  a  tan  1,200 ; 
but  the  modern  tan  is  not  a  measure  of  the  same  extent  as  the  old  one.  One  tan 
produced  50  bundles  of  rice,  giving  6  shd  of  threshed  rice,  of  which  2}  bundles 
were  paid  as  tax. 

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one-third  a  freeman's  share,  if  there  was  sufficient  land.8  When  granted 
oat  the  land  had  to  be  marked  oat  by  bounds.  This  ku-bun-den  was 
given  for  life  only,  and  reverted  to  the  Sovereign  on  the  death  of  the  tenant, 
A  fresh  distribution  was  supposed  to  be  made  every  sixth  year,  called 
the  han-nen  or  distribution  year,  corresponding  to  the  limit  of  age 
qualifying  to  take  ku- bun-den;  but  this  provision  was  not  literally 
carried  out.  In  the  first  month  of  the  han-nen  the  quantity  of 
unappropriated  land  was  to  be  reported. to  the  Dai-jo-kuwan  or  Central 
Government.  In  the  tenth  month  the  local  authorities  were  to 
calculate  the  amount  of  land  required  and  the  number  of  persons 
entitled  to  it.  In  the  eleventh  month  the  persons  entitled  were 
called  out  and  received  their  shares ;  and  the  distribution  ought  to  be 
finished  before  the  end  of  the  second  month  of  the  succeeding  year. 
In  the  interval  between  the  death  of  a  tenant  and  the  succeeding 
han-nen  the  land  was  held  by  the  late  tenant's  family.  In  general  it 
was  necessary  that  hi-bun-dm  'should  be  granted  near  the  residence  of 
the  grantee,  even  though  he  wished  otherwise ;  and  on  reversion  the 
land  had  to  be  returned  in  one  compact  parcel. 

Where  the  land  was  sterile  and  did  not  give  an  annual  crop,  twice 
the  regular  amount  was  given,  such  land  being  called  yeJci-den,  or 
land  cultivated  by  alternation. 

2.  I-den,  or  rank-land. — This  was  granted  to  persons  of  rank 
according  do  their  rank,  as  follows  : — 

Ippon  consisted  of  80  cho  > 

Ni-hon      "  •      "  60    ' 

Sam-bon    "  "  50    « 

Shi-hon     "  "  40    ' 

Then  came  the  denominations  of  persons  of  official  rank,  and  their 
assignments  of  land : — 

Sho  ichii  received  80  cho 
JuicH-i         "         74    " 

8  The  following  classification  of  persons  is  found  incidentally  marked  out  in  the 
section  of  the  Code  which  treats  of  the  family  (Ko  rid) :  Persons  are  divided  into 
rid^min,  or  freemen,  and  semmin,  or  slaves.  Semmin  again  are  divided  into 
kuwan-ho,  rio-ko,  arid  ko-nu-hi,  belonging  to  the  public ;  and  he-nin  and  shi-nu-hi, 
belonging  to  rio-min. 

Given  only  to  persons  of  imperial,  rank. 

Digitized  by 


148  tabbing:  land  provisions  of  the  taih6  bio. 

ShS  ni-i    received   60  cho 

Ju  ni-i 


54    " 

Sho  sam-mi 


40   " 

Ju  sam-mi 


84    " 

Sho  shi-i 


24    " 

Ju  shi-i 


20   " 

Sho  go-i 


12   " 

Ju  go-i 


8   " 

A  female  of  corresponding  rank  received  two-thirds  of  a  male's  share. 

The  above  persons  had  kurai  or  £,  i.e.  rank.  They  generally  held 
office  also,  and  then  received  additional  allotments  of  land  of  the  next 
kind  of  estate., 

8.  Shoku-bun-dtn,  or  land  given  as  salary  to  persons  holding  office. — 
Here  we  come  upon  a  distinction  between  office-holders  as  being  either 
zai-kid,  officers  in  the  capital,  or  zai-ge,  officers  outside  the  capital. 
Lands  granted  to  zai-kid  were  as  follows : — 

The  Dai-jd  dai-jin  received  40  chS ;  the  Sa-dai-jin  and  U-dai-jin 
received  80  cho  each ;  the  Dai-na-gon  received  20  cho. 

Lands  were  granted  to  zai-ge  as  follows : —  ^ 

The  governor  of  the  da-zai-ful  fda-zai  no  sotsu)  received  10  cho  ; 
the  next  subordinate  (dai-ni)  received  8*  cho ;  the  next  officer  (sho-ni) 
received  4  cho;  the  next  rank  comprised  several  officers6  who  each 
received  2  cho ;  officers  of  the  next  rank6  received  each  1  cho  6  tan ; 
officers  of  the  next  rank7  received  each  1  chd  4  tan9  after  whom  came 
the  Rei-shi  with  1  cho  and  last  the  Shi-m,  who  received  6  tan. 

Then  came  the  governors  of  provinces  (kami),  who  received  shares 
according  to  the  class  to  which  their  province  belonged.8 

*  The  da-zai-fu  was  the  province  now  called  Chiknzen  in  Kiushiu.  The  duties 
of  the  governor  (da-zai  no  sotsu)  were  chiefly  connected  with  the  naturalization  of 
foreigners  and  the  defence  of  the  southern  part  of  the  empire.  It  was  a  sort  of 
army,  navy,  and  foreign  department.  The  cits'  D*-*ai-fu  was  situated  in  Tsukushi, 
near  the  modern  Hakata,  in  the  northeast  of  Kiushiu.  Vide  the  Shoku-in  rid, 
vol.  X  of  the  Code. 

6  Dai-kuwan,  Sho-kwwan,  Dai-han-ji  (chief  justice)- 

6Dai-ku,  Sfc6-fczn-ji  ((puisne  justice),  DaUten,  Bbyinnokami  (head  of  the 
1  tensive  army),  hamu-tsukai  (servant  of  the  gods),  hak*$e  (professor,  teacher). 
Pr    *  Stolen. 
wer    As  to  the  classification  of  the  provinces  vide  the  Shoku-in  ri6. 


tabbing:  land  provisions  of  the  taiho  bio.  149 

Governors  of  tai-koku  received  2  cho  6  tan. 

"         "  jd-koku  and  assistant  governors  of  tai-koku  2  cho  2  ton. 
"         "  cAw-fofo "        "  "  "  jd-koku   2  cto. 

"         "  ka-koku  and  the  executive  officers  of  tai-koku  and  jd-koku 
received  1  chd  6  tan. 

Governors  of  gun  or  &ort  (divisions  of  provinces)  again  received 
shares  according  to  a  classification  of  those  officers  themselves  into  (1) 
dai-rio,  or  head,  who  received  6  cho;  (2)  sho-rio,  who  received  4  cho;  and 
(8)  shusei,  or  clerk,  and  shu-chd  or  keeper  of  the  records,  who 
received  2  cho  each ;  hut  if  the  village  in  which  the  officer  resided  was 
small,  these  shares  abated. 

The  principle  of  granting  lands  as  salary  for  official  duties  was 
carried  to  the  extent  of  endowing  post-towns  along  the  roads  with  lands 
to  defray  the  expenses  of  supplying  coolies  and  horses  for  government 
use.  These  lands  were  called  yeki-den*  or  post  town  lands,  and  were 
apparently  a  variety  of  shoku-bun-den.  These  lands  were  granted  to 
post-towns  on  a  scale  according  to  the  class  of  road  upon  which  the  towns 
were  situated.  Thus  post-towns  along  roads  classed  as  dai-ro  received 
4  cho ;  along  roads  classed  as  chiu-ro,  8  cho ;  along  roads  classed  as 
sho-ro,  2  chd.  •  # 

4.  Ko-den,  or  land  granted  for  public  merit. — Tai-ko  was  granted  for 
the  highest  public  merit  and  was  given  in  perpetuity ;  jo-ko  was  granted 
for  high  public  merit,  and  was  held  to  the  third  generation  ;  chiu-kd  was 
granted  for  medium  public  merit,  and  was  retained  only  to  the  second 
generation ;  ka-ko  was  granted  for  the  lowest  recognized  public  merit, 
and  only  descended  to  a  son  or  daughter. 

Land  of  this  nature  (kd-den)  was  only  to  be  given  to  a  man  in  the 
place  to  which  he  belonged,  if  there  was  land  there  in  sufficient 
quantity,  unless  the  Emperor  named  a  particular  piece  of  land  elsewhere. 

If  a  person  entitled  .to  i-den  died  before  he  came  into  possession  of 

9  This  is  a  different  word,  though  bearing  the  same  sound,  from  the  name 
given  to  the  double  share  of  ku-bun-den  granted  on  account  of  sterility.  The 
two  words  are  both  Chinese  but  have  different  meanings,  and  are  represented  by 
different  characters. 

Digitized  by 


150  tabbing:  land  provisions  of  the  taiho  bi6. 

his  entire  estate,  only  that  portion  descended  to  his  heirs  which  the 
ancestor  had  actually  taken  possession  of,  which  might  he  none  at  all. 
In  the  case  of  ko-den,  however,  the  heir  in  such  a  case  was  entitled  to  the 

5.  Shi-den,  which  teas  an  estate  created  by  the  especial  edict  of  the 
Emperor.— 11  in  any  part  of  a  province  (kuni  or  koku)  the  land  was 
insufficient  to  give  a  proper  share  to  each  person  (such  a  part  of  the 
country  being  called  kiyo-kiyo),  the  deficiency  might  be  made  up 
out  of  a  distant  part  of  the  same  province  where  the  land  was 
sufficient  in  quantity  (such  part  being  called  kuwan-kiyou). 

A  certain  quantity  of  land  was  retained  in  the  Go-ki-nai  (the  five 
home  provinces)  for  direct  government  purposes.  This  was  called 
kuwan-den.  Thirty  cho  was  so  retained  in  Yamato  and  Settsu,  and 
twenty  cho  in  Eawachi  and  Yamashiro.  One  head  of  kine10  had  to  be 
fed  on  every  two  cho,  and  tended  by  a  house  exempt  from  the  burden  of 
public  labour.  (See  below,  Kuwa-yeki).  Kuican-den  was  under  the 
immediate  control  of  the  Ku-nai-shd,  or  office  of  the  Imperial  Household, 
by  which  the  crops  were  regulated,  and  a  report  made  to  the  Dai-jd- 
kuwan,  that  the  necessary  number  of  workmen  might  be  furnished. 

A  particular  denomination  is  given  in  the  Code  to  land  devoted  to 
the  cultivation  of  mulberry  (Icuwa)  and  lacquer  (urushi)  trees.  Such 
land"  was  called  on-chiy  and  was  granted  out  to  the  families  of  a  village, 
and  only  reverted  to  the  sovereign  if  the  family  died  out.  But  it  was 
transferable  from  one  family  to  another.  The  families  in  a  village  were 
distinguished  according  to  the  number  of  their  members  as  jo-ko,  chiu-kof 
ka-ko.  Jo-ko  families  receiving  on~chi  had  to  plant  800  mulberry  trees 
and  100  lacquer  trees  ;  chiu-ko  families  had  to  plant  their  on-chi  with  200 
mulberry  trees  and  70  lacquer  trees ;  while  ka-ko  families  had  to  plant 
100  mulberry  trees  and  40  lacquer  trees.  These  trees  were  to  be  planted 
within  five  years  of  the  grant,  unless  the  land  was  unsuitable  or  not  ex- 
tensive enough.  The  amount  of  the  shares  would  depend  on  the  extent 
of  the  village,  and  newly  formed  families  became  entitled  like  old  ones. 

Transfers  of  building  land  \taku-chi)11  had  to  be  notified  to  the  local 

10  Ushi  no  itto,  exactly  rendered. 

11  Taku-chi  signifies  the  land  upon  which  a  dwelling  was  built,  together  with 
the  curtilage,  but  exclusive  of  the  dwelling  itself. 

Digitized  by 


tarring:  land  provisions  of  the  taiho  Rid.  161 

authorities  and  their  consent  obtained.  But  dwellings  or  warehouses, 
apart  from  the  land  on  which  they  were  built,  might  be  trans- 
ferred without  notification.  This  provision  also  applied  to  on-chi,  and 
to  land  brought  under  cultivation  by  the  owner's  own  labour.  If  a  man 
went  to  a  foreign  country  and  did  not  return,  his  ku-bun-den  reverted  to 
the  Emperor,  unless  he  left  relations  in  the  country  within  the  fifth 
degree  of  consanguinity  living  in  the  same  household,  in  which  case  the 
land  was  assigned  to  them  for  ten  years  from  motives  of  clemency. 
I-den  .and  shi-den  were  subject  to  the  same  rule ;  but  not  sholm-bun-den, 
in  which  case  probably  the  office  to  which  the  land  was  annexed  was 
filled  up  in  a  short  time,  and  the  shoku-bun-den  went  to  the  new 
incumbent.  In  the  case  of  hu-bun-den  the  original  owner  received  his 
land  or  an  equal  amount  back  on  returning  within  the  ten  years. 

If  a  land-owner  died  in  the  Emperor's  service,  e.g..  in  war,  his 
land  went  to  his  son  or  daughter,  but  not  to  any  other  surviving 

Any  man  might  lease  his  land  for  one  year  only,  unless  it  was 
.  on-chi,  when  he  could  lease  it  for  any  time  or  sell  it  outright.     But  in 
each  case  the  consent  of  the  local  authorities  was  necessary. 

When  different  persons  held  lands  in  intermixed  portions,  they 
might  apply  to  the  local  authorities  and  have  the  land  redistributed  in 
proportionate  entire  parcels,  a  record  of  the  transaction  being  kept. 

If  a  river  changed  its  course,  the  occupier  of  the  land  over  which 
the  new  channel  was  formed 'was  at  liberty  to  take  that  part  of  the  old 
bed  left  dry.  If  ku-bun-den  was  practically  lost  to  the  grantee  by  reason 
of  floods,  etc.,  it  was  resumed  in  the  han-ne%  (or  distribution  year),  and  a 
new  share  granted  out.  This  rule  did  not  apply  to  lands  belonging 
to  religious  bodies,  which  were  called  fu-zei-denf  land  exempt  from 

In  deciding  as  to  priority  of  receipt  of  land,  an  order  was  followed 
which  was  based  upon  a  combination  of  three  classifications  of  families 
into — 

(1)  Kuwa-ko  and  fu-kuica-ko,  or  taxable  and  untaxed  ; 

11  This  word  fu-zei-den  is  the  same  as  is  used  with  reference  to  the  share  of 
public  slaves  in  ku-bun-den.  In  both  cases  the  word  implies  that  the  land  could 
not  be  made  a  profit  of.  • 

Digitized  by 


152  tabbing:  land  provisions  of  the  taih6  ri6. 

(2)  Those  possessing  and  those  not  possessing  any  land  ; 
(8)  Rich  and  poor. 

The  order  then  was  as  as  follows : 

1.  Kwva-ko,  and  of  them : 

(a)  those  that  had  no  land ; 

(b)  those  that  had  a  little ; 

( c)  the  poor ; 

(d)  the  rich. 

2.  Fu-kuwa~ko,  and  of  them  : 

(a)  those  that  had  no  land  ;  - 

(b)  those  that  had  a  little  ; 
-(e)  the  poor; 

(d)  the  rich. 

No  person  possessed  of  land  was  allowed  to  give  or  sell  it  to  a 

Land,  either  public  or  private,14  which  had  been  abandoned  for  three 
years  on  more,  would  be  lent  to  any  one  making  application  for  it ;  and  . 
it  would  be  no  objection  that  such  land  was  situated  in  a  distant  gun. 
Private  land  so  lent  had  to  be  returned  to  the  owner  after  three  years' 
enjoyment ;  public  land  was  returned  to  the  government  after  six  years ; 
but  if  at  the  end  of  the  six  years  the  temporary  tenant  had  not  yet 
received  an  allotment  of  ku-bun-den,  public  land  cultivated  by  him 
would  be  assigned  in  part  or  entire  satisfaction. 

The  officers  of  any  province  were  allowed  to  cultivate  unoccupied 
land  in  their  province,  if  there  existed  any,  during  their  term  of  office  on 
application  to  the  government. 

On  a  dispute  arising  as  to  land,  crops  sown  before  go  to  the 
tenant  in  possession ;  crops  sown  subsequently  went  according  to  the 
judgment.  Similarly  as  to  manures,  compensation  was  given  or  not 
according  as  to  whether  they  were  laid  down  before  or  after. 

Crops  sown  by  the  zai-ge  officers  on  their  shoku-bun-den  go  to  them 

u  An  early  instance  of  a  law  of  Mortmain. 

uI-den,  thi-den  and  hthbun-dcn  was  called  private  land:  all  other  kinds  of 
land  were  public  land. 

Digitized  by 



on  their  leaving  office  and  giving  up  the  land  to  their  successors.  The 
outgoing  tenant  also  received  compensation  for  labour  expended  on  the 

In  the  Fu-yaku  rid,  the  section  relating  to  taxation,  there  are  found 
the  following  provisions  concerning  land : — 

When  a  crop  was  injured  by  worms,  frost,  etc.,  the  family  owning 
the  land  was  exempt  from  taxation  that  year  in  the  following  propor- 
tions, viz.: — 

(a)  When  the  crop  was  injured  to  the  extent  of  one-half  or  more 

(go  bu,  5  parts,  i.e.  out  of  10),  the  tax  on  the  land  was  remitted. 

(b)  If  the  injury  was  to  the  extent  of  70  per  cent  (shichi  bu,  7 

parts  out  of  10),  all  miscellaneous  taxes,  such  as  the  produce 
of  mulberry  and  lacquer  trees,  were  remitted. 

(c)  When  the  injury  was   80  per  cent   (hachi  bu,  8  parts)  and 

upward,  all  kuwa-yeki  (personal  services)  were  remitted. 

Kuwa-yeki  was  compulsory  service  by  all  males  who  attained  majority 
for  80  days  in  the  year;  and  two  minors,  or  ji-tei,  were  considered  equal 
to  one  person  of  full  age,  so  that  each  minor  was  required  to  serve  for 
15  days.     At  66  years  of  age  the  liability  ceased. 

The  nature  of  these  services  may  be  gathered  from  the  provisions 
enacted  with  respect  to  them.  Thus  the  labourers  were  to  be  allowed 
to  rest  between  12  noon  and  4  in  the  afternoon  during  June  and  July : 
they  were  not  to  be  made  to  work  at  night :  if  the  labourers  fell  sick, 
or  it  rained,  so  that  they  could  not  work  out  of  doors,  they  were  only 
allowed  half  rations;  but  if  the  services  did  not  require  exposure  to 
weather,  work  was  to  be  continued  even  during  rain,  and  full  rations 
were  to  be  supplied.  If  labourers  were  taken  ill  on  their  way  to  the 
scene  of  their  labours,  they  were  left  in  the  care  of  the  local  authorities 
and  fed  out  of  the  public  funds.  If  they  died,  a  coffin  was  to  be  furnished 
out  of  the  public  funds  ;  and  if  no  one  claimed  the  body,  it  was  to  be 
burnt  and  the  ashes  buried  by  the  wayside  and  a  mark  set  up.  But  the 
remains  were  to  be  given  up  to  any  relative  or  friend  who  had  a  right 
to  apply  for  them* 

The  following  cases  of  exemption  from  kuwa-yeki  were  allowed : 
Father,  grandfather,  brother,   son    and    grandson   of  persons  of  the 

VOL.  VIII.  20 

Digitized  by 


154  '  tabbing:  land  provisions  of  the  taih6  bi6. 

rank  of  sam-mi  (the  third  class  of  official  rank)  and  above ;  father  and 
son  of  go-i  (fifth  class  of  official  rank)  and  above ;  all  persons  of  royal 
blood ;  persons  infirm,  or  seriously  ill,  or  deformed ;  females ;  slaves. 

These  labourers  were  all  under  the  superintendence  of  the  koku-ski, 
er  governor  of  the  province,  when  at  home.  At  the  place  of  service  an 
officer  called  Dan-jo- taiu  was  charged  to  keep  order. 

In  the  Eo  rid,  or  section  treating  of  family  law,  the  following  in- 
teresting provision  is  found.  Every  five  houses  were  united  for  purposes 
of  common  security  into  a  community  called  go-ho.  If  a  man  became  a 
fugitive,  his  hi-bun-den  was  kept  and  cultivated  as  before  by  the  go-ho*or 
his  relations  within  the  third  degree  for  three  years.  At  the  end  of 
that  time,  if  he  did  not  return,  it  reverted  to  the  Sovereign. 

In  this  section  too  there  are  some  rather  elaborate  rules  as  to  in- 
heritance. Inheritable  property  is  described  as  slaves,  land,  houses,  and 
personal  property  (shi-zai).  Ko-den  (land  granted  for  public  merit)  is  to 
be  divided  equally  among  both  male  and  female  relations.  As  to  the  rest 
the  ruleB  are  as  follows : — 

The  mother  (chaku-bo), 

the  step-mother  (Jcei-bo),  •  each  received  2  parts ; 

and  the  eldest  son  (chaku-shi), 

the  younger  sons  (sho-shi)  received  one  part  each ; 

the  concubine  (sho) 

and  the  female  children 

received  one-half  part  each  ; 

Children  of  sons,  including  adopted  children,  represent  their  father, 
a  female  child  taking  half  the  share  of  a  male  child ;  but  if  all  the  sons 
died,  all  their  children  took  per  capita.1*  Children  of  daughters  did  not 
represent  their  mother. 

Property  belonging  to  a  wife  on  her  marriage  is  not  included  in  the 

u  A  kind  of  police  prefect.  The  office  existed,  in  name  at  least,  till  nine  years 
ago,  when  it  was  absorbed  in  the  Shi-lw-shd  or  judicial  department. 

M  Sir  Henry  Maine,  in  his  Early  History  of  Institutions,  p.  328,  points  out 
the  significance  of  succession  per  capita  as  marking  an  earlier  stage  of  law 
than  succession  per  stirpes.  Here  we  seem  to  see  a  transition  in  process  from  one 
form  of  succession  to  the  other.  ' 

Digitized  by 


tabbing:  land  pbovisions  of  the  TAmd  Bid.'  155 

The  widow  or  concubine  of  a  son  of  the  deceased  received  that  son's 
share  if  there  were  no  children. 

If  the  deceased  left  a  sister  or  niece  remaining  in  the  house,  they 
took  a  half  share  of  the  grandchildren,  even  if  they  were  married, 
unless  they  had  received  a  portion.  If  a  man  died  without  male  issue* 
the  widow  or  concubine  represented  her  husband.  But  if  a  son 
succeeded  to  his  father's  share,  he  was  obliged  to  allow  his  widowed 
mother  during  her  widowhood  to  enjoy  the  property  jointly  with  him. 

The  above  rules  as  to  distribution  did  not  apply  to  the  kind  of 
estates  called  ko-den,  which  was  divided  amongst  all  the  children,  male 
and  female,  in  equal  shares. 

When  members  of  a  family  agreed  to  live  together  and  to  eqjoy 
the  property  jointly,  the  above  provisions  did  not  apply.  Nor  did  they 
in  the  case  of  a  disposition  inter  vivos  by  the  deceased  clearly  established.17 

In  the  Sd-ni  rio,  or  section  relating  to  Buddhist  priests,  it  is  provided 
that  priests  and  nuns  may  not  hold  land. 

Modern  lawyers  will  probably  notice  some  marks  of  inconsistency 
or  incompleteness  in  the  provisions  of  the  Den  rid  as  above  set  out. 
Perhaps  the  most  obvious  is  also  the-  true  explanation, — that  in  a  code 
of  such  an  early  date  as  this  the  same  scientific  accuracy  and  com- 
pleteness cannot  be  expected  as  would  be  demanded  in  the  present  age 
in  such  a  work. 

w  Wills  are  not  mentioned  in  the  Code. 

Digitized  by 




By  J.  Edkins,  D.D.,  CorreBponding  Member  of  the  Society. 

[Read  January  13,  1880.] 

The  Chinese  language  has  been  in  a  state  of  constant  flux  since  the 
time  of  the  introduction  of  the  Chinese  characters  into  Japan.  Change 
is  inevitable  in  human  speech,  and  the  Japanese  tongue  is  not  likely  to 
prove  an  exception  to  the  lawtf  The  syllabaries  in  use  in  the  schools  of 
Japan  were  invented  at  a  time  quite  long  enough  ago  for  changes  to 
enter  in  the  interval  between  then  and  now.  If  changes  have  come  into 
the  Japanese  syllabary,  in  what  parts  of  it  are  they  to  be  found  ?  In 
this  subject  of  inquiry  the  late  very  elaborate  paper  by  Mr.  Satow,  on 
the  "  Transliteration  of  the  Japanese  Syllabary,"  is  adapted  to  be  most 

I  cannot  but  think,  notwithstanding  the  adverse  opinion  of  Mr.  Satow 
in  page  18  of  his  paper,  that  there  are  strong  indications  of  flux  in  the 
sounds  chi  and  tsu.  I  think  also  that  there  has  been  a  remarkable 
change  in  the/  and  h  group,  on  which  Mr.  Satow  gives  no  opinion. 

Several  sources  of  evidence  on  these  changes  will  now  be  ap- 
pealed to.  •         .  ■ 

1.  The  sound  tsu  is  t  in  certain  positions.  Thus  in  motte,  yotte, 
the  sibilization  disappears.  Here  we  find  the  original  sound  preserved 
in  a  favourable  position.  It  is  the  te  following  it  that  throws  the 
primitive  sound  into  relief,  and  has  prevented  its  being  "altered  into  tsu. 

So  it  is  that  in  hito,  bito,  the  original  sound  b  is  preserved  from 
variation.    The  second  word  follows  the  first  quickly.    The  disintegra- 

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EDKINS:    ON   THE   JAPANESE   LETTERS   "  CHI  "    AND    "  TSU."  167 

tion  is  prevented  by  this  instantaneous  sequence.  B  keeps  its  form, 
while  A  is  the  only  vestige  remaining  in  the  first  word  of  the  original 

2.  There  is  nothing  to  prevent  the  Japanese  from  pronouncing  ti. 
My  present  informant,  a  young  Japanese  recently  arrived  in  China, 
pronounces  the  Chinese  words  ting,  ti,  .quite  distinctly  and  without  any 
difficulty  of 'Utterance.  Why  should  not  the  ancient  Japanese  be  able  to 
do  so  too  ?  The  irregularity  which  now  meets**  us  did  not  arise  from 
any  difficulty  in  enunciating  ti  and  tu.  It  has  originated  since  the 
invention  of  the  iroha,  and  is  caused  by  the  sibilization  of  t  before  two 
out  of  the  five  vowels. 

In  writing  the  sound  of  the  Chinese  character  "J*  the  Go  Won  has 
chiyau,  the  Kan  Won,  tei.  There  is  no  doubt  on  the  point  that  t  was 
the  true  Chinese  initial  at  the  time.  Then  why  should  not  the  Japanese 
write  it  ?  What  I  maintain  is  that  they  did  write  it,  and  that  the  sign 
they  employed  was  ti  at  the  time  and  afterwards  changed  its  value.  If 
they  had  no  ti  in  their  alphabet  they  would  have  made  one.  It  was  too 
important  not  to  be  represented. 

This  is  a  matter  easily  tested.  Are  there  any  Japanese  who  cannot 
sound  ti  and  tu,  and  if  so  how  many  per  cent  ? 

3.  The  Japanese  have  always  regarded  ta,  chi,  tsu,  te,  to  as  a 
single  group  with  one  initial  consonant  only.  If  at  first  chi  and  tsu  had 
had  a  fully  developed  form,  the  Buddhist  priests  who  controlled  educa- 
tion would  have  looked  to  the  oh  series  of  letters  in  the  Sanscrit 
alphabet  as  their  type  and  added  it  to  the  Japanese  syllabary.  Mr. 
Satow  states  that  some  Japanese  writers,  when  using  Roman  letters, 
write  the  two  signs  in  question  ti  and  tu.  Doubtless  they  have  an 
instinctive  sense  derived  perhaps  from  the  usage  in  motte,  yotte,  etc., 
that  chi  and  tsu  were  not  the  true  original  sounds. 

4.  Analogy  in  the  Korean  language  speaks  for  an  extensive  change 
from  ti  to  chi  still  going  on.  For  example,  the  Chinese  word  ti, 
"  emperor,"  is  pronounced  in  northern  Korean  tei,  while  in  southern 
Korean  and  in  the  capital  it  is  chiye.  Books  printed  in  the  native 
character  follow  the  usage  of  the  capital  in  this  point  and  write  chiye. 
Medhurst's  vocabulary  writes  the  word  tei,  and  in  doing  this  follows 

Digitized  by 


158  EDKINS:    ON   THE  JAPANESE   LETTERS   "  CHI "   AND   "  TSU." 

the  northern  Korean  in  preference  to  that  of  the  capital.  The  Japanese 
also  read  this  word  tei.  The  Korean  small  dictionary  of  Chinese 
pronounces  it  tiye. 

The  Chinese  word  JSft  "  faithful "  is  read  by  the  northern  Koreans 
t'yong.    In  Medhurst's  vocabulary  and  in  the  novels  printed  in  the  . 
metropolitan  dialect  it  is  called  c'hyong.    By  the  Japanese  it  is  read 
chiyu  or  chiu.    The  small  Chinese  tonic  dictionary  used  in  Korea  has 
also  c'hyong. 

The  change  from  tH  to  c'hi  has  taken  place  in  south  Korea  and  in 
Japan.  In  north  Korea  the  old  t  initial  is  still  retained.  The  Korean 
and  Japanese  languages  are  cognate,  and  since  the  Korean  has  this 
change  from  ti  to  chi  distinctly  developed,  an  argument  may  be  derived 
for  the  existence  of  the  same  law  of  change  in  Japanese  as  suggested 
by  the  anomalous  condition  of  the  t  group  in  the  syllabary. 

This  change  from  ti  to  chi  in  Korea  is  not  limited  to  Chinese  words. 
Native  Korean  words  are  liable  to  it.  The  word  for  "  temple/1  the 
Japanese  tera,  is  heard  chiyer. 

The  appearance  of  the  Mongol  syllabary  is  such  as  to  suggest  that 
ji  has  changed  from  di.  There  are  scarcely  any  words  commencing  with 
di,  while  there  are  many  beginning  with  ji.  This  is  caused  by  the 
vowel  i  in  leading  to  the  sibilization  of  the  preceding  dental  consonant. 
The  vowel  i,  then,  when  it  follows  d  or  t  has  the  effect  of  changing 
them  to  j  or  ch.  But  Mongol  is  cognate  to  Japanese  and  therefore 
similar  laws  of  changes- in  letters  may  be  expected. 

5.  A  fifth  source  of  evidence  is  formed  in  the  Japanese  way  of 
writing  Chinese  words  with  the  initial  ch  or  ts.  Thus  t'sun,  "  an  inch," 
is  always  stm,  never  tsun.  Now  if  the  Japanese  syllabary  had  in  it 
tew  as  a  clearly  developed  syllable  at  the  time  of  the  transcription,  this 
symbol  would  naturally  be  used  for  the  name  of  the  Chinese  "  inch." 
But  if  the  modern  Japanese  tsu  was  anciently  tu,  then  the  regular 
avoidance  of  tu  when  the  Chinese  tsu  occurs  is  to  be  expected.  If  any 
one  look*  over  the  columns  in  Hepburn's  dictionary  consisting  of  words 
beginning  with  tsu,  he  will  find  cited  many  Chinese  words  beginning 
with  t,  some  beginning  with  ch  (these  have  changed  t  for,  eh  since  the 
time  of  the  transcription)  and  almost  none  commencing  with  ts\ 

So  if  the  Chinese  words  in  the  columns  devoted  to  the  syllable  chi 

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,     EDKINS:    ON  THE  JAPANESE  LETTERS   "  CHI  "    AND   "  TSTJ."  159 

be  examined  in  Hepburn,  they  will  be  found  to  be  partly  words  in  t, 
and  partly  words  in  ch.  Among  the  words  in  ch  are  many  that  have  in 
Chinese  changed  t  for  ch  since  the  time  of  the  transcription.  Some  of 
them,  however,  were  pronounced  ch  at  that  time,  e.g.  Jjj£  chi,  "  branch," 
used  in  the  Buddhist  name  for  China.  This  is  usually  "  Sina,"  although 
Hepburn  gives  both  "  Sina  "  and  "  Chiina."  The  Hindoo  sound  was 
" China,"  and  the  character  for  "branch  "  was  therefore  without  doubt 
known  as  chi  when  the  transcription  was  made  from  Sanscrit.  In 
transcribing  this  sound  for  use  in  Japan  the  fact  that  ri  was  the  syllable 
selected  is  highly  in  favour  of  the  view  that  there  was  no  chi  at  that 
time  in  the  Japanese  alphabet.  When  afterwards  ti  became  chi  it  was 
also  adopted  occasionally  by  the  later  Japanese  for  writing  the  name  of 
China.  The  sound  si  is,  however,  by  far  Che  most  prevalent  and  is  the 
only  one  given  in  the  two  dictionaries  I  have  at  hand. 

6.  Etymology  is  in  favour  of  the  view  that  ts  or  ch  has  come  from 
t.  Thus  tobi,  "  to  fly,"  may  be  regarded  as  akin  to  tmbasa,  "  wings." 
The  sibilization  of  t,  following  on  the  change  of  o  to  u,  should  not  hide 
from  us  the  natural  relationship  of  words  like  these.  The  Mongol  word 
for  birds  is  shibegtm.  In  colloquial  Mongol  it  is  shobo.  The  vowel  i 
causes  the  change  of  the  initial  s  in  Mongol  to  sh,  and  in  this  the 
student  of  Japanese  will  'recognize  a  peculiarity  in  the  pronunciation 
of  the  syllable  si  in  that  language  also,  as  carefully  described  by  Mr. 
Satow.  The  comparison  of  the  Japanese  word  tobi  with  the  Mongol 
shibegun  explains  it  afe  meaning  "that which  flies." 

The  Mongol  negative  dei  in  iredei,  "  he  is  not  come,"  is  like  the 
Japanese  dzu  in  atawadz,  "he  cannot,"  Chichi  and  Ute  both,  in 
Japanese,  mean  "father,"  and  may  be  identified  if  we  recognize  the 
change  of  t  to  ch. 

Chigai  and  tagai  both  mean  "  to  differ." 

7.  The  original  characters  used  by  the  Chinese  from  which  the 
Japanese  signs  for  chi  and  tsu  were  formed  may  be  appealed  to  for 
evidence  on  the  early  phonetic  value  of  those'  symbols.  They  will  form  a 
seventh  ground  for  the  conclusion  that  these  signs  were  at  first  ti  and  tu. 

The  primitive  types  of  the  running  hand  (hiragana)  forms  of  «f» 
cfti are,  hi  a  Japanese  book  I  have,  given  as  £8  chi,  "know,"  and  £!§  chiy 
"  slow."     In  Julien's  Methode  pour  dechiffrer  et  transcrire  les  noms 

igitized  by 


160         EDKINS  I    ON   THE   JAPANESE   LETTERS  -"  CHI  "   AND   "  TSU."     . 

Sanscrits  qui  se  rencontrent  dans  les  Livres  Chinois,1  these  characters  are 
representative  of  the  Sanscrit  syllables  ti  and  di.  The  Chinese,  then, 
at  the  time  of  the  Buddhist  transcriptions,  read  these  characters  ti 
and  di. 

In  the  86  initials  of  Rang  hi  £jj  chi  (old  sound  ti)  is  the  ninth* 
Underneath  it  are  arranged  a  large  number  of  words  which  in  Japanese 
need  to  be  spelt  with  the  help  of  chi  or  with  si.  The  Japanese  trans- 
cribers always  chose  chi.  I  suppose  the  reason  of  this  is  that  all  those 
words  beginning  with  ch  in  Rang  hi's  rhyming  tables  which  are  arranged 
under  £ji  were,  in  the  Tang  dynasty  and  before,  pronounced  with  t  or  d 
instead  of  ch,  and  that  these  were  the  sounds  the  Japanese  transcribers 
had  to  express  whether  they  used  Go  Won  or  Kan  Won. 

Of  tsu  the  Chinese  primitives  in  my  authority  are,  first,  R  teu,  old 
sound  tu,  Japanese  tou.  The  second  Mragana  primitive  of  tsu  is  %j$ 
in  running  hand.  It  is  pronounced  by  the  Japanese  to  and  by  the 
Chinese  tu.  The  third  source  of  a  running  hand  form  of  tsu  was  fig  Vu. 
It  is  by  the  Japanese  called  to  and  by  the  Chinese  tlu,  old  sound  do.  In 
Julien's  Methods  the  first  and  second  of  these  three  characters  teu, 
"contend,"  tu,  "metropolis,"  are  both  of  the  value  tu  in  Sanscrit 

The  reason  why  the  Japanese  do  not*  use  tsu  in  spelling  these 
characters  seems  to  be  in  the  vowel  and  not  in  the  consonant.  It  is 
constantly  used  in  writing  the  sound  of  tu,  "  earth,"  "  dust ;"  tui,  "  a 
.couple,"  Vung,  "to  communicate,"  etc.,  where  the  inserted  *  is  highly 
superfluous.  The  most  of  such  Chinese  characters  as  commence  with 
ts  are  written  by  the  Japanese  su  as  remarked  above. 

8.  An  argument  may  be  drawn  from  the  regularity  of  the  Japanese 
transcription  of  Chinese  sounds  in  many  points  to  defend  the  thesis  that 
it  was  so  in  this. 

In  the  whole  horizon  of  philology  there  is  perhaps  no  greater  chaos 
at  first  view  to  be  found  any  where  than  in  the  Japanese  transcription 
of  Chinese  sounds.  This  is  probably  a  not  uncommon  opinion  among 
studentB.    Inquiries  of  the  kind  presented  in  this  paper  will  greatly 

tend  to  restore  that  chaos  to  order. 

. i t 

1  Julien's  M6thode,  pp.  202,  203. 

Digitized  by 


•  EDKINS:    ON   THE   JAPANESE  LETTERS   "  CHI  "   AND   "  T8U."  161 

AmoDg  the  most  striking  anomalies  is  the  occurrence  of  k  for  the 
Chinese  h.  I  propose  to  explain  this  in  the  following  manner.  There 
was  no*  h  at  the  time  of  the  transcription  in  the  Japanese  syllabary. 
The  modern  Japanese  h  was  then  p  and  b,  or  perhaps  b  only.  Careful 
inquiry  into  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  the  nigori  mark  for  dis- 
tinguishing surds  from  sonants  will  help  to  show  whether  p  and  b 
both  existed  at  the  time  of  the  Japanese  transcription  or  only  b.  The 
Japanese  having  no  h  took  k  and  g  instead.  I  here  assume  that 
k  and  g%  with  p  and  by  both  existed  in  Japanese  formerly  as  now.    .    -    - 

Sometime  after  the  transcription  of  Chinese  sounds,  the  letter  h 
sprang  into  existence  in  the  p  and  b  series  on  account  of  a  national 
habit  of  pronouncing  p,  b  and  /  negligently,  Through  the  increasing 
force  of  this  bad  habit  of  indistinct  utterance,  the  h  itself  disappears 
in  some  cases,  so  that  we  find  wa  instead  of  ba  and  yi  instead  of  hi. 
The  Japanese  have  not  yet  so  changed  their  writing  as  to  accommodate 
these  modern  irregularities  with  a  place  in  its  recognized  symbolism, 
and  so  ba  and  hi  are  written  one  way  and  pronounced  another.  Of 
this  we  English  cannot  complain,  seeing  that  we  are  a  hundred  times 
worse  in  this  respect  in  our  own  orthography.  ' 

If  this  history  of  the  letter  h  be  admitted,  not  only  may  the 
occurrence  of  k  for  the  Chinese  h  be  explained,  but  also  a  mass  of 
peculiarities  belonging  to  the  Japanese  transliteration  of  Chinese  sounds 
beginning  with  p,f,  and  the  (in  most  dialects). lost  b. 

Another  instance  where  the  symbols  in  the  Japanese  syllabary  have 
changed  their  value  since  the  invention  of  the  marks  is1  the  n 
final.  It  wavers  between  the  sounds  ng,  n  and  m.  At  present  ng  is 
the  favourite  sound.  N  is  the  sound  intended  by  the  orthography.  M 
is  an  old  sound  formerly  assigned  and  written,  when  so  pronounced,  in 
'place  of  final  n.  Mr.  Satow  shews  that  in  old  times  mu  was  extensively 
used  in  place  of  final  n,  and  that  its  being  written,  in  the  early  work 
called  K^IKI  Wan  ye  tsiy  Man  yep  zip,  is  'proof  that  the  later  sign  for. 
final  n  was  not  then  invented.  The  introduction  of  final  n  into  the 
syllabary  would  follow  on  the  early  change  of  final  m  to  final  n. 

Thus*  the  Chinese  finals  ng,  n,  rn,  are  not  represented  very  satis- 
factorily.    The  vowel  u  represents  final  ng,  and  this  is  uniform.     But 
vol.  vm.  21 

Digitized  by 


162  EDKINS:    ON   THE   JAPANESE   LETTERS    "  CHI  ".  AND   "  T8U." 

n  and  m  were  both  represented  by  a  single  sign,  first  by  mu,  then  by  n. 
The  cause  of  this  was  in  the  defects  of  the  Japanese  vocal  organs,  which  . 
fail  miserably  in  the  imitation  of  final  letters. 

As  a  consequence,  we  find  that  when  the  hiragana  characters 
are  illustrated  by  selection  of  about  four  or  five  Chinese  symbols  to 
each  sign  in  the  syllabary,  a  great  indifference  to  finals  is  observable. 
Na  stands  for  the.  Chinese  na,  nan  and  nai.  Te  stands  for  Vien,  ti, 
t'ing,  chuen.  But  the  old  sounds  of  these  four  words  were  fen,  te, 
deng,  ten.  They  all  agree  in  having  the  same  vowel  and  in  having  a 
dental  initial  mute.     There  is  indifference  in  regard  to  the  final  letter. 

Under  the  s  group  are  arranged  all  words  in  ts,  s,  sh  and  ch.  Thus 
under sa  are  arranged  tso,  "left,"  cha,  "mistake,"  san,  " scatter,"  tso,  "to 
assist,"  016,  "crooked,"  sie,  "to  thank."  The  real  sounds  were  tsa,  cha, 
san,  zia,  sia,  or  nearly  bo.  Under  si  or  (as  it  is  given  by  Hepburn  and 
usually  heard)  ski,  are  placed  ch'i  £,  "of,"  sin  j^f,  " new,"  sKi  1|*,  " a 
thing,"  jg  chi,  "will."  (  These  characters  are  never  written  with  thecAt 
of  the  Japanese  syllabary,  but  always  with  si.  This  uniformity  should 
teach  us  something  in  regard  to  changes  in  the  initial  letters  of  both 
languages.   ' 

In  regard  to  the  Japanese  language,  its  poverty  in  letters  becomes 
conspicuous  when  the  transcription  is  fairly  considered. 

There  was  no  sh,  no  ts,  no  h,  no  /,*  no  ch,  and  possibly  no  double 
set  of  surds  and  sonants.  Nor  was  there  an  aspirate  series.  There 
were  only  five  vowels. 

In  Chinese  there  were  all  the  letters  just  mentioned  in  which  the 
Japanese  were  deficient  except  /,  which  has  come  in  since.     But  since 
•  that  time  the    distinction  of  surd   and   sonant  has    been   lost   from 
mandarin,  while  it  remains  in  local  dialects. 

If  the  view  here  given  of  the  original  absence  of  sh  in  Japanese  is 
correct,  the  Hizen  usage  of  sit  as  noted  by  Mr.  Satow,  page  15,  is  older 
than  the  more  common  ski  of  Yedo  and  Kid  to.  Mr.  Satow  suggests  that 
the  old  Japanese  s  may  have  lain  between  0  and  sh.  The  Hizen  people 
change  0  before  e  into  0/1. 

•  That  fu  did  not  exist  is  shewn  as  follows :-— The  characters  T,pun  not,"  ^ t 
pu,  "  cloth,"  bu,  "  woman,"  f&t  are  the  types  of  the  hiragana  characters  for/u. 
Alsojifu  for  -4-,  jip,  "ten,"  shews  that  the  Japanese  fu  was  formerly  jw. 

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EDKINS:    ON   THE   JAPANESE   LETTEES    "  CHI  "    AND   "  TSU."  168 

For  philological  purposes  it  is  not  essential  to  have  separate  marks 
for  all*  nice  differences  of  sound.  In  a  dictionary  it  is  very  convenient 
to  have  the  written  form  of  Japanese  adhered  to  in  the  way  that  Mr. 
Satow  proposes.  There  would  be  less  difficulty  in  using  Dr.  Hepburn's 
dictionary  it  Mr.  Satow's  orthography  were  adopted  as  the  basis  of  the 
alphabetical  arrangement.  We  should  not  like  to  have  to  look  for  the 
word  "beauty"  in  an  English  dictionary  under  "  byuti,"  instead  of 
under  the  usual  orthography- 

Digitized  by 


(164  ) 


By  Ernest  Satow. 

[Read  January  13,  1880.] 

In  my  paper  on  the  "  Transliteration  of  the  Syllabary  "  I  said  that 
'  there  was  nothing  to  show  that  «f>  and  H  were  ever  identical,  and  that 
there  does  not  exist  any  evidence  in  support  of  the  supposition  that  tsu 
and  chi  are  corruptions  of  tu  and  ti.'  Dr.  Edkins  thinks  that  he  has 
adduced  (evidence  to  prove  the  contrary,  in  the  paper  which  has  just 
been  read,  and  at  first  sight  he  may  appear  to  have  done  this  successfully ; 
but  an  examination  of  hjs  arguments  will,  I  think,  show  that  they  are 
by  no  means  conclusive.  • 

Before  proceeding  further,  it.  may  be  remarked  with  reference  to  the 
views  put  forward  by  Dr.  Edkins  on  this  subject  in  his  "  Study  of  the 
Chinese  Characters,"  pp.  180-lBd,  that  the  date  assigned  by  Japanese 
annalists  for  the  introduction  of  Chinese  learning  is  not  trustworthy. 
A  glance  at  their  chronology  shows  that  it  contains  grave  errors,  and 
.  that  before  the  5th  century  considerable  deductions  must  be  made  from 
the  antiquity  ascribed  to  the  events  recorded.  The  date  286  A.D., 
apparently  accepted  by  Dr.  Edkins  as  accurate  for  the  embassy  of  the 
Korean  Achiki  (as  Motowori  pronounces  the  name),  should  be  placed 
perhaps  about  the  year  400.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Wani  (]£tl), 
the  professor  who  came  over  to  teach*  Chinese  to  the  Mikado's  heir- 
apparent,  taught  him  the  so-called  Go-on.  This  is  the  hypothesis  of 
Motowori ;  but  other  Japanese  writers,  such  as  Arawi  Haku-seki  and 
Da-zai  Shiyun-tai  have  held  the  opposite  opinion,  the  fact  being  that 
nothing  certain  is  known  about  the  matter,  not  even  that  the  Go-on 
and  Kan-on  were  derived  from  the  parts  of  China  ruled  over  by  the 

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SATOWt    REPLY   TO   DR.   EDKINS    ON    "  CHI  "   AND    "*TSU."  165 

different  dynasties  known  as  Han  and  Wu.  It  is  equally  uncertain 
whether  the  Go-on  is  more  ancient  than  the  Kan-on  or  vice  versa,  so 
that  arguments  based  on  the  former  supposition  are  in  reality  without 
foundation.  Dr.  Edkins  describes  the  Tan-in  (which  he  miscalls  To  on)  as 
"  a  sort  of  metropolitan  pronunciation,  probably  representing  the  language 
as  spoken  in  the  Tang  dynasty  at  the  Chinese  capital.  In  605  five  Japanese 
students  spent  a  year  at  that  city."  But  as  Mr.  Aston  explains  in  the 
introduction  to  the  second  edition  of  his  "  Grammar  of  the  Japanese 
Written  Language,"  this  is  a  term  applied  by  the  Japanese  to  the  modern 
official  Chinese  language.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  dynasty  which 
was  called  T'ang,  and  is  of  comparatively  recent  introduction,  certainly 
not  before  the  17th  century.  In  fact  the  Tau-in  was  introduced  by  the 
the  monks  of  Wau-baku-San,  near  Uji  in  Yamashiro,  towards  the  end 
of  the  17th  century,  about  800  years  after  the  T'ang  dynasty  came  to  an 
end,  and  it  was  called  Tau-in  because  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  "  Chinese 
sound "  of  the  Chinese  characters  at  the  time  of  its  introduction. 
Go-on  and  Kan-on,  in  the  same  way,  probably  meant  nothing  more  than 
the  "  Chinese  sound/'  or  what  was  thought  to  be  the  Chinese  sound,  at 
the  period  when  they  respectively  became  the  fashion.  So  we  have,  as 
Mr.  Aston  observes  in  the  introduction  to  his  r<  Grammar  of  the  Written 
Language,"  Kan  frequently  occurring  in  compounds  in  the  sense  of 
.'  Chinese/  and  Go  in  Go-foku  (silk  goods)  no  donbt  equally  meant 
Chinese  when  it  first  became  a  current  phrase.  "  Kibidaishi,"  mentioned 
by  Dr.  Edkins  as  the  inventor  of  the  kata-kana  syllabary,  is  called  Eibi 
Dai-zhin  fc)tgi ),  not  Dai-shi. .  He  was  not  a  Buddhist  monk,  but  a 
minister  at  the  court  of  the  Mikado. 

Dr.  Edkins  states  that  "  the  sound  intended  by  flrf  the 
Japanese  wu>  was  at  first  ng.  Afterwards  the  sound  ng  became 
attached  to  the  symbol  y,  and  the  letter  wu  passed  from  a  nasal 
into  a  vowel."  This  amounts  to  saying  that  the  original  value 
of  gr,  when*  it  was  adopted  by  the  Japanese  to  represent  one  of 
the  sounds  of  their  language,  was  ng,  which  is  certainly  not  the 
case.  The  Chinese  character  from  which  gr  is  derived  is  probably 
^&,  which  is  one  of  the  characters  anciently  used  in  spelling  words 
where  the  later  kata-kana  £r  is  now  employed.  Other  Chinese  char- 
acters used  concurrently  with  *£  were  ^,  ff ,  ft  and  J|,  the  modern 

Digitized  by 


106  SATOtf:    REPLY   TO    DR.    EDKINS   ON    "  CHI "    AND    "  TSU." 

sounds  of  which  in  some  dialects  are  w,  ii,  iu,  yii,  o  find  w.  It  can 
hardly  be  supposed  that  the  Japanese  originally  adopted  either  of  these 
to  represent  ng.  They  did  not  invent  kana  for  the  purpose  of  marking 
the  sounds  of  Chinese  characters,  but  for  writing  their  own  language,  in 
which  ng  probably  did  not  exist  at  that  period.  The  pronunciation  of 
Chinese  characters  was  handed  down '  orally,  and  those  only  had  to'  be 
transliterated  which  had  been  naturalized  as  Japanese  words — and  these 
were  extremely  rare  up  to  the  beginning  of  the  11th  century.  The 
earliest  prose  in  kana  contains  hardly  any  words  of  Chinese  origin. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  that  £r  was  adopted  to  represent  the  vowel  «, 
and  that  being  the  nearest  thing  to  the  Chinese  final  ng,  it  was  used  to 
represent  it  when  the  first  dictionaries  with  transliteration  were 
compiled.   . 

It  is  the  next  paragraph  but  one  (Study  of  the  Chinese  Characters,  p. 
181)  that  contains  the  statement  to  which  I  objected,  namely,  that  "  the 
Japanese  chi  was  first  ti  and  di,  and  afterwards  changed  to  chi,  zhi.  This 
was  between  A.  D.  280  and  605.  This  change  did  not  take  place  in  the 
Chinese  language,  but  in  the  Japanese.  Thus  "J*  has  never  changed  in 
Chinese  to  clung,  yet  it  is  sounded  by  the  Japanese  chi  ya  wu.  The 
syllable  changed  its  value  therefore  soon  after  A.  D.  280."  ZJd  of 
eourse  should  be  ji  (*f),  but  this  is  perhaps  a  misprint,  just  as  in  my 
own  remarks  on  this  passage  shiyau  was  wrongly  printed  ckiyau.  The 
last  sentence  here  quoted  appears  to  contain  a  justification  of  what  I  had 
said,  namely,  that  there  was  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  sign  <f>  was 
pronounced  ti  at  the  time  of  its  adoption,  for  no  one  supposes  that  the 
kata-kana  or  hira-gana  had  been  invented  or  had  come  into  use  until  the 
8th  century  at  the  earliest,  long  after  the  period  at  which  Dr.  Edkins 
says  that  the  change  occurred.  But  this  does  not  agree  with  what  he 
asserts  in  the  paper  before  the. Society. 

He  maintains  "  that  the  sound  was  ti  at  the  time  and  afterwards 
changed  its  value.  If  they  had  no  ti  in  their  language  they  would  have 
made  one."  This  is  not  likely.  There  were  many  other  characters  and 
sounds  which  the  Japanese  could  not  transliterate  accurately,  the  final  ng 
being  one  of  them ;  such  as  3j|,  J||,  £,  wh\ch  have  to  be  spelt  shi  ya 
and  shi  yo,  though  those  spellings  were  much  farther  from  the  Chinese 
pronunciation  than  sha  and  sho  would  have  been.  •  So  also  chi  ya  for 

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SATOW:    BEBLY   TO   DB.   EDKINS   ON    "  Cttl  "   AND    "«rSU."  '   167 

«£,  chi  yu  for  {£,  chi  yo  for  *J*,  instead  of  cha,  chu  and  cho,  which  are 
nearer  to  the  original  sounds  than  the  make-shifts  adopted  by  the 
Japanese  to  represent  them.  In  these  spellings  the  y  seems  to  have 
been  used  instead  of  the  simple  vowel,  because  the  ancient  Japanese 
could  not  pronounce  two  vowels  directly  following  each  other,  and  either 
y  or  w  had  to  be  inserted.  Perhaps  this  is  a  ground  for  thinking  that 
£f  was  at  first  wu  and  then  degenerated  into  u.  Syllabic  characters  for 
sha,  sho,  chaf  chu,  cho  would  have  been  very  useful  for  writing  Chinese 
words,  and  there  was  every  reason  to  invent  such,  if  the  Japanese  had 
been  inclined  to  supply  new  wants  in  that  way.  As  they  did  not  contrive 
anything  new,  but  simply  turned  the  existing  material  to  account  in 
these  cases,  there  would  be  even  less  likelihood  of  their  making  a  new 
kana  for  ti,  the  necessity  of  which  was  less  apparent,  if  they  had  chi, 
which  was  near  enough  for  their  purpose.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  the  Japanese  were  any  more  precise  about  preserving  the  correct 
pronunciation  of  Chinese  words  adopted  into  their  own  language  then, 
than  they  are  now  in  the  case  of  words  which  they  take  from  modern 
European  languages.  Dr.  Edkins  asks  whether  there  are  any 
Japanese  who  cannot  pronounce  ti  and  tu  ?  The  experience  of  every 
teacher  of  foreign  languages  in  this  country  must  be  that  they  can,  if 
trouble  is  taken  to  teach  them,  but  that  it  requires  an  effort  on  their  part 
to  overcome  their  native  tendeney  to  Bay  chi  and  tsu. 

If  "tsu  is  t  in  certain  positions"  that  does  not  prove  very  much. 
In  Japanese  words  where  this  tsu  is  found,  it  is  a  mere  phonetic  device 
for  aiding  to  represent  a  tt  which  is  a  corruption  of  something  else. 
Thus  motte  and  yotte  are  corruptions  of  mochite  and  yorite,  the  former  of 
which  was  mote  in  the  earlier  Japanese.  All  these  double  consonants 
are  comparatively  modern  in  Japanese  words.  Thus  mattaku,  written 
-*  y  9  9 ,  was  formerly  mutaku ;  massugu,  -*y%if,  perfectly 
straight,  was  ma  sugu;  mappira,  -*  y  g  7,  humbly,  was  ma  hira.  In 
compound  words  of  Chinese  origin  a  final  tsu  in  the  first  element 
becomes  k,  p,  st  t,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  consonant  which  follows, 
and  arguing  from  these  cases  it  was  natural  to  adopt  the  habit  of 
representing  the  first  part  of  a  double  consonant  in  Japanese  words  by 
'  the  same  device.     It  is  in  any  case  quite  a  modern  practice! 

The  arrangement  of  the  kana  in  groups  of  five  is  much  later  than 

*      Digitized  by  CjOOQ IC 

168  SATOW  I    REPLY  TO  DR.   EDKINB   ON   "  CHI  "   AND   "  TSU." 

their  invention.  If  the  arrangement  in  fives  were  earlier,  we  should  no 
doubt  have  had  a  complete  and  symmetrical  arrangement  of  fifty  kana 
altogether.  But  the  iroha  is  far  older.  Even  in  the  kuwan-gen  oii  gi 
(1185)  and  the  abridged  Wa-miyau  Sen  (1546)  the  characters  given  are 
Chinese,  and  the  "  Scheme  of  the  Fifty  Syllables  and  Finals  "  in  kana 
has  only  been  presented  by  the  modern  grammarians  of  the  last  hundred 
years.  Motowori  thinks  that  the  table  was  constructed  for  the  use  of 
monks  who  studied  Sanskrit.  Even  if  that  were  the  case,  the  conscious- 
ness of  every  Japanese  that  in  inflecting  a  verb  with  a  root  ending  in  a 
dental  the  change  was  chi,  tsu,  ta  and  te  would  lead  him  spontaneously 
to  range  all  four  in  the  same  column,  without  his  pronouncing  y  and 
^  as  tu  and  ti. 

I  do  not  dispute  the  position  that  tu  and  ti  may  be  the  old  sounds 
and  tsu  and  chi  corruptions,  but  I  maintain  that  there  is  no  evidence 
that  such  a  change  took  place  subsequently  to  the  invention  of  the 
kata-kana  and  hira-gana,  and  as  I  have  shown  by  a  quotation  from  his 
writings  on  the  subject,  Dr.  Edkins  himself  'ascribes  the  change  to  a 
period  many  centuries  anterior  to  the  use  of  the  popular  syllabaries. 

The  argument  that  because  they  write  Chinese  words  like  ts'un, 
inch,  with  an  initial  s  instead  of  ts,  the  Japanese  cannot  have  possessed 
the  syllable  tsu  when  the  transliteration  was  fixed,  is  very  plausible.  'In 
fact,  not  only  in  the  case  of  ts'un,  but  also  in  that  of  all  other  modern 
Chinese  syllables,  beginning  with  ts,  as  (tsu,  ts'u,  tsou,  ts'ou,  tsuh,  tsluh, 
tsun,  tsung,)  tsa,  tsai,  tsan,  tsang,  tseng,  tsao,  tse,  tsi,  tsiang,  tsbig,  tso, 
the  Japanese  initial  belongs  to  the  dental  sibilant  series,  and  is  either 
sa,  se,  or  shi,  simply  because  the  Japanese  not  having  tsa,  tse  and  tsi 
in  their  syllabary,  used  the  nearest  approach  they  possessed.  '  The 
transcription  son  (originally  somu)  must  have  come  from  Chinese  tson, 
which  they  could  not  render  with  exactness,  as  they  had  no  tso,  and  as 
already  observed,  they  preferred  helping  themselves  out  with  what 
already  existed  ready  to  their  hand,  to  inventing  new  instruments  for 
recording  sounds.  As  they  did  this  in  the  cases  of  tsa,  tse,  tsi  and  tso 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  they  used  su  for  tsu. 

An  analysis'  of  the  modern  Chinese  syllables  which  begin  with  ch, 
shows  that  by  far  the  largest  number  have  <f>  in  the  Japanese  tran- 
scriptions, those  which  begin  with  ?/   being  next  most  numerous,  while 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 

SATOW:    REPLY  TO   DR.   EDKINS   ON   "  CHI  "   AND   "  TSU."  169 

the  rest  begin  with  T  >  -te »  9 ,  and  -tf- .  It  seems  natural  to  infer  that 
the  words  transcribed  by  the  Japanese  with  5/ ,  ^  and  ■#•  had  an 
initial  t,  and  that  tsi,  tse  and  tsa  have  since  become  chi>  che  and  cha  in 
China,  while  the  consonant  transcribed  with  -^  had  already  undergone 
the  change  into  ch.  In  other  words  that  some  of  the  Chinese  sounds 
which  have  now  an  initial  ch  had  ch  and  others  ts  at  the  time  the  Japanese 
transcription  was  settled.  In  a  few  cases  there  are  two  transcriptions, 
e.g.  <$?,  which  is  both  sa  and  chiya,  showing  that .  the  word  was  tsa  in 
one  and  cha  in  the  other  dialect  from  which  the  Go-on  and  Kan-on  were 

In  the  Man-yefu-shifu  and  Ko-zhi-ki  the  characters  where  we  now 
have  the  kata-kana  <+  are  §&,  §,  jg,  jj§,  Jjjfc,  and  JJj,  all  of  which, 
excepting  the  last,  are  chi  or  chH  in  the  modern  Chinese,  and  were 
probably  so  in  the  dialect  from  which  the  Japanese  adopted  them.  It  is 
clear  that  the  Japanese  did  not  possess  both  chi  and  ti,  and  they  would 
pronounce  both  in  accordance  with  their  capacity,  and  then  apply 
both  to  the  purpose  of  recording  the  native  syllable.     For  shi  they  used 

^,  #,  with  g,  3§,  ^,  ±,  and  J$,  for  zhi,  besides  <fg,  gf,  j§,  jg 
and  j£,  of  which  they  omitted  the  final,  in  the  Maii-yefu-shifu,  and  in  the 
Ko-zhi-ki  #f,  j=g,  gjj,  £5 ,  $£,  ^,  for  sfti,  with  ^  and  g  for  £/«*. 
Some  of  these  begin  with  ch,  others  with  s,  sh  or  ts  in  the  modern 
Mandarin  ;  in  the  last  three  cases  it  is  evident  that  the  Japanese  adopted 
two  almost  without  change  and  omitted  the  initial  t  of  the  other,  and  if 
the  present  ch  is  simply  a  changed  ts  then  that  case  is  also  disposed  of. 

The  signs  used  for  tsu  in  the  same  early  books  are  gf,  jj£,  gg,  jg, 
and  jg,  of  which  the  first  three  were  adopted  entire,  the  remaining  two 
being  shorn  of  their  finals.  They  must  have  been  originally  pronounced 
tu,  ton  and  tung  in  the  Go -on  from  which  all  but  the  last  were  taken ; 
the  Kau-on  are  to,  tou,  tou,  and  tou  (for  tony).  Tsum  is  the  Kan-od,  tai 
the  Go- oil  of  3^,  so  that  this  kana  was  taken  from  the  Kaii -611,. which  is 
rather  curious.  All  other  syllables  which  have  tu  in  modern  Chinese, 
have  to  or  ta  in  the  Japanese  transcription,  with  a  very  few  exceptions 
in  which  the  initial  consonant  is  s,  owing  to  a  difference  in  the  dialect 

I  entirely  agree  with  Dr.  Edkins'  remarks  as  to  the  use  of  A-  in 
vol.  viii.  22 

Digitized  by 


170  BATOW:   REPLY  TO  DR.   EDKIN8  ON   "  CHI "  AND   "  TSU." 

Japanese  to  represent  the  Chinese  A.  There  certainly  is  not  at  the  present 
day,  and  probably  never  was,  any  such  sound  as  a  guttural  h  in  the  Japanese 
language,  and  a  modern  Japanese,  if  asked  to  pronounce  a  Chinese  word 
beginning  with  h,  would  inevitably  change  it  into  ft.  The  letter  A  in 
Japanese  is  an  aspirated  labial,  and  is  used  in  transliterations  by 
Europeans  because  it  conies  nearer  to  the  Japanese  consonant  than  any 
other  letter  in  our  alphabet,  except  before  u,  when  it  appears  to  be 
pronounced  more  like  /.  Probably  the  sound  was  /  before  the  other 
consonants  in  earlier  times,  but  we  have  no  evidence  when  the  change 
from  /  to  h  took  place  in  the  standard  speech  of  the  metropolis.  In  the 
earlier  Japanese  literature  the  sonants  were  undistinguished  from  the 
surds  and  aspirates  by  any  marks,  and  the  earliest  example  of  a  work  in 
which  the  nigori  was  used  is  the  Miyau-moku  Seu1  (fa  |f $£)t  which 
was  printed  from  an  exact  transcript  of  a  copy  made  in  the  year 
1500,  as  the  eolophon  at  the  end  of  the  volume  states,  special  care 
having  been  taken  to  insert  the  nigori  and  other  marks  of  the  original 
MS.  The  fact  seems  to  have  been  that  it  mattered  little  whether  the 
sonant  or  the  surd  were  used,  or  in  the  case  of  labials,  whether  the  sonant 
or  the  aspirate  were  pronounced,  at  a  period  when  each  syllable  was 
given  uncontracted  and  unaltered.  Even  at  the  present  day  a  Japanese 
will  often  find  it  difficult  to  decide  which  ought  to  be  used  in  the  case  of 
a  particular  name,  a  familiar  example  of  which  is  the  dispute  whether 
we  ought  to  say  Ohozaka  or  Ohosaka  for  the  great  commercial  city  at 
the  mouth  *  of  the  Yodo-gaha.  It  appears,  however,  that  in  the  8th 
century  the  difference  was  recognized,  for  in  the  Ko-zhi-ki  different  kana 
were  used  for  the  sonants  and  surds  with  considerable  consistency. 
But  I  do  not  think  that  any  evidence  exists  by  which  the  period  at 
which  the  aspirate  labial  h  sprang  into  existence  can  be  determined.  If  the 
Japanese  of  the  capital  had  already  acquired  the  habit  of  pronouncing  / 
so  carelessly  as  make  it  sound  in  most  cases  like  ht  they  would  not  have 
taken  the  trouble  to  learn'  the  Chinese  p,  although  recognizing  that  it 
was  closely  related  to  their  own  sound,  and  they  would  therefore  have 
no  hesitation  in  adopting  Chinese  words  beginning  with  p  for  their  own 

1  The  apparent  author  was  Sanehiro  Sa-dai-zhin,  who  was  appointed  to  that 
office  in  1455.  The  copy  was  made  in  1500  and  the  transcript  belonged  to  Yama- 
Bhina  Dai-na-gofi,  b.  1507,  d.  3579. 

Digitized  by 


SATOW:   REPLY  TO  DB.   EDKINS   ON   "  CHI  "   AND   "  TBU."  171 

1  pure  '  labial.  We  do  not  know  when  the  terms  sumi  (sei)  and  nigori 
(daku)  were  first  employed,  though  it  is  clear  from  the  above  quoted 
colophon  that  they  are  anterior  to  the  end  of  the  15th  century.  What  I 
wish  to  point  out  is  that  the  inventor  of  these  terms  evidently  looked 
upon  the  surd  or  aspirate  as  the  original  sound  (*umt=pure)  and  the 
sonant  as  the  corruption  of  it  (nt#on=foul),  so  that  if  h  and  /  are 
descended  from  p,  the  change  took  place  so  early  that  all  memory  of  it 
had  been  lost  when  the  Japanese  first  began  to  discuss  these  questions, 
and  that  a  tradition  to  the  contrary  must  have  then  existed. 

Digitized  by 


(  172) 


By  T.  Blaxiston  and  H.  Pryer. 

[Bead  January  13,  1880.] 


Since  the  publication  of  Temminck  and  Schlegel's  Fauna  Japonica, 
the  materials  for  which  were  mostly  supplied  by  Dr.  Franz  von  Siebold, 
who  may  be  fairly  styled  the  father  of  Natural  History  in  Japan — no 
comprehensive  treatise  on  the  ornithology  of  this  country  has  been 
written,  although  various  papers  have  been  published  in  scientific 
journals  on  collections  made,  notably  Cassin's  "  Report  'on  Commo- 
dore Perry's  U.  S.  Expedition ";  Blakiston,  "  On  the  Ornithology 
of  Northern  Japan,"  published  in  the  Ibis  of  October,  1862 ;  Mr.  H. 
Whitely,  "  On  Birds  collected  near  Hakodate,"  Ibis,  1867,  p.  198 ;  and 
several  contributions  bj&the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  on  the  birds  of  Yezo,  to 
the  lb  is,  from  April,  1 874,  to  April,  1877 ;  as-  well  as  a  preliminary 
catalogue  furnished  by  the  present  compilers  to  the  Ibis,  and  published 
therein  in  July,  1878,  and  Mr.  H.  Seebohm's  notes  on  the  same,  also 
published  in  the  Ibis. 

Few  persons  living  in  Japan,  unless  specially  interested  in 
ornithology,  have  probably  seen  any  of  the  above,  and  the  nomenclature 
having  been  scientific  only,  it  has  been  suggested  to  the  authors  of  this 
paper  that  a  contribution  to  the  "  Transactions  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Japan,"  which  has  so  large  a  local  circulation,  might,  if  not  made  too 
scientific,  be  of  assistance  to  persons  interested  in  the  ornithology  of 
Japan,  as  well  as  of  interest  to  sportsmen  'and  others  who  incidentally 
obtain  specimens  of  birds  and  who  may  frequently  be  able  to  contribute 

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information  of  much  value.  Consequently  the  following  catalogue  has 
been  compiled,  which,  however,  must  not  be  taken  as  in  any  way 
complete,  the  authors  trusting  only  that  its  publication  will  elicit  fuller 
information  on  the  range  of  known  species,  as  well  as  tend  to  the 
discovery  of  the  existence  of  others;  so  that  they,  or  some  more 
competent  persons,  may  at  a  future  time  be  able  to  revise  it  with  a  view 
to  republication.  They  will  therefore  be  happy  to  receive  specimens, 
either  skinned  or  fresh,  of  any  birds  whatever,  and  will  undertake  to 
furnish  the  senders  with  the  names,  when  known,  or  any  other 
information  in  their  power,  specially  recommending  collectors  to  pick 
up  birds  qf  unattractive  appearance,  as  it  is  usually  among  such  that 
rarities  are  to  be  found.  They  will  also  undertake  to  make  public  the 
name  of  the  finders,  and  to  return  the  specimens,  if  so  desired,  after 
comparison.  In  this  way  it  is  hoped  that  very  eonsiderable  additions 
may  be  made  to  the  knowledge  of  the  avi-fauna  of  Japan,  which  has  a 
special  interest  among  ornithologists  owing  to  the  situation  of  these 
islands  off  the  extreme  east  of  the  continent  of  Asia. 

As  a  sample  of  what  may  be  done  by  very  limited  research, 
the  compilers  may  mention  that  the  "Fauna  Japonica"  list,  which 
included  many  very  doubtful  species,  and  others  on  the  sole  authority 
of  Japanese  drawings,  did  not  number  two  hundred  distinct  species, 
whereas  the  present  catalogue  extends  beyond  three  hundred,  and,  as 
has  been  mentioned  before,  is  probably  very  far  from  being  a  complete 

The  compilers  have  examined  and  compared  most  of  the  specimens 
of  birds  existing  in  the  government  museums  at  Toukiyau,  namely  in  the 
Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwan  of  the  Nai-mu-shiyau,  in  the  Eeu-iku 
Haku-butsu-kuwan  of  the  Mon-bu-shiyau,  and  in  the  Eai-taku-shi  at 
Shiba  ;  besides  the  museum  of  the  Kai-taku-shi  at  Satsuporo,  in  Yezo,  as 
well  as  the  collections  of  Mr.  Ota  of  Toukiyau,  Drs.  Manning,  Ahlburg 
and  Hilgendorf,  and  Mr.  F.  Ringer  of  Nagasaki.  They  have,  moreover,  a 
number  of  specimens  in  their  private  collections,  and  the  Hakodate 
Museum — which  is  open  to  public  inspection — contains  most  of  the 
specimens  collected  principally  in  Yezo  and  the  Kurile  Islands  by  one  of 
the  authors  and  Mr.  N.  Fukushi,  Chief  of  the  Survey  Department  of  the 

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174  '     BLAKISTON   AND   PEYEE!    ON   THE   BIRDS   OF  JAPAN. 

The  compilers*  thanks  are  due  to  several  persons  who  have  supplied 
them  with  specimens,  and  to  Mr.  Tanaka,  director  of  the  Haku-butsu- 
kawan,  who  allowed  them  to  examine  a  collection  of  drawings  by  native 
artists ;  while  Mr.  Ota's  intimate  knowledge  of  the  birds  of  hiB  own 
country  has  been  of  much  assistance. 

The  arrrangement  of  this  catalogue  is  that  of  Dr.  Carl  Clans  in  his 
Grundzuge  der  Zoologie,  a  perhaps  rather  unusual  classification ;  but 
the  best  ornithological  authorities  so  differ  on  thiB  matter,  that  it  is  of 
very  little  consequence  what  system  is  followed. 

All  species  included  in  the  following  list  have  the  authorities  on 
which  they  rest  stated ;  and  duplicates  have  in  most  instances  been  sent  to 
Europe  for  comparison  to  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe— who  was  the  greatest 
authority  on  the  birds  of  Eastern  Asia — Dr.  P.  L.  Sclater,  Secretary  of 
of  the  Zoological  Society  of  London,  and  Mr.  H.  Seebohm,  with  whom 
the  compilers  are  still  in  correspondence.  Such  identifications  are 
enumerated  under  each  species,  and  the  volume  an<l  page  of  the  Ibis,  the 
best  ornithological  magazine  in  Europe,  referred  to. 

Beauty,  Song,  Etc. — A  very  common  remark  made  by  foreigners 
here,  is  that  this  country  possesses  few  birds,  and  those  that  are  found 
are  not  Temarkable  for  either  beauty  or  song.  To  some  extent  this  is 
true  of  the  neighbourhood  of  the  settlements,  but  it  is  a  great  mistake  to 
suppose  that  the  Japanese  birds  are  at  all  deficient,  either  in  numbers  or 
other  respects,  in  the  wilder  parts  of  the  country. 

As  an  examplo  of  this,  one  of  the  writers  made  a  hurried  visit  to 
Fuji-sail  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  birds,  and  although  the  weather  was 
very  unfavorable  during  the  few  days  he  was  there,  44  species  were 
obtained  and  a  number  of  others  observed.  Among  those  obtained  were 
several  specimens  of  Tchitrea  Princeps.  When  alive,  this  bird  rivals 
in  beauty  any  denizen  of  the  tropics.  The  head  is  crested  and  glossy 
black,  merging  into  a  rich  purple  on  the  back ;  the  breast  is  creamy 
white,  the  wings  are  dark,  and  the  tail  has  two  long  feathers 
sixteen  inches  in  length.  Around  the  eye  it  has  a  fringe  of  skin  of  a 
torqnoise  blue,  and  the  beak,  which  is  large,  is  of  the  same  color. 
Beautiful  in  itself,  it  delights  in  choosing  nature's  most  picturesque  spots 
in  which  to  build  its  nest.  This  pretty  little  structure  is  often  placed  at 
the  end  of  a  moss-fringed  branch  overhanging  the  little  mountain  brooks, 

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which  come  foaming  over  the  grey,  fern-clad  boulders.  Three  species 
of  Thrushes,  all  good  songsters,  abound  on  Fuji- sail.  Two  of  the 
Flycatchers,  Xanthropygia  Narcissina  and  Cyanoptila  Cyanomelana, 
both  very  beautiful,  sing  sweetly,  and  the  chorus  of  birds  there  in  the 
early  morning  is  truly  delightful. 

Among  other  beautiful  birds  particularly  noteworthy,  Japan 
possesses  two  species  of  Pheasants  peculiar  to  the  country.  The 
Mandarin  Duck,  although  having  a  wide  range,  is  quaintly  beautiful 
and  not  uncommon ;  the  Falcated  Teal,  and  when  flying  in  the  sunlight, 
the  Japanese  Ibis  (Ibis  Nippon).  All  these  birds,  to  be  appreciated,  must 
be  seen  alive  and  in  full  plumage,— dried  specimens  conveying  but  a 
poor  idea  of  the  living  examples. 

Geographical  Distribution. — We  know  that  180  of  the  species  found 
here  also  occur  in  China,  and  about  100  are  identical  with  those  of 
Great  Britain.  Most  of  these  have  been  carefully  compared  by  the  late 
Mr.  Swinhoe,  and  there  are  a  number  of  others  which  approximate 
very  closely  and  ought,  perhaps,  to  rank  only  as  sub-species. 

Nidification,  Etc. — We  think  most  of  the  birds  included  in  our  list 
will  be  found  breeding  in  some  part  or  other  of  this  country.  We  have 
obtained  eggs,  nestlings,  or  young  birds  of  68  species,  but  have  not  had 
an  opportunity  of  visiting  the  breeding  grounds  of  any  of  the  sea  birds, 
which  we  know  stop  here  all  the  year,  or  the  number  would  be 
considerably  enlarged.     The  following  we  have  obtained : — 

Tinnunculus  Japonicus,  T.  &  8.;  Spizaetus  Orientalis,  T.  &  8.; 
MOvus  Melanotis;  Syrnium  Uralense,  T.  &  S.;  Ninox  Japonica; 
Schoenicola  Yezoensis,  8.;  -Euspiza  Sulphurata,  T.  &  8.;  Emberiza 
Personata,  Pall.;  Emberiza  Ciopsis,  Bp.;  Alauda  Japonica,  T.  &  8.; 
Oreocinda  Aurea,  Pall.;  Turdus  Sibericus,  Pall.;  Turdus  Chrysolaus,  T.; 
Tardus  Cardis,  T.;  Hypsipetes  Amaurotis,  T.;  Monticola  Solitaria,  Mull; 
Ianthia  Oyanura,  Pall.;  Lavivora  Cyane,  Pall.;  Erythacus  Akahige, 
T.  &  S.;  Cinclus  Pallasi,  T.;  Troglodytes  fumigatus,  T.;  Locustella, 
cursitans,  Frank;  Phylloscopus  coronatus,  T.  &  8.;  Cettia  Cantans, 
T.  &  S.;  Motacilla  boarula,  Scop.;  Motacilla  lugens,  T.  &  S.;  Anthus 
maculatus,  Hodg.;  Acredula  trivirgata,  T.;  Parus  varius,  T.  &  8.;  Parus 
minor,  T.  &  8.;  Tohitrea  princeps,  T.  &  8.;  Pericrocotus  cinereus,  Safr.; 
Xanthopygia  narcissina,  T.;  Cyanoptila  cyanomelana,  T.  &  8.;  Lanius 

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superciliosus,  L.;  Lanius  bucephalus,  T.  &  S.;  Sturnia  pyrrhogenys, 
T.  &  S.;  Stomas  cineraceus,  T.;  Garrulus  Japonicus,  Bp.;  Nucifraga 
caryocatactes,  L.;  Cyanopica  cyanus,  Pall.;  Corvus  corone,  L.;  Corvus 
Japonensis,  Bp.;  Caprimulgus  Jotaka,  T.  &  S.;  Chelidon  Blakistoni,  S.; 
Cecropis  erythropygia,  Sykes ;  Hirundo  gutteralis,  Scop.;  Zosterops 
Japonicus,  T.  &  S.;  Halcyon  coromanda,  Bodd ;  Ceryle  guttata,  Vigors; 
Alcedo  Bengalensis,  Gm.;  Picus  major,  S.;  Turtur  gelastis,  T.;  Cdturnix 
Japonica,  T.  &  S.;  Phasianus  Soemmeringii,  T.;  Phasianus  versicolor, 
VielL;  Gallinula  chloropus,  S.;  Rallus  Indicus,  Blyth;  Herodias  garzetta, 
S.;  Nycticorax  griseus,  L.;  Gallinago  Australis,  Lath;  Lobivanellus 
inornatas,  T.  &  S.;  Anas  Zonorhyncha,  S.;  Podiceps  Phillipensis,  Bonn. 

Japan  possesses  the  advantage  of  covering  a  large  area,  running 
north  and  south ;  this  is  no  doubt  the  cause  of  our  finding  many  species 
resident  throughout  the  year  only  partially  migrating  from  one  part  of 
the  country  to  another.  Even  some  insect-feeding  birds  remain  as  far 
north  in  winter  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Yokohama,  and  one  of  the 
miters  remembers  shooting  together  Ruticilla  Aurorea  and  Ianthia 
Cyanura,  which  were  too  busily  engaged  fighting  to  observe  his  approach, 
during  a  snow  storm  in  January,  some  years  ago.  The  latter  stays 
high  up  Fuji-sari  during  the  summer,  and  only  migrates  to  the  plains  at 
the  foot  in  the  winter,  and  Ruticilla  Aurorea  was  observed  wintering  on 
Ohoshima  (Vriesl  in  considerable  numbers.  Cettia  Cantans  stops  all  the 
year  about  Yokohama,  and  its  song  may  be  heard  early  in  March. 

Japanese  Pheasants. — We  have  seen  a  pair  of  hybrids  between 
Phasianus  Versicolor  and  Soemmeringii.  The  cock  is  exceedingly  beautiful. 
It  has  the  head  and  tail  of  the  Green  Pheasant.  The  body  is  a  shining 
auburn,  anil  the  tail  is  more  fan-shaped  and  longer  than  the  Green 
Pheasant,  but  is  barred  like  it.  The  hen  is  large,  but  otherwise  hardly 
differs  from  Phasianus  Versicolor. 

Phasianus  Versicolor  and  the  Chinese  Phasianus  Torquatus  readily 
iiiterbreed  in  a  wild  state,  and  Jhe  progeny  is  generally  larger  than 
either  of  the  parents ;  a  number  of  Phasianus  Torquatus  were  turned 
out  at  different  places  near  Yokohama,  Kaube  and  Nagasaki  a  few 
years  ago,  and  more  hybrids  have  since  been  shot  than  thoroughbred 
P.  Torquatus.     Since  these  birds  were  turned  out,  quite  a  number  of 

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small  birds  having  the  plumage  of  the  cock,  bat  which  are  undoubtedly 
hens,  have  been  procured.  It  is  well  known  that  this  so-called 
hermaphrodite  state  is  accompanied  by  an  organic  defect,  and  we  think 
that  there  is  good  reason  for  supposing  that  those  .wo  have  obtained 
exhibiting  this  state  of  plumage  may  be  the  second  generation  of 
hybrids,  as  some  of  the  specimens  show  signs  of  the  white  ring  round 
the  neck ;  and  further,  the  comparative  abundance  of  this  form  since 
Phasianus  Torquatus  was  introduced  leads  us  to  think  that  hybridization 
may  be  the  cause  of  the  defective  organization.  All  these  cock-hen  birds 
proved  on  dissection  incapable  of  propagating  their  species. 

Zoological  line  of  Demarcation. — As  far  as  our  observations  go, 
the  following  birds  are  confined  to  Yezo : — 

Harelda  glacialis,  Tetrates  Bonasia,  Picus  Minor,  Dryocopus  Marti  us, 
Corvus  Corax,  Ampelis  Garrula,  Acredula  Caudata,  Leucosticte 
Brunneinucha,  Gecinus  Canus,  Garrulus  Brandti.  The  following  do  not 
cross  the  straits  of  Tsugaru  northward : — Lobivanellus  inornatus, 
Phasianus  Versicolor  and  soemmeringii  Gecinus  Awokira  Gyanopica 
Cyanus,  Garrulus  Japonicus,  Acredula  Trivirgata. 

Further  observation  may  prove  that  some  of  the  above-mentioned 
species  are  not  strictly  confined  to  these  limits,  but  of  the  following  six 
species  Gecinus  Canus  (Yezo),  and  Awokira  (Main  Island),  Acredula 
Caudata  (Yezo),  and  trivirgatus  (Main  Island),  Garalus  Brandti  (Yezo), 
and  Japonica  (Main  Island),  it  is  interesting  to  observe  how  one -species 
replaces  the  other  in  their  respective  districts.  The  Straits  of  Tsugaru 
are  from  fifteen  to  twenty  miles  across,  but  the  fauna  and  flora  of  the  two 
iaknds  indicates  a  far  greater  difference  than  is  shown  by  a  glance  at 
the  map  of  the  two  islands.  These  straits  are  doubtless  a  zoological 
line  of  demarcation.  For  instance,  in  the  mammalia  the  bear  of  Yezo 
is  a  northern  species,  and  the  bear  of  the  Main  Island  was  for  a  long 
time  thought  to  be  identical  with  the  Ursus  Thibetanus.  Neither  the 
sheep-face  antelope,  Nemorhedus  crispa,  or  the  Japanese  monkey,  Innus 
speciosus,  or  the  boar,  Sus  leucomystax,  have  crossed  the  straits, 
although  both  the  antelope  and  monkey  are  well  fitted  to  bear  the 
cold  of  Yezo,  and  are  indeed  found  on  the  mainland  bordering  the 
northern   shore.     We   also  find  the   same   rule   holds  good  with  the 

VOL.  Till.  23 

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pheasants,  neither  of  which  cross  the  straits,  although  abundant  on 
the  extreme  north  of  the  main  island.  There  is  also  a  remarkajble 
absence  of  Conifers  in  Yezo,  although  so  very  abundant  south  of  the 
straits.  Probably  when  the  Zoology  and  Botany  of  the  islands 
comprising  Dai  Nitsu-pon  becomes  better  known,  many  more  examples 
will  be  forthcoming  and  will  fully  establish  the  existence  of  this 
dividing  line.  Its  cause  is  a  question  more  for  geological  research 
to  establish;  but  we  think  that  even  supposing  the  distribution  of 
land. and  sea  to  have  been  the  same  for- a  vast  period  as  it  is  at 
present,  a  cold  period  which  drove  animals  and  plants  southward  to 
a  last  refuge  in  the  south  of  Japan,  and  the  re-opening  of  the  straits 
of  Tsugaru  (which  may  be  presumed  to  have  been  frozen  during  this 
cold  period)  on  the  return  of  a  temperate  climate,  but  before  those 
animals  and  plants  could  redistribute  throughout  Nitsu-pon,  'would 
account  for  the  present  dissimilarity  between  the  fauna  of  the  two 
islands.  It  seems  not  even  necessary  to  suppose  the  cold  to  have 
been  sufficiently  intense  to  freeze  over  the  Straits  of  Tsugaru,  so  long 
as  its  duration  was  enough  to  kill  out  those  forms  of  life  which  had 
existed  during  a  previous  temperate  or  hot  period ;  at  the  same  time 
it  must  be  remembered  that  the  bear,  Ursus  Japonicus,  monkey, 
Innus  speciosus,  and  pheasants  seem  to  indicate  a  former  connection 
between  Japan  and  the  south. 

Avi-fauna  of  the  Bonin  Islands. — During  March,  1878,  we  paid  a 
hurried  visit  to  these  interesting  islands.  Jhe  only  birds  obtained  were 
Hypsipetes  Amaurotis,  T.  and  S.;  Monticola  Solitaria,  Mull,  and  Cettia 
Cantans,  T.  and  S.;  a  brown  buzzard,  plover  and  small  finch  were 
seen.  All  three  obtained  were  remarkable  for  length  of  bill  and  clearness 
of  song  as*  compared  with  specimens  from  the  mainland,  and  Hypsipetes 
*  Amaurotis  was  especially  large  and  dark.  Mr.  Webb,  an  intelligent 
islander,  gave  us  a  list  of  25  species  of  birds  which  he  had  seen  on  the 
islands,  amongst  which  was  a  parrot,  which  he  described  as  having  a  red 
breast,  green  back  and  yellow  beak,  as  periodically  visiting  one  of  the 
outlying  islands  when  the  nuts  were  ripe  on  a  particular  kind  of  tree.  It 
would  be  extremely  interesting  to  obtain  a  specimen  of  this  bird,  which 
would  be  perhaps  one  of,  if  not  the  most,  northerly  ranging  species  of 
.the  Psittiacidn  known  to  exist. 

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1.  AlCA  TORDA,  L. 

Given  in  the  list  of  the  *  Fauna  Japonica ;'  no  figure. 

2.  Mormon  cirrhatum,  Gm. 

Pacific  or  Tufted  Puffin.     Jap.  '  Yetopirika.' 

(Seebohm,  'Ibis,'  1879,  p.  21.) 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museum,  and  in  the  Hakodate  Museum, 
from  the  Kuril  Islands,  collected  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi,  Director  of  the 
Survey  Department  of  the  Kai-taku-shi. 

A  very  common  bird  in  the  Gulf  of  Tartary  in  summer. 

3.'  Mormon  corniculatum,  Naum. 
Horned  Puffin. 
Male  and  female  specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. "  Collected  by 
Mr.  H.  J.  Snow,  at  the  Kuril  Islands. 

4.  Phaleris  cristatblla,  Pall. 

Crested  Auk.    ^Fap.  '  Itorofu  umi-suzume.' 
Mr.   H.   "Whitely    obtained   two   specimens    off   the   east  coast. 
('  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  209).     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  the 
Kuril  Islands,  collected  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi.     Specimen  identified  by  Mr. 

H.  Seebohm.     ('  Ibis/  1879,  p. ).     Collected  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow  at 

the  Kuril  Islands. 

5.  Phaleris  mtstacea,  Pall.=P.  Camtschaticus,  Lepechin. 

Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  collected  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow 
at  the  Kuril  Islands.     Wing  measures  110  millimetres. 

Commodore  Perry's  expedition  procured  examples  at  Shimoda  and  in 
Toukiyau*  Bay.     (Cassin's  Report  Perry's  Expedition.     Vol.  2,  p.  284.) 

6.  Phaleris  pusilla,  Pall. 

Least  Auk. 
The  Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwan,  Toukiyau,  contains  a  dried 
specimen  from  Kaga ;  and  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  is  one  collected  in  that 
harbour  in  May.  Both  specimens  are  wanting  the  white  over  the  eye 
as  in  M.  alle;  the  former  has  white  bristles  under  the  eye,  and  on  the 
front  near  the  bill ;  the  Hakodate  specimen  has  a  trace  in  the  latter 
position.     Length,  about  6£  inches  ;  wing,  8  J  to  4  inches. 

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7.  Braohyrhamphus  umisuzume,  TFem. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  collected  at  Hakodate,  and  by 
Mr.  F.  Ringer  at  Nagasaki.  Also  obtained  by  Commodore  Perry's 
expedition  at  Shimoda  and  in  Toukiyau  Bay.  Given  in  the  '  Fauna 

8.  Braohyrhamphus  antiqus,  Gm. 

Grey-headed  Auk.    Jap.  '  Umi-suzume.' 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau. 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.  Also  obtained  at  Skotan  Island, 
off  the  east  estremity  of  Yezo,  by  Mr-  N.  Fukushi. 

Very  abundant  in  Toukiyau  Bay  in  winter. 

9.  Braohyrhamphus  kittutzi,  Brandt.' 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  duplicates  of  which  were 
referred  by  the  late  Mr.  B.  Swinhoe  to  this  species.  ('  Ibis,1  1874, 
p.  166,  et  1875,  p.  458.) 

10.  Uria  carbo,  Pall. 

Black-winged  Black  Guillemot.    Jap.  '  Keima-furi.' 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums  and    Hakodate  Museum, 

the  latter  collected  on  coast  of  the  Yezo,  where  it  is  not  uncommon. 

(Swinhoe,  ♦Ibis,'  1875,  p,  458.) 

Mr.  H.  Whitely  included  U.  grylle  in  his  list  ('Ibis,'  1867,  p.  210), 

probably  in  mistake  for  this  species. 

11.  Uria  troile,  L. 

Common  Guillemot.  *  Jap.  '  Umigarasu.'  . 
One  specimen  obtained  at  Hakodate,   in  the  Museum  there,  is 
referred  to  this  species.  , 

12.  Uria  brunnichi,  Sab. 

Brunnich's  Guillemot.     Jap.  *  Ugamo/ 
Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  and  the  Kuril  Islands  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Seebohm,  « Ibis,*  1879.) 

18.  Ceratorhyncha  monocerata,  Pall. 

Horn-billed  Guillemot.     Jap.  '  Utou.' 
Very  common  on  the  eoast  of  Yezo.     Specimens  in  {he  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p.  166.) 
•      Occasionally  obtained  in  Toukiyau  Bay. 

Digitized  by 



14*  Podiceps  CORNUTUS,  Gm. 
Sclavonian  Grebe. 
Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  collected  there,  and  by  Mr.  F. 
Ringer  at  Nagasaki.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  456  :  Seebohm,  '  Ibis,' 

15.  Podiceps  cristatus,  L. 

Great  Crested  Grebe. 

Mr.  H.  Whitely  included  this  in  his  list  ('Ibis/  18W,  p.  208). 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  that  locality. 

This  is  probably  the  bird  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  *  as 
P.  rubricollis  major. 

16.  Podiceps  phillipensis,  Bonn'. 

Jap.  '  Kait8umuri.' 

Breeds  about  Yokohama.  Common  on  ponds  and  moats  in  Toukiyau ; 
also  common  in  Yezo  in  summer.  Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau 
Museums  and  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  both  localities.  (Swinhoe, 
•  Ibis/  1875,  p.  456.)      ' 

Nest  built  on  the  water,  composed  of  dead-water  plants.  Eggs,  3 
to  5,  always  very  much  decolored,  1^  in.  long. 

17.  Podiceps  auritus,  lAth.=Nigricollisi  Gml. 

Eared  Grebe.     Jap.  '  Hajiro-kaitsumuri.' 
Common  in  Toukiyau  Bay  in  winter,  and  in  Yezo.     Also  obtained 
by  Mr.  F.  Ringer  at  Nagasaki.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

18.  Colymbus  arcticus,  Linn.  • 

Black- throated  Diver.     Jap.  '  Oho-hamu.' 

Common  in  spring  in  Hakodate  harbour.  Also  obtained  by  Mr.  F. 
Ringer  at  Nagasaki. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Whitely,  '  Ibis/  1867,  p. 
208:    Seebohm,  'Ibis/  1879,  p.  22.) 

A  specimen  sent  to  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  from  Hakodate  was 
identified  by  him  as  C,  adamsi,  G.  R.  Gray.  See  remark  by  Mr.  H. 
Seebohm,  '  Ibis,  1879,  p.  22. 

19.  Colymbus  septentrionaus,  L. 

Red- throated  Diver.     Jap.  'AmV 
Occasionally  obtained  in  Toukiyau  Bay.     Tolerably  abundant  in 

Digitized  by 


182  BLAKISTON    AND    PRYER :    ON    THE    BIRDS   OF   JAPAN. 

Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Whitely, 
'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  208  :     Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1874,  p.  168.) 

20.  Cygnus  musicus,  Bechst. 

Hooper.     Jap.  '  Oho-haku-tcu.' 

The  common  Swan  of  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate,  Toukiyau 
and  Satsuporo  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1875,  p.  456.) 

Occasionally  obtained  about  Toukiyau  in  winter.  Three  seen  in  the 
Moat  there,*  among  other  wild  fowl  in  January,  1876. 

21.  Cygnus  bewicki,  Yarr. 

Bewicks  Swan.     Jap.  '  Haku-teu.' 
A  specimen  in  the  Kiyou-iku  Haku-butsu-kuawii  seems  to  agree 
the  figure  and  description  of  this  species. 

22.  Anser  segitum,  Gm. 

Bean  Goose.     Jap.  '  HishikulnY 
This  goose  seems  pretty  generally  distributed  throughout  Japan. 
Specimens   in   all    the    museums.     Those   in  the  Hakodate    museum 
were  collected  in  Yezo.     There  seem  to  be  two  forms, — a  large  and 
small,  possibly  separable,     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  456.) 

28.  Anser  braohyrhynchus,  T. 

Pink-footed  Goose.     Jap.  4  Ma-gan.' 
Common  in  winter  in  Toukiyau  Bay.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum  collected  in  Yezo.    (Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1875,  p.  456:   Seebohm, 
« Ibis,'  1879.)  m 

24.  Anser  albifrons,  Gm. 

White-fronted  Goose.     Jap.  4  Karigane.' 
Common  in  Toukiyau  Bay;  seen   as   early   as   the  beginning   of 
October.     Passes  Hakodate  in  spring  and  autumn.     Specimens  in  the 
Toukiyau  and  Hakodate  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  456,  et 
1877,  p.  146.) 

25.  Anser  erythropus,  Linn. 

Jap.  'Ko-karigane.' 
A  miniature  of  the  preceding  species.     Obtained  in  Toukiyau  and 
Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Seebohm,   *  Ibis,'  1879, 
p.  22.) 

Digitized  by 



26.  Anseb  cygnoides,  L. 

Jap.  '  Sakatsura-hishikuhi.' 
Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.,     Specimens  at  the  Haku-butsu- 
kuwari  and  Kai-taku-shi  Museum  in  Toukiyau.     As  in  A.  segitum  there 
are  two  sizes  of  this  goose  which  may  prove  distinct. 

27.  Anseb  hyperbobeus,  Pall. 

Snow  Goose.     Jap.  '  Haku-gan.' 
In  large  flocks  in  winter  about  Susaki,  Toukiyau  Bay.     No  speci- 
mens yet  sent  to  Europe  for  identification.     There  are  said  to  be  smaller 
birds  mixed  with  the  flocks,  whidh  may  prove  to  be  A.  attaints,  Casrin. 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

28.  Bernicxa  leucopabia,  Brandt. 

Jap.  •  Shi-zhifu-kara-gan., 

A  small  species  of  the  Canada  goose  form  inhabiting  the  Pacific 
coast  of  North  America,  and  passing  from  the  Arctic  via  Kamschatka  to 
Japan,  where  it  does  not  seem  to  be  abundant. 

Specimens  obtained  i%  the  neighbourhood  of  Hakodate  .are  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum.  Also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.  Obtained  at 

29.  Bebnicla  tobquata,  Jenyns. 

Brent  Goose.    Jap.  '  Koku-gaii.' 
Obtained  in  the  Toukiyau  Bay.     The  winter  sea-goose  of  Hakodate. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

30.  Anas  boschas,  L. 

Mallard.     Jap.  '  Ma-gamo.' 
As  in  Europe,  the  common  "  Wild  Duck  "  in  Japan.     As  far  as  we 
know  it  does  not  breed  Bouth  of  Yezo.     (Swinhoe,   *  Ibis,'  1877,   p. 

81.  Anas  zonobhyncha,  Swinh. 

Dusky  Mallard.     Jap.  'Kari-gamo.' 

Of  the  same  form  and  size  as  the  Mallard,  and  doubtless  often 

mistaken  by  sportsmen  to  be  female  or  young  Mallard.     Can  always 

be  distinguished  by  a  yellow  band  across  the  bill.     Seems  to  be  very 

generally  distributed.     Specimens   from  both  islands  in  the  Hakodate 

Digitized  by 



Museum.  Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Mdseums.  A  nest  of  eggs  was 
found  in  April  on  the  lake  at  Uheno  Park,  Toukiyau.  (Swinhoe,  'Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  164). 


Mandarin  Duck.     Jap.  '  Oshi-dori.' 

Breeds  in  Yezo,  and  on  the  Main  Island.  Is  said  formerly  to  have 
built  in  the  trees  in  Uheno  Park,  Toukiyau.  Common  on  narrow,  deep 

Dives  and  hides  in  the  overhanging  bamboo  thickets  on  the  approach 
of  danger.  Obtained  at  Nitsu-kuwau.  Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau 
Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  457.) 

S3.  Carsaca  butila,  Pall. 

Buddy  Shieldrake. 
This  bird  is  figured  in  native  books,  and  is  given  in  the  '  Fauna 
Japonica'  list.     We  have  been  shown  the  wing- feathers,  but  have  not 
succeeded  in  obtaining  a  complete  specimen. 

84.  Tadorna  oornuta,  Gmd.  * 

Common  Shieldrake.     Jap.  '  Tsukushi-gamo.' 
A  full  plumaged  male  presented  by  Mr.  F.  Ringer,  who  collected  it 
at  Nagasaki,  is  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 


Widgeon.     Jap.  'Hidori.' 
Swarms  during  winter  in  the  Toukiyau  Moats  and  Bay.     Common 
in  Yezo  in  spring  and  autumn.     Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  and  Hakodate 
Museums.     (Swinhoe,  « Ibis,'  1875,  p.  457.) 

8G.  Dafila  acuta,  L. 

Pintail.     Jap.  '  Wo-naga-gamo.' 

A  very  common  duck  in  winter  in  Toukiyau ;  passes  Hakodate  in 
Spring  and  autumn.  (Whitely,  *  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  207 :  Swinhoe,  « Ibis/ 
1877,  p.  147.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 


Teal.     Jap.  «  Ko-gamo.' 
Very  plentiful  about  Toukiyau  in  winter.     Some  remain  in  Yezo 
during  the  same  season,  but  more  go  south. 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Whitely, 
*  Ibis/  1867,  p.  207 :     Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/  1877,  p.  147.) 


Garganey  Teal.     Jap.  *  Shima-hazhi.' 
One  specimen  obtained  in  the  Toukiyau  market  by  Mr.  Ota.    Now 
in  the  Kiyou-iku  Haku-butsu-kuwan  Museum.     Two  specimens  by  Mr. 
N.  Fukushi  at  Satsuporo,  Yezo,  now  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 


Falcated  Teal.    Jap; '  Yoshi-gamo.' 
Specimens  from  Nagasaki,  Awomori  and  Yezo,  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum,  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.     Common  in  Toukiyau  Bay. 
(Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,1  1874,  p.  164.) 

40.  Querquedula  Formosa,  Georgi. 

Spectacled  Teal.     Jap.  '  Azhi.' 
Common  in  winter  about  Toukiyau.     Ranges  as  far  as  the  north 
extremity  of  the  Main  Island,  if  not  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis,'  1877,  p.  147.) 

41.  Spatula  clypea?a,  L. 

Shoveller.     Jap.  '  Hashibiro-gamo.' 
Generally  distributed.     Migrates  with  the    other     ducks.     Yezo 
specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,    also  '  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1875,  p.  457.) 

42.  Chaulelasmtjs  streperus,  L. 

Gadwall.  Jap.  '  Okayoshi.' 
Not  uncommon  among  the  wild  fowl  brought  to  market  at 
Yokohama.  Another  obtained  in  the  same  way  is  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.  Resembles  Q.  falcata  in  summer  plumage.  An  exceptionally 
large  specimen  shot  by  "Mr.  Whitfield  north  of  Toukiyau,  January, 
1880.     Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Musemus. 


Scaup  Duck.     Jap.  *  Nakihashiro-gamo.' 
Common  in   winter  about  Toukiyau.     Remains  at  Hakodate   in 
spring  about  the  latest  duck.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums..  (Swinhoe,  « Ibis,'  1875,  p.  457.) 

VOL.  YI*.  24 

Digitized  by 



44.  FuLiGuiiA  mabiloides,  Vigors. 

Lesser  Scaup. 
Specimen  Bent  from  Yezo  to  the  late  Mr.  Consul  Swinhoe  was 
identified  by  him  as  this  species. 

45.  Fuligula  cbistAta,  L. 

Tufted  Duck.    Jap.  '  Kinkurohajiro-gamo.' 
A  common  duck  daring  winter  in  Toukiyau.    Migrates  to  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/ 
1879,  p.  22.) 

46.  Fuligula  febina,  L. 

Pochard.    Jap.  '  Hoahihajiro.' 
One  specimen  obtained  at  Hakodate  is  in  the  Museum  there. 
Common  in  the  early  months  of  the  year  about  Yokohama. 

47.  NtBocA  febbuginea,  Gm. 

Jap.  *  Akahajiro.' 
A  few  specimens  obtained  in  Toukiyau  and  Yokohama,  and  Yezo 
specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  22.) 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

48.  Clangula  histbionica,  L. 

Harlequin  Duck.    Jap.  '  Shinori-gamo.' 
More  common  in  Yezo  than  on  the  Main  Island.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

49.  Clangula  glaucion,  L. 

Golden  Eye.    Jap.  '  Hojiro-gamo.* 
Probably  the  most  numerous  kind  of  sea- duck  in  Yezo.     Generally 
distributed  about  the  coast.     Frequents  the  rivers  and  bays  south  in 
the   winter.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate   and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Whitely,  '  Ibis/  1867,  p.  208.) 

50.  Habelda  glacialis,  L. 

Long-tailed  Duck. 
Common  on  the  coasts  of  Yezo ;  not  yet  found  south.     Specimens 
in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p.  208:     Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,'  1877,  p.  147.) 

Digitized  by 



51.  SOMATERIA  DI8PAR,   Spamn. 

S teller' s  Western  Duck. 
Shot  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow  daring  winter  on  Eturup,  one  of  the  Kuril 
Islands.     Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Kamschatka. 

52.  (Edemia  fusca,  L. 

Velvet  Scoter.     Jap.  '  KiiTO-tori.' 
Common  in  Yezo ;  also  obtained  at  Sendai,  and  occasionally  about 
Yokohama.      Specimens  in    the   Hakodate   and  Toukiyau   Museums. 
(Swinhoe,  •  Ibis/  1875,  p.  457.) 

58.  (Edemia  Americana,  Rich. 

American  Scoter.     Jap.  *  Kuro-gamo.' 
Obtained  in  Yezo,  and  also  in  the  Yokohama  game- market.     Speci- 
mens in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,   '  Ibis,1 
1879,  p.  28.) 

54.  Mebgulus  albellus,  L. 

Smew.     Jap.  '  Miko-aisa.' 
Specimens  obtained  at  Yokohama  and  in  Yezo ;  the  latter  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum.     (Seebohm,  •  Ibis,*  1879,  p.  28.) 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

55.  Mergus  castor,  L.    . 

Goosander.     Jap.  'Kawa-aisa.' 
Near  Toukiyau,  and  in  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and 
Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe, '  Ibis,*  1875,  p.  456.) 

56.  Mergus  sebbator,  L. 

Red-breasted  Mesganser.     Jap.  'Umi-aisa.' 
Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo,  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Swinhoe, 
'  Ibis/  1875,  p.  459.) 

57.  PhaiiAcbaoobax  gabbo,  L. 

Cormorant.    Jap.  'U.' 
Great  numbers  roost  on  the  trees  at  Babasaka,  in  the  centre  of 
Toukiyau.      Generally   found  throughout  Japan.     Specimens   in    the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  p.  164.) 

58.  Phalaobacobax  pelagicus,  Pall. 

Resplendent  Shag.    Jap.  4  U-garasu.' 

Digitized  by 



This  bird  seems  to  keep  always  on  the  sea,  not  found  inland. 
Great  numbers  roost  at  night  on  Treaty  Point,  Yokohama,  daring  the 
winter,  bnt  do  not  stop  daring  the  summer.  Common  on  the  coast  of 
Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Tonkiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874, 
p.  166,  et  1877,  p.  147.) 

59.  Phalacracorax  bicristatus,  Pall. 

Double  Crested  Cormorant. 
Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 

60.  SULA  LEUCOGASTRA,   Bodd. 

Given  in  the  list  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  S.  fusca. 

61.  Sterna  fuuginosa,  Lalto. 

Sooty  Tern. 
Figured  in  the  *  Fauna  Japonica.'  • 

62.  Sterna  minuta,  L. 

Lesser  Tern.     Jap. '  Ajisashi.' 
An  example  shot  in  Toukiyau  Bay  by  Mr.  Dare,  probably  this 
species.    To  be  seen  fishing  on  any  of  the  rivers  in  summer  about 
Yokohama,  where  it  breeds.     Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

68.  Sterna  longipennis,  Nordm. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Yezo  and  Eamschatka, 
collected  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi.  One  killed  by  Mr.'H.  J.  Snow  at  Eturup 
(Kuril  Islands);  sent  to  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  for  identification.  (Seebohm, 
«  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  28.) 

Another  obtained  at  Yokohama  in  May-. 

64.  Sterna ? 

A  wholly  white  Tern  in  the  collection  6f  the  Yamashita  Haku-butsu- 
kuwan.  May  be  Gygis  Candida  (Gmel.).  (See  Seebohm,  *  Ibis,'  1879, 
p.  23.) 

65.  Labus  crassebostris,  Yieill. 

Black-tailed  Gull.    Jap.  '  Umeneko.' 
The  most  abundant  gull  throughout  Japan.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston,  'Ibis,'  1862,  p.  882: 
Swinhoe,  « Ibis,'  1874,  p.  161.) 

Digitized  by 




66.  Labus  glaucus,  Fobr. 

Glaucous  Gull  or  Burgomaster.    Jap.  '  Shiro-kamome.' 
Specimens  obtained  at  Hakodate,  in  the  Museum,   identified  by 
Mr.  Howard  Saunders.     (See  Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/  1874,  p.  165 :    Seebohm, 
•Ibis/ 1879,  p.  28.) 

67.  Labus  glaucescens,  Licht. 

Large  Grey-winged  Gull.     Jap.  *  O-washi-kamome.' 
Specimens  obtained  at  Hakodate,  in  the  Museum,  identified  by  Mr. 
Howard  Saunders.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  165 :    Seebohm,  '  Ibis,' 
1879,  p.  28.) 

68.  Labus  gachinnans,  Pall. 

Mediterranean  Herring-Gull. 

Several  .specimens  collected  at  Hakodate  by  Mr.  H.  Whitely. 
Were  placed  under  the  name  of  L.  occidentalism  Aud.  ('  Ibis,'  1867,  p. 
210.)  Mr.  Howard  Saunders  has  decided  that  they  should  have  been 
named  as  above.    (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,1 1879,  p.  24.) 

Common  about  Yokohama  in  spring. 

69.  Labus  canus,  Linn. 

Common  Gull. 
Specimens    in    the    Hakodate  Museum,    collected  in  Yezo  and 
Kamschatka.    Identified  by  Mr.  Howard  Saunders  as  a  large  race  of 
this  species,  probably  L.  niveus  of  Pallas.     (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis,'  1874,  p. 
165  :     Seebohm,  •  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  24.) 

70.  Labus  habinus,  L. 

Great  Black-backed  Gull.    Jap.  *  O-seguro-kamome.' 
Specimen  identified  by  Mr.  Howard  Saunders.     (Swinhoe;  *  Ibis,' 
1874,  p.  165 :     Seebohm, '  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  24.) 

Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  that  locality. 

71.  Labus  leucoptebus,  Faber. 

Iceland  Gull. 
On  the  authority  of  a  specimen  from  Yezo,   identified  by  Mr. 
Howard  Saunders.     (P.Z.S.,  1878,  p.  166.) 

72.  Labus  delawabenbis,  Ord. 

Bing-billed  Gull. 

Digitized  by 



A  specimen  collected  by  Mr.  H.  Whitely,  at  Hakodate,  is  in  the 
collection  of  Mr.  Howard  Saunders.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  24.) 

78.  Labus  ridibundus,  L. 

Black-headed  Gull.     Jap.  '  Yuri-kamom.' 

Specimens  obtained  from  various  localities.    Leaves  Yezo  in  winter. 
Assumes  black  head  in  April.  . 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyan  Museums.     (Swinhoe, 
•  Ibis/  1874,  p.  165  165 :     Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  24.) 

74.  Rissa  tridactyla,  L. 

Kittiwake  Gull. 
A  specimen  obtained  at  Nemoro,  at  the  eastern  extremity  of  Yezo, 
is   in   the   Hakodate   Museum.       Another,   collected   at  Toukiyau,  is 
referred  to  this  species  or  R.  septeutTJonalis  of  Lawrence,  the  North 
Pacific  Kittiwake,  pending  proper  identification. 

75.  Stercorarius,  sp.  inc.  * 

Skua.     ' 
Specimens  in  Hakodate  Museum  ;  collected  at  Kuril  Islands  by  Mr. 
H.  J.  Snow. 

76.  Diomedea  derogata,  Swinhoe. 

Flesh-billed  Black  Albatross.     Jap. '  Kuro-ahodori. ' 
Common  in  Yezo  at  midsummer.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874,  p.  165.) 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museum. 

77.  Diomedea  bhachyura,  Temm. 

Black  and  white  Albatross.     Jap.  '  Ahodori.' 
More  abundant  in  southern  than  in  northern  Japan.     The  young 
resembling  D.  Derogata.     Is  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.'     Speci- 
mens in    the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Yezo,   and  in  the  Toukiyau 

78.  Fulmarus  Teniurostris,  Aud. 

Slender-billed  Fulmar. 
Two   specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  in  immature  plumage. 
Obtained  in  the  Kuril  Islands  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow. 

79.  Fulmarus  pacificus,  Lawrence=P.  pacifica,  Aud. 

Pacific  Fulmar. 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  obtained  from  the  Kuril  Islands  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 
(Seebohm, '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  25.) 

80.  Pbocellabia  leucobbhoa,  Yieill. 

Storm  Petrel.    Jap.  '  Umi-tsubame.' 
Specimens  from  the  Kuril  Islands  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.*  One 
sent  to  Dr.  P.  L.  Sclater  in  1878.    ('  Ibis,'  1878,  p.  218.) 

81.  Pbocellabia  fubcata,  Sould. 

Fork-tailed  Petrel. 
A  specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  the  Kuril  Islands  is 
referred  to  this  species. 


Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  under  this  name. 


Shearwater.    Jap.  'Ume-kamome.' 
A  specimen  obtained  after  a  typhoon  at  Yoshino,  Yamato,  forty 
miles  distant  from  the  nearest  sea ;  is  now  in  the  Kiyou-iku  Haku-butsu- 
kuwan   collection.     Agrees  with  the  figure  in  the   'Fauna  Japonica.' 
Another  picked  up,  very  much  decayed,  on  the  beach  at  Kamakura. 

84.  Chabadbius  fulvus,  Gm. 

Eastern  Golden  Plover.    Jap.  '  Muneguro-shigi.' 
Common  throughout  Japan.      Specimens   in'  the  Hakodate  and 
Toukiyau  Museums. 

This  bird  has  received  the  name  of  oiwitalis,  and  has  also  been 
confounded  with  C.  virginicus,  but  the  latter  is  a  larger  species  not  yet 
found. in  Asia.  (Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1874,  p.  162,  et  1875,  p.  452: 
Whitely,  '  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  204 :  Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  p.  25.) 

85.  jEgialitis  cantiana,  Lath. 

Kentish  Plover.     Jap.  '  Shiro-chidori.' 

Specimens  obtained  in  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum  ;  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  *  Ibis ',  1862,  p. 
880 :     Swinhoe,  « Ibis,1  1875,  p.  452.) 

Common  in  winter  about  Yokohama. 

Digitized  by 



86.  JEgialitis  placida,  Gray. 

Harting's  Band-Plover.     Jap.  '  Ikaru-chidori., 
Specimens  collected  in  Yezo ;  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  ;  also  in  the 
Tonkiyau  Museums.     Common  in  winter  about  Yokohama.     (Swinhoe, 

•  Ibis/  1874,  p.  162.) 

87.  iEGiALins  dubia,  Scoy.=Curonica8,  Gm. 

Found  breeding  on  the  shores  of  Yamanaka  Lake,  Fuji-san;  obtained 
at  Hakodate  and  Yokohama.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  1'oukiyau 
Museums.  (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,1  1875,  p.  452 :  Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1869,  p. 

88.  JEgiautis  mongolica,  "Bol\.=Ruficapillaf  Temm. 

Specimens  obtained  both  from  neighbourhood  of  Yokohama  and 
Hakodate,  in  the  Hakodate  Museum ;  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(E.  geofroyi,  which  is  distinct  from  this  species,  is  said  to  be  found  in 
Japan.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  25.) 

89.  Vanellus  cristatus,  Mey. 

Lapwing.     Jap.  (  Tagere.' 
Specimens  obtained  at  Toukiyau  and  Niigata  and   at  Hakodate 
in  Yezo ;  it  does  not  seem  to  be  a  common  bird  in  Yezo,  but  is  very 
abundant  about  Kawasaki.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,1  1876,  p.  884.) 


Jap.  'Kire.' 
This  bird  has  not  been  found  as  far  north  as  Yezo.  Specimen  in 
the  Hakodate  Museum  is  from  Toukiyau,  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums* 
Breeds  about  Susaki,  Toukiyau.  The  male  is  very  vigilant,  mounting 
high  up  in  the  air  and  with  loud  laughing  cries  driving  off  any  kite  or 
hawk  directly  one  appears  hovering  near  where  the  hen  is  sitting.  The 
eggs  are  laid  among  the  grass  growing  on  the  ridges  which  intersect  the 
paddy-fields ;  they  are  four  in  number,  and  resemble  the  lapwing,  but  are 
not  so  pointed.     Breeds  in  April. 

91.  Squatarola  helvetica,  L. 

Gray  Plover. 

•  Common  in  spring  and  autumn  in  Yezo,  but  not  so  abundant  as 

Digitized  by 



the  Golden  Plover.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     Common  in 
spring  and  autumn  at  Yokohama.    (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  452.) 

92.  Stbepselas  intebpres,  L. 

Turnstone.     Jap.     '  Kiyo-jiyau  shigi.* 
Seems  to  be  more  common  on   the  Main  Island  than  in  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,' 
1879,  p.  26.) 

98.  Hjematopus  osculans,  Swinhoe. 

Eastern  Oyster-catcher.     Jap.     '  Miyako  shigi.' 
Specimens  obtained  about  Yokohama,  and  in  Yezo  ;  in  the  Hakodate 
and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,  *  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  26.) 

94.  Totanus  incanus,  Gm. 

Grey  Sandpiper. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  common  Sandpipers  in  Japan.  Specimens 
from  various  localities  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate 

It  is  figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica1  as  T.  pulverulentus,  and 
included  in  Mr.  H.  Whitely's  list  ('  Ibis/  1867,  p.  205)  under  that 

Specimens  in  spring  and  autumn  plumage,  which  differ  considerably, 

were  identified  by  the  late  Mr.  B.  Swinhoe.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874,  p. 
168,  et  1875,  p.  458.) 

95.  Totanus  glottis,  L. 

Greenshank.     Jap.  ( Awo-ashi  chidori.' 

Common  in  Yezo,  and  obtained  about  Yokohama.  Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum. 

This  is  probably  the  T.  brevipes  mentioned  by  M.  Cassin.  (Proc. 
Acad.  Phil.  1858.) 

96.  Totanus  caltdeis,  Bechst. 

Common  Redshank. 
Specimens — probably  this  species — sent  to  Mr.   H.   Seebohm  for 
identification;   appears  to  be   not  uncommon  in  the    autumn  about 

97.  Totanus  fusous,  L.  # 

Spotted  Redshank. 
vol.  vm.  *  25 

Digitized  by 



Several  specimens  collected  in  Yezo,  in  the  Hakodate  "Museum.  Also 
obtained  near  Toukiyau.  Specimens  in  the  Museums  there.  (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,'  1875,  p.  453.) 

98.  Totanus  OCHEOPUS,  L. 

Green  Sandpiper. 
Examples  from  Toukiyau,  Nagasaki,  and  several  localities  in  Yezo 
compared.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Blakiston,  .'  Ibis/ 
1862,  p.  330 :     Swinhoe,  ■  Ibis/  1875,  p.  458.) 

99.  Totanus  glaeeola,  L. 

Wood  Sandpiper. 
Specimens  from  Yezo  and  the  Kuril  Islands  in   the  Hakodate 
Museum.   (Whitely,  'Ibis,1 1867, p.  205:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p.  169.) 

100.  Tringoides  hypoleucus,  L. 

Common  on  rivers,  both  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo.  Specimens 
in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  Differences  in  plumage  attributed  to  season 
only.     (Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p.  168,  1875,  p.  458.) 

101.  Limosa  uropigialis,  Gould. 

Godwit.    Jap.  '  Kojiyaku  chidori.' 
Specimens  from  Toukiyau  and  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 
This  species  is  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  L,  rufa,  the  Bar-tailed 
Godwit  of  Europe,  and  is  probably  that  noted  by  Cassin  from  Japan, 
Proc.  Acad.  Phil.  1858.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  458.) 

102.  Limosa  bbevipes,  G.  R.  Gray. 

Godwit.     Jap.  '  Sorihashi  chidori/ 
Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     Specimen 
in  the  Yamashita  Haku-buteu-kuwan  seems  very  dark ;  may  be  another 
species.     (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/  1875,  p.  453.) 

103.  Eecubvieostea  avocetta,  L. 

This  is  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  under  the  name  of  Limosa 
recurvirostra.     Mr.  G.  Hamilton  states  that  he  saw  such  a  bird  some 
years  ago  at  Sasaki,  Toukiyau.  , 

104.  Tbinga  orassirostris,  T.  &  S. 
#  Eastern  Knot. 

Digitized  by 



A  single  specimen  of  this  bird,  which  is  figured  in  the  '  Fauna 
Japonica,'  was  obtained  at  Hakodate  in  1861.  (Blakiston,  *  Ibis/  1862, 
p.  880.)  It  is  probably  the  species  included  by  Cassin,  as  T.  magna. 
Proc.  Acad.  Phil.  1858.  Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Seebohm,  'Ibis/  1879,  p.  26.) 

Common  about  Yokohama  in  the  autumn. 

105.  Tringa  ctnclus,  Linn. 

A  number  of  specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  having  the. usual 
variability  of  plumage  and  length  of  bill.  Toukiyau  and  Yezo  examples 
compared.  (Blakiston,  ■ Ibis,1  1862,  p.  880  :  Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1875, 
p.  455.) 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

106.  Tringa  acuminata,  Horsf. 

Specimens  from  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate   Museum ;  often  obtained 
near  Yokohama.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  455.) 

107.  Tringa  albescens,  Gould. 

Obtained  in  Yezo,  and  at  Yokohama.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  880,  as  Trtemmincki:     Whitely, 
'Ibis/   1867,  p.   206,   as  T.    minuta:      Swinhoe,    'Ibis/   1875,   p. 

108.  Tringa  ruficollis,  Pallus. 

Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.    Duplicates 
were  identified  by  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  as  T.  damacensis,  Horsf. 
('  Ibis/  1875,  p.   455.)     Mr.  H.  Seebohm  considers  this  bird  should 
stand  as  ruficollis.    ('  Ibis/  1879,  p.  26.) 

109.  Tringa  maoulata,  Vieill.  (?) 

The  existence  of  this  species  is  doubtful.     There  are  two  specimens 
which  may  be  distinct  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.    (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875, 
p.  455.) 

110.  Calidris  arenaria,  L.  • 


Digitized  by 



Specimens  obtained  on  the  douth-east  coast  of  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Swinhoe, '  Ibis,1  1876,  p.  454.) 

111.  Machetes  pugnax,  L. 

A  specimen  obtained  in  Yezo,  now  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  is 
referred  to  this  species. 


Bed-necked  Ph  alar  ope. 
Specimens  in  both  spring  and  autumn  plumage,  collected  in  Yezo, 
are  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Swinhoe,  l  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  455.) 

118.  Lobipes  wilsonh,  Lob.  (?) 

Specimens  collected  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow  on  the  Kuril  Islands, 
where  he  also  found  L.  hyperboreusi  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  About 
the  same  form  and  size  as  the  American  species. 


Spoon-billed  Sandpiper.     Jap.  '  Hira-shigi.' 
Two  specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  of  this  peculiar  bird  are  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum.     (Swinhoe,  'Ibis,*  1875,  p.  455.)    One  obtained  in 
Yokohama  in  October  and  another  by  Mr.  Ota  at  Toukfyau. 


Woodcock.  Jap*  '  Hodo-shigi., 
The  woodcock  of  Japan  in  not  distinguishable  from  that  of  Europe. 
It  varies  much  in  shade  of  plumage,  and  sometimes  is  found  entirely  of 
a  creamy  white.  .  It  seems  to  be  generally  distributed,  but  is  only  found 
in  Yezo  during  the  warm  season.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Tou- 
kiyau  Museums.  (Whitely,  *  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  206 :  Swinhoe,  « Ibis,*  1877, 
p.  145:  Seebohm,  'Ibis,'  1879,  p.  26.) 

116.  Gallinago  Australia,  Lath. 

Great  Australian  Snipe.  Jap.  '  Yama-shigi.' 
This  bird  was  obtained  on  Fuji-san  in  June  and  July.  It  is 
common  in  Yezo,  where  it  was  first  discovered  «to  be  a  Japanese  bird  in 
1861.  (Blakiston,  '  Ibis/  1868,  p.  100.)  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.  (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1868,  p.  444,  et  1874,  p.  168 :  Seebohm 
4  Ibis/ 1879,  p.  26.) 

Breeds  at  the  foot  of  Fuji-sail. 

Digitized  by 



117.  Galunago  scolopacina,  Bp. 

Common  Snipe.  Jap.  *  Ji-shigi.' 
Common  throughout  Japan.  Specimens  from  several  localities  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  The  plumage  is  darker  in  autumn 
than  in  spring,  owing  to  which  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  considered  that 
some  of  the  specimens  sent  him  were  the  American  species,  G.  mhonii, 
but  these  have  subsequently  been  carefully  compared  by  Mr.  H.  Seebohm 
with  European  examples,  who  pronounces  all  to  be  G.  scolopacina. 
(Swinhoe,  'Ibis,1  1874,  p.  163,  et  1875,  p.  454:  Seebohm,  « Ibis/ 
1879,  p.  27.) 

118.  Galunago  Solttabia,  Hodgs. 

Common  at  Yokohama  ;  often  found  on  up-lands.  Found  also  at 
Nagasaki  and  a  few  in  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums.     (Swinhoe,  •  Ibis,*  1877,  p.  146.) 

Mr.  H.  Whitely  included  G.  medium  his  list  ('  Ibis,1  1867,  p.  206), 
which  probably  referred  to  this  species. 

119.  Gallinagx)  gallinula,  L. 

Jack  Snipe. 

This  is  evidently  a  rare  bird  in  Japan.  Mr.  Whitely  obtained  only 
one  at  Hakodate  ('  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  206),  and  there  is  only  one  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum,  which  has  been  carefully  compared  with  a  European 
example.  Another  shot  by  Mr.  Olmsted  near  Yokohama  in  October, 

N.  B. — The  Painted  Snipe  will  be  found  in  this  order  of  classification 
between  the  Cranes  and  Bails. 


One  specimen  obtained  in  Yezo,  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  is  referred 
to  this  species.    . 

121.  NUMENIUS  MAJOR,  T.  &  S. 

Curlew.     Jap.  '  Oho-shiyaku  shigi.' 
Hakodate  specimens  in  the  Museum  there  agree  with  the  *  Fauna 
Japonica'  plate.     (Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p!   205:     Swinhoe,   'Ibis,' 
1876,  p.  884.) 

122.  NUMBNITTS  MINOR,  T.  &  S. 

Curlew.    Jap. '  Shiyaku  shigi.1 

Digitized  by 



This  diminutive  curlew  is  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 

128.  Numenius  au stralis,  Gould. 
.  Curlew. 
Yezo  specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     Identified  by  the  late 
Mr.  R.  Swinhoe.     (Swinhoe,  ' Ibis/  1876,  p.  884,  et  1868,  p.  445.) 

124.  Numenius  phcepus.  Lath. 

Whimbrel.    Jap.  4  ito-shiyaku-shigi.' 
Obtained  both  near  Toukiyau  and  in  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     This  is  probably  the  N.  tahitensis  of 
Perry's  expedition.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1877,  p.  146.) 

125.  Ibis  nippon,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Ibis.     Jap.  '  Toki.1 
Common  on  the  flats  around  the  head  of  Toukiyau  Bay.     Breeds  in 
Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe, 
•  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  455.) 

126.  Ibis  pbopinqua,  Swinh. 

Ibis.     Jap.  '  Kuro-toki.' 
Not  uncommon  about  Ohomori,  Toukiyau.     One  specimen  from  that 
locality  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     Not  observed  in  Yezo,  and  no 
specimen  yet  sent  to  Europe  for  identification.     Specimens  in  the  Tou- 
kiyau Museums. 

127.  Platalea  major,  T.  &  S. 

Spoonbill.    Jap.  '  Hira-sagi.'  « 

Not  a  common  bird.  'Mr.  H.  Whitely  obtained  a  specimen  at 

Hakodate  ('  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  204),  and  another  procured  there  is  in  the 

Hakodate  Museum. 

P.  minor  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  is  now  considered  to  be  only  a 

small  example  of  the  above.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  27.) 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

128.  Nycticorax  griseus,  Linn. 

Night  Heron.     Jap.  '  Seguro-gowi.' 
Generally  distributed  in  South  Japan.    Eggs  and  young  obtained 
from  a  heronry  below  Kauchi  Castle,  Tosa,  in  July.    Nest  placed  on 

Digitized  by 



highest  branches  of  tall  trees.  Eggs  a  white  bluish  green  color. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Toukiyau.  Also  in  the 
Museums  there.     (Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1877,  p.  146.) 

129.  Goisachtus  melanolophus,  Raffles. 
Jap.  'Miso-gowi.' 
This  is  probably  the  Ardea  gaisagi  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica,'  which  has 
been  confounded  with  the  young  of  the  common  Night  Heron.     Several 
specimens  obtained  about  Toukiyau.     No  examples  have  been  sent  to 
Europe  for  identification. 


Bittern.     Jap.  *  Sankano-gowi.' 
Observed  about'  Toukiyau.     Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum  ;  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,' 

1875,  p.  455.)    - 

181.  Abdetta  sinensis,  Gm. 

Chinese  Little  Bittern. 
Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  and  at  Nagasaki  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum ;   also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.     The  Ardea  scapularis  of 
the  4  Fauna  Japonica '  is  possibly  referrible  to  this  species.     (Seebohm, 
'Ibis,'1879,  p.  27.) 

182.  Ardetta  eurhythma,  Swinh. 

Von  Schrenck's  Little  Bittern.     Jap.  « Yoshi-gowi., 
Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Swinhoe, 
•  Ibis,'  1876,  p*  885.) 

188.  Ardea  cinerea,  L. 

Common  Heron.     Jap.  '  Awo-sagi.' 
Occasionally  seen  about  Toukiyau.    An  example  from  Nagasaki 
compared.      Specimens    obtained   in   Yezo    and   at  Awomori,   in   the 
Hakodate  Museum ;  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,' 

1876,  p.  885.) 

184.  Herodias  modesta,  Gray. 

Great  Egret.     Jap.     *  Oho-sagi.' 
This  bird  is  generally  considered  by  ornithologists  as  only  a  small 
race  of  H.  alba  of  Europe.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  27.)    It  arrives 

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at  Toukiyau  in  April,  and  is  tolerably  abundant.  Specimens  obtained  at 
Hakodate,  in  the  Museum  there;  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1876,  p.  885.)     . 

185.  Hbbodias  intebmedia,  Wagl. 

Egret.    Jap.  *  Chiu*sagi.' 
Specimens  agree  with  A.  egrettoides  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 
Bill  bright  orange,  tipped  with  horn  color  in  summer.     Specimens  from 
Toukiyau  and  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum ;  also  in  the  Toukiyau 

186.  Hebodias  garzetta,  Linn. 

Little  Egret.    Jap.  '  Shira-sagi.' 
A  very  common  bird  in  South  Japan.     Specimens  sent  to  Mr.  H. 
Seebohm  for  identification.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,*  1879,  p.  27.)    Nests  in 
tall  trees.     Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

187.  Hebodias  bussata,  Wagl. 

Buff-backed  Egret.    Jap.  '  Ama-sagi.' 

Seems  to  be  rather  abundant  in  the  south.  Several  examples  in 
the  Museums  in  Toukiyau.  No  specimen  yet  sent  for  identification  to 
Europe.     Is  included  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 

Note. — Mr.  Ota  has  two  specimens  of  a  black  Egret,  obtained  on 
the  Island  of  Tsushima,  in  the  Sea  of  Japan. 

188.  Hebodias,—? 

One  specimen  procured  in  Hakodate,  now  in  the  museum  there. 
Measurements  are : — Length,  488  mm.;  wing,  200  mm.;  bill-ridge,  60 
mm.  Head  and  neck  resemble  the  Night  Heron  ;  wings  nea/ly  white, 
back  dark  mouse  colour,  belly  white. 

189.  Ciconia  boyciana,  Swinh. 

Japan  Stork.  Jap.  '  Ko-dzuru.' 
This  bird  was  described  as  new  from  Japan  by  the  late  Mr.  It. 
Swinhoe.  It  is  occasionally  obtained  about  Toukiyau.  There  are 
living  examples  in  the  gardens  of  the  Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwaii*  and 
a  skin  in  the  Eiyou-iku  Haku-butsu-kuwan,  and  both  Drs.  Manning  and 
Ahlburg  preserved  specimens. 
140.  Gbtjs  communis,  Bechst.=Ci'wma,  Bechst. 

Common  Crane. 

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Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  Grus  cinerea  hngirostris ;  is 
considered  to  be  the  same  as  the  common  Crane  of  Europe. » 

141.  Grus  leucogeranus,  Pall. 

White  Crane. 
Figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica'  in  white  plumage,  with  rust 
brown  head,  or  all  white,  vermilion  bill  and  legs.    Is  considered  to  be 
the  White  Crane  of  Europe. 

142.  Grus  leucauchen,  T.  . 

Crane.  Jap.  *  Tan-chiyau.' 
This  is  the  national  Crane  of  Japan,  so  commonly  given  in  native 
drawings,  and  much  and  deservedly  admired.  It  was  formerly  only 
allowed  to  be  hawked  with  great  ceremony  by  nobles  of  the  highest 
rank.  Live  examples  may  be  seen  at  the  Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwan. 
A  specimen  obtained  near  Satsuporo,  Yezo,  as  late  as  January,  is  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum. 

148.  Grus  monachus,  T. 

Crane.    Jap.  '  Nabe-dzuru.' 
Not  uncommon  in  the  neighborhood  of  Toukiyau,   from  which 
locality  is  a  specimen  in  the  Hakodate*  Museum.      Figured  in  the 
4  Fauna  Japonica.' 

144.  Grus  antigone,  Linn. 

Crane.     Jap.  *  Mana-dzuru.' 

This  is  the  most  abundant  Crane,  and  is  a  choice  game-bird  with 
the  Japanese.  It  is  distinguished  from  the  young  of  the  '  Tafi-chiyau '  by 
the  long  tertial  plume  feathers  being  white.  There  is  a  specimen  in  the 
Kai-taku-shi  Museum  at  Toukiyau,  said  to  have  been  procured  in  Yezo. 
From  the  description  sent  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  of  a  specimen  from  Toukiyau 
in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  he  considers  it  to  be  G.  antigone.  (Seebohm, 
4  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  28.) 

It  is  singular  that  this  Crane  is  not  included  in  the  *  Fauna 

145.  Rhynchcea  bengalensis,  L. 

Painted  Snipe.     Jap.  *  Tama-shigi.' 
vol.  vm.  '  26 

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This  Snipe  is  known  to  sportsmen  in  the  south.  It  has  been 
found  breeding  on  Fuji- sail.  Example  from  Nagasaki  has  been  com- 
pared. Specimen  from  Yokohama  in  the  Hakodate  Museum ;  also  in 
the  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1877,  p.  146.) 

146.  Rallus  indicus,  Blyth. 

Indian  Water- Bail.  Jap.  4  Euhina.* 
Generally  distributed  throughout  Japan,  including  Yezo.  Some 
breed  about  Yokohama.  Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  and  Hakodate 
Museums.  When  the  'Fauna  Japonica'  was  published  it  was  not 
considered  distinct*  from  the  European  species  B.  aquaticus,  and  was 
included  in  Mr.  H.  Whiteley's  list  also  under  this  name.  (Swinhoe, 
«  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  168.) 


Bed-breasted  Bail.    Jap.  '  Hi-kuhina.' 
This  Bail  is  likewise  generally  distributed.      Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston,  '  Ibis/  1862,  p.  881 : 
Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  168.) 

148.  Pobzana  pygmea,  Naum. 

Baillon's  Crake.     Jap.  '  Hime-kuhina.' 
A  specimen  obtained  in  Yezo,  now  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  is 
referred  to  this  European  species.     (Swinhoe,  •  Ibis,'  1876,  p.  885.) 

149.  Pobzana  exquisita,  Swinh. 

Button  Crake.  •  Jap.  '  Shima-kuhina.' 
Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.    The  late 
Mr.  B.  Swinhoe,  who  described  this  bird,  identified  a  specimen  sent 
him.     ('  Ibis,'  1876,  p.  885.)     The  species  is  figured  in  the  '  Ibis '  for 
1875,  Pt.  HI. 

150.  Gallinula-  chlobopus,  L. 

Moorhen.     Jap.  •Ban.' 
Found  both  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum  compared  with  European  examples.     Also  in  the 
Toukiyau  Museums. 

151.  FULICA  ATBA,  L. 

,     Coot.    Jap.  *  Oho -ban.' 

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Common  on  the  rivers  north  of  Toukiyau.     Specimen  shot  at 

Hakodate.    Figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica'   as.  F.  atra  japoniea. 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

152.  Otis  tarda,  L. 

Bustard.    Jap.  'No-gan.' 

A  bird  supposed  to  be  a  great  Bustard  was  brought  into  the  Hiyaugo 

market  quite  fresh  in  December,  1876.     It  weighed  18}  pounds.     It 

probably  was  of  this  species,  which  is  found  at  Shanghai,  Hankow,  and 

Peking  in  winter.     The  Japanese  are  acquainted  with  the  bird,  and  their 

ornithologists  class  it  with  the  geese. 

158.  Phasianus  vebsicolob,  Vieill. 

Green  Pheasant.  Jap.  (  KizmY 
General  throughout  Eiushiu,  and  the  southern  islands,  tod  as  far 
as  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Main  Island,  but  does  not  inhabit 
Yezo.  It  readily  interbreeds  with  the  Chinese  P.  torquatm,  the  hybrid 
being  a  remarkably  fine  bird,  surpassing  in  beauty  either  of  its  parents. 
A  female  in  male  plumage  was  short  by  Mr.  Dare  in  November,  1877. 
Many  others  have  since  been  obtained.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  452.)  Eggs,  5  to 
6,  dark  olive,  very  much  depressed. 

154.  Phasianus  scemmerringi,  T. 

Copper  Pheasant.  Jap.  '  Yamadori.* 
The  range  of  this  species  is  similar  to  the  last,  not  crossing  the 
Strait  of  Tsugaru  into  Yezo.  It  frequents  the  plains  and  higher  parts  of 
the  mountains  indifferently.  The  Japanese  have  succeeded  in  obtaining 
in  capitivity  hybrids  of  this  and  the  Green  Pheasant.  Of  a  pair  which  • 
we  have  seen,  the  female  is  large,  the  male  small  but  of  very 
gorgeous  plumage.  In  both,  the  tail  of  the  Green  Pheasant  was  present, 
and  the  hen,  except  for  her  size,  had  little  to  distinguish  her  from  that 
species.  Eggs  5  to  6,  about  2  inches  long,  and  resemble  a  pullet's  egg, 
white,  with  a  tinge  of  reddish. 

155.  Tbtrastbs  bonasia,  L. 

Hazel  Grouse. 

Jap.  '  Yezo  rai-teu :    Jap.  in  Yezo,  '  Yamadori.' 

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This  wood-grouse — which  is  a  European  species — seems  not  to  be 
found  south  of  the  Strait  of  Tsugaru  separating  Yezo  from  the  Main 

156.  Laoopus  mutus,  Gould. 

Ptarmigan.  Jap.  '  Rai-teu.' 
Some  specimens  of  what  appear  to  be  this  species  in  the  collection 
of  the  Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwan  are  from  Eaga ;  it  is  also  said  to  be 
found  in  Ofitakesan,  on  the -borders  of  Shin-shiu.-  We  are  very  anxious 
to  obtain  examples  for  proper  comparison  with  the  European  bird,  and 
would  draw  the  attention  of  travellers  in  mountainous  parts  of  Japan 
to  the  desirability  of  collecting.  Lagopus  Mutus  was  included  in  the 
'  Fauna  Japonica  '  on  the  authority  of  a  Japanese  drawing. 

157.  COTURNIX  JAPONICA,  T.  &  S. 

Bed-throated  Quail.    Jap.  '  Udzura.' 

The  quail  is  found  more  or  less  throughout  Japan.  It  migrates 
northward  in  spring  and  southward  in  autumn,  being  abundant  in  Yezo 
during  summer,  where  an  occasional  one  is  found  during  a  mild  winter. 
It  has  been  observed  breeding  in  the  vicinity  of  Yamanaka  Lake, 
Fuji- san,  and  about  Toukiyau. 

Ornithologists  differ  in  opinion  as  to  whether  the  Japan  bird  is 
distinct  from  the  common  quail,  Coturnix  communis,  Bonn,  The  late 
Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  considered  the  South  China  bird — without  the  red-., 
throat — as  communis,  while  that  obtained  by  him  at  Chefoo,  which 
he  compared  with  Hakodate  specimens,  as  japonica.  (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/ 
1875,  p.  126  and  452.)  Mr.  F.  Ringer  collected  specimens  at  Nagasaki 
in  January  and  December,  which  appear  to  agree  with  the  South  China 
bird.     Eggs  6,  dirty  white,  patched  with  red-brown. 

158.  Columbu  ltvia,  Temm.  (?) 

Rock  Pigeon.    Jap.  'Kahara-bato.' 
A  blue  rock  pigeon  which  breeds  in  the  famous  cave  of  Bcfiten- 
sama,  on  Yenoshima,  may  be  of  this  or  an  allied  species. 

159.  Turtur  gelastes,  Temm. 

Eastern  Turtle-Dove.     Jap.  '  Kizhi-bato.* 
Remains  all  the  year  round  on  the  plains,  but  is  most  abundant  in 
winter.     In  Yezo  only  in  summer.     It  breeds  in  the  neighbourhood  of 

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Yokohama  even  as  late  as  November,  Mr.  J.  Dare  having  found  a  nest 
with  eggs  oa  the  4th  November;  and  Mr.  G.  H.  Olmsted  one  containing 
folly  fledged  young  on  the  25th  of  the  same  month.  (Whitely  as 
T.  rupicola, '  Ibis/  1867,  p.  204  :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  162.) 


Barbary  Dove.  Jap.  •  Shirako-bato.1 
This  species,  which  also  inhabits  North  China,  arrives  about 
Toukiyau  in  April,  and  is  often  brought  alive  to  market  in  large  numbers. 
Light  fawn-color  varieties  are  found,  which  also  occur  in  China.  It 
breeds  very  late,  young  birds  being  obtained  in  November.  Not  yet 
procured  in  Yezo.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1876,  p.  884  et  1877,  p.  145.) 

161.  Treron  seeboldi,  Temm. 

Siebold's  Green  Pigeon.  Jap.  4  Awo-bato.' 
This  bird  seems  peculiar  to  Japan;  it  is  figured  in  the  'Fauna 
Japonica '  and  received  its  name  as  a  tribute  to  its  discoverer.  The 
native  hunters  attract  it  within  shot  by  imitating  its  long  and  varied 
*  coo.*  In  Yezo  it  is  found  only  during  summer,  where  its  seems  to 
prefer  moderately  high  wooded  bluffs  adjoining  the  sea-shore,  on  the  sands 
of  which  it  frequently  alights.  It  is  a  late  breeding  bird,  two  very  young 
ones  having  been  obtained  in  the  Yokohama  game-market  in  December. 
(Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p.  204  :  Swinhoe,  'Ibis '  1875,  p.  452.) 

162.  Carpophaga  ianthina,  T.  &  S. 

Crow  Pigeon.     Jap.  '  Karasu-bato." 
Abundant  on  Sarushima,  Toukiyau  Bay.     The  '  coo  '  is  loud  and 
is  accompanied  by  the  bird  spreading  its  tail  and  clashing  its  pinion 
feathers  together.     Seen  also  in  Shikoku. 

168.  Cuculus  canorus,  L. 

Cuckoo.  Jap.  'Kako.' 
This  is  supposed  to  be  identical  with  the  European  Cuckoo,  its  . 
habits  and  note  being  the  same,  bat  by  some  ornithologists  it  has  been 
called  C  canorinus,  or  the  eastern  form  of  the  common  Cuckoo.  It  is 
common  about  Fuji-san,  and  inhabits  Yezo  in  summer.  It  was 
obtained  at  Hakodate  by  Commodore  Perry!s  expedition.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis,'  1862,  p.  825:  Whitely,  'Ibis,1  1867,  p.  195:  Swinhoe, 
•Ubis/  1875,  p.  451.) 

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Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums  from  various 

164.  Cuculub  poliocephalus.  Lath. 

Cuckoo.    Jap.  •  Ho-to-tp-gisu.' 

This  bird  is  a  miniature  of  the  preceding  species,  but  is  easily 
separable,  as  the  traverse  bars  on  the  breast  are  much  broader  and  the 
centre  tail  feather  has  seventeen  alternate  white  spots,  the  first 
six  being  nearly  opposed  and  the  last  pair  being  confluent.  There  is 
only  a  slight  indication  of  spots  on  the  tail  of  C.  canorus.  The  male  is 
very  much  smaller,  measuring  only  6J  inches  from  the  shoulder  to  the 
end  of  the  pinion  feathers  against  8£  inches  in  canorus.  The  female  is 
large  and  measures  7}  inches  from  the  shoulder.  The  chin  and  throat  are 
grey,  the  breast  and  belly  white,  with  broad  traverse  black  bars  ;  under 
tail  coyerts  plain,  with  a  rufous  tinge.  Immature  birds  spotted.  The 
breast  of  the  female  is  nearly  black. 

The  note  is  very  different  from  the  Cuckoo,  being  the  syllables 
'  ho-tuk-tuk '  constantly  repeated  as  it  flies  from  bush  to  bush.  It  is  very 
restless,  seldom  remaining  in  the  same  place  for  a  minute. 

This  bird  haB  the  unfortunate  reputation  of  possessing  wonderful 
medicinal  qualities,  and  is  much  hunted  by  the  Japanese,  a  paste  made 
of  the  burnt  feathers  being  used  as  a  salve  for  cuts  and  wounds,  and 
the  bird  roasted  whole  or  reduced  to  charcoal  is  eaten  as  a  cure  for 
consumption,  eye-disease  and  other  disorders.  This  bird  is  mentioned 
by  Kampfer.  He  calls  it  a  night  bird,  but  has  fortunately  given  a 
drawing  of  it  with  the  Japanese  name  in  Chinese  characters,  and  has 
thus  enabled  us  to  identify  it. 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

165.  Cuculus  hd£alayanus,  Vigors. 

Cuckoo.  Jap.  '  Tsu-tsu-dori.' 
This  bird  exactly  resembles  C.  poliocephalus,  but  is  much  larger,  the 
wing  measuring  8  inches  from  the  shoulder.  It  has  the  same  number  of 
spots  on  the  tail,  but  they  are  not  so  large.  The  bill  is  shorter  and  rather 
more  curved.  Its  note  is  very  deep  and  can  be  heard  for  a  long  distance. 
It  resembles  the  syllables  '  hoo-hoo '  twice  in  succession  and  then  a 
pause.     Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums.  * 

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166.  Heibococcyx  fugax.    Horsf. 

Cuckoo.     Jap.  '  Zhifu-ichi.' 

The  back  of  the  male  is  slaty  black,  inclining  to  rufous.  It  has  a 
white  collar  partially  extending  round  the  back  of  the  neck,  the  tail  is 
barred  like  a  hawk,  and  the  breast  is  white,  with  scattered  brown 
feathers  and  with  large  longitudinal  dark  brown  stripes.  The  female 
is  darker  on  the  back ;  the  breast  is  a  uniform  reddish  brown  without 
stripes.  It  measures  8  inches  from  the  shoulder  to  the  end  of  the 

It  is  not  so  common  as  the  other  Cuckoos,  but  fully  makes  up  for 
it  by  extra  vociferousness  and  activity.  The  male  is  fond  of  perching 
on  the  summit  of  a  dead  tree,  spreading  out  its  wings,  elevating  its  tail 
and  repeating  the  word  '  zhifu-ichi '  (Jap.  for  11),  at  first  slowly  and 
then  gradually  faster  and  faster,  until  it  cannot  articulate  any  longer. 
It  then  tumbles  off  its  perch  and  flits  to  another,  and  repeats  the 

The  Japanese  are  superstitious  concerning  this  bird,  as  it  is  seldom 
seen  near  dwellings,  and  they  believe  that  its  visits  to  them  portends 
an  earthquake,  as  its  cry  is  thought  to  resemble  the  word  'ji-shiii' 
Jajf.  for  c  earthquake  '),  and  it  goes  by  the  name  of  the  •  Ji-shin-teu,'  i.e. 
'  Earthquake  bird,1  in  some  parts  of  the  country. 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

167.  Picus  major,  L. 

Spotted  Woodpecker.  Jap.  'Akagera.' 
This  is  a  European  species.  It  inhabits  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo, 
and  has  been  found  breeding  on  Fuji-san.  This  is  the  most  abundant 
woodpecker.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  825:  Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  195: 
Swinhoe,  *  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  451.) 

168.  Picus  minor,  L. 

Lesser  Spotted  Woodpecker. 

Specimens  obtained  as  Satsuporo,  in  Yezo,  by  Mr.  Fukushi,  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum,  and  one  in  the  Kai-taku-shi  Museum  in  Shiba, 

Of  a  skin  sent  to  Mr.  H.  Seebohm,  that  gentleman  remarked  that  it 

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was  intermediate  in  color  and  form  between  P.  minor  of  North  Europe 
and  Asia,  and  the  small  dingy  race  of  West  and  Southern  Europe. 
(Seebohm,  'Ibis/  1879,  p.  29.) 

169.  Picus  leuconotus,  Bechst. 

White-rumped  Woodpecker.    Jap.  '  Oho-akagera.' 
This  is  also  a  European  species,  and  inhabits  Southern  Japan  as 
well  as  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  '  Ibis/  1862,  p.  826 :    Whitely  as  uralensis,  '  Ibis/  1867, 
p.  195 :    Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  461.) 

170.  Pious  kisuej,  T.  &  S. 

Woodpecker.    Jap.  '  Ko-gera.' 

This  species,  which  is  supposed  to  be  peculiar  to  Japan,  was 
discovered  by  Siebold.  .  It  seems  generally  distributed  throughout  the 
country,  including  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
•  Ibis/  1862,  p.  825 :     Swinhoe, ' Ibis/  18751,  p.  451.) 

171.  Dryocopus  maetius,  L. 

Great  Black  Woodpecker.     Jap.  '  Kuma-gera.' 
This  is  the  European  species.     Is   common    in    Yezo,   but   nbt 
yet  found  South.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Blakiston 
'Ibis/  1862,  p.  825  :  Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  451.) 

172.  Gecinus  canus,  Gm. 

Grey-headed  Woodpecker.  Jap.  'Yama-gera.' 
Also  a  European  species,  which  in  Japan  seems  to  be  confined  to 
Yezo,  itg  place  on  the  Main  Island  being  taken  by  an  essentially  local 
species,  G.  atvokera.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/  1862,  p.  825:  Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  195:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis/ 
1876,  p.  451.) 

178.  Gecinxjs  awokera,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Green  Woodpecker.    Jap.  'Awo-gera.* 

Described  and  figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica.'  May  be  dis- 
tinguished by  its  scarlet  moustache.  So  far  only  found  on  the  Main 
Island,  but  probably  inhabits  the  southern  islands  also. 

Specimens  from  Yokohama  in  the  Hakodate  Museum ;  also  in  the 
Toukiyau  Museum. 

Digitized  by 



174.  Yunx  JAFONICA,  £p. 

Eastern  Wryneck.    Jap.  4  Arisu.' 
Obtained  in  Yezo  and  at  Nagasaki  and  Fuij-san.  Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.' 

This  bird  also  inhabits  China.     (Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1874,  p.  162.) 

175.  Alcedo  benoalensis,  Gm. 

Kingfisher.  Jap.  '  Kaha-semi.' 
In  the  East  this  kingfisher  takes  the  place  of  that  of  Europe,  and 
to  ordinary  observers  might  be  taken  for  it.  It  varies  slightly  in  size 
and  color.  Seems  to  be  generally  distributed  throughout  Japan, 
including  Nagasaki  and  Yezo,  in  which  latter  locality  it  is  only,  however, 
a  summer  visitor.  Eggs  white  and  round ;  nest  in  a  hole  in  a  bank. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  'Ibis,' 
1862,  p.  325  :  Whitely,  '  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  196 :  Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874, 
p.  152.) 

176.  Cebtle  guttata,  Vigors. 

Kingfisher.  Jap.  '  Kahan-teu.1 
This  fine  kingfisher  was  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as 
C.  lugvbris.  It  frequents  mountain  streams,  generally  in  pairs,  both  on 
the  Main  Island  and  Yezo ;  is  occasionally  found  on  the  latter  island  in 
winter.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
<  Ibis/  1875,  p.  449.) 

177.  Halcyon  ooromanda,  Bodd. 

Kingfisher.  Jap.  '  Kiyau-roro.' 
The  brilliant  plumage  of  this  bird  is  sure  to  attract  attention.  It  is 
very  vociferous  in  rainy  weather,  when  its  mournful  cry  '  kiyauroro,'  can 
be  heard  at  a  long  distance.  It  is  not  uncommon  on  the  Main  Island, 
and  is  found  also  during  the  summer  season  in  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  29.) 


Jap.  '  Buposo.' 

Until  the  present  year  we  were  inclined  to  regard  the  Japanese 

Buposo  as  a  mythical  bird.     It  is  well  known  by  name,  but  reported  to 

be  very  rarely  seen,  and  we  thought  it  might  be  the  Pitta  mentioned  in 

the  '  Fauna  Japonica.'     In  May  last  the  elder  Mr.  Ota  procured  a 

vol.  vni.  27 

Digitized  by 



specimen  at  Nagasaki,  which  is  a  Eurystomus  and  probably  orientalis. 
The  younger  Mr.  Ota,  on  seeing  this  specimen,  remembers  haying  found 
a  feather  of  this  same  bird  on  Eau-ya-san  in  Kii  some  years  ago. 

179.  Upupa  epops,  L.  (?) 

Hoopoe.     Jap.  '  Yatsugashira/ 
This  bird  was  included  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  '  on  the  authority ' 
of  a  Japanese   drawing.     M.   Maximovitch   noted   having  seen  it  at 
Hakodate  in  1861.     (Blakiston,    'Ibis,*  1862,* p.  827.)     A  specimen 
obtained  off  the  south-east  coast  of  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  is 
referred  to  this  species  pending  careful  comparison. 

180.  Zosterops  japonica,  T.  &  S. 

Jap.  •  Mejiro.' 

Common  in  winter  on  the  plains  in  the  Main  Island  associating  with 
flocks  of  Tits.  It  is  a  favourite  cage-bird  with  the  natives.  Obtained 
also  at  Nagasaki  and  in  Yezo.  , 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Seebohm, 
'Ibis/ 1879,  p.  29.) 

181.  Certhia  familiaris,  L. 

Creeper.     Jap.  'Kibashiri.' 

Specimen  from  Hakodate  was  pronounced  by  the  late  Mr.  R. 
Swinhoe  to  be  of  the  pale  race  of  Amoorland ;  those  obtained  in  Yamato 
seem  smaller  and  darker.  (Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  196:  Swinhoe, 
'  Ibis/  1874,  p.  152.)  A  specimen  obtained'  at  Nitsukuau  agrees  with 
the  Yezo  specimen. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

182.  HlRUNDO  OUTTURALIS,  Scop. 

Swallow.    Jap.  'Tsubakuro.' 

Ornithologists  differ  as  to  whether  the  common  Swallow  of  China 
and  Japan  is  sufficiently  distinct  from  the  European  H.  rustica  to  rank 
as  a  species  or  only  sub-species.  Its  habits  seem  to  be  the  same.  It  is 
generally  distributed  throughout  the  Japan  Islands  in  Bummer.  Nest 
always  in  a  house,  where  a  shelf  is  provided  for  its  accommodation. 
Eggs  5,  long,  white,  spotted  with  red.     (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/  1874,  p.  151.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  where   is   also  one  of  H. 

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BLAKI8T0N   AND   FRYER  :    ON   THE   BIRDS   OF  JAPAN.  211 

americana  obtained  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi  at  Petropanlski  in  Kamschatka, 
so  it  is  quite  possible  the  American  bird  may  occasionally  find  its  way 
to  the  Kuril  Islands,  if  not  to  the  Main  Islands  of  the  Japan  group. 

188.  Cecbopib  erythropygia,  Sykes. 

Indian  Red-rumped  Swallow.     Jap.  '  Yama-tsubakuro.' 

Mr.  H.  Seebohm  considers  japonic  a  and  arctivitta  as  only  synonyms 
for  this  species.     ('  Ibis/  1879,  p.  80.) 

It  is  common  about  Toakiyau,  where  it  builds  a  long,  bottle- shaped 
nest  under  the  eaves  of  buildings.  Eggs  six ;  white.  Not  yet  found 
in  Yezo.  Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Toukiyau  ;  specimens 
also  in  the  museums  there. 

This  bird  is  common  in  Toukiyau,  but  has  only  just  discovered 
Yokohama,  although  there  have  long  been  many  suitable  places  for  it  to 
breed.  The  first  nest  was  built  late  in  1878,  and  several  this  year 

184.  Cotyle  rd?aria,  L. 

Sand  Martin.     Jap.  '  Tsuna-muguri-tsubame.' 
So  far,  the  only  localities  where  this  bird  has  been  collected  in 
Japan  are  Hakodate  and  at  Satsuporo  in  Yezo,  at  which  latter  place 
Mr.  N.  Fukushi  obtained  a  large  series.     It  is  probably  to  be  found  in 
many  other  places. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Seebohm,  'Ibis,'  1879,  p.  80.) 

185.  Ceeudon  blakistoni,  Swinhoe. 

Black-chinned  Martin.  Jap.  '  Iwa-maki-tsubame.' 
This  species  was  collected  first  at  Hakodate,  where  it  breeds  in 
numbers  under  overhanging  cliffs  and  caves.  It  was  described  and  named 
by  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Zoological  Society 
of  London,  1862,  p.  820,  and  in  the  '  Ibis,'  1868,  p.  90.  It  was  figured 
in  the  *  Ibis/  1874,  Pt.  YH.  It  has  been  since  found  in  other  parts  of 
Japan, — Fuji- sail,  Nitsukuau  and  on  the  summit  of  Ominisanjo-san  in 
Yamato — being  the  common  high  mountain  and  cliff-martin  of  the  country. 
Specimens  in  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, '  Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  151.) 

Eggs  white ;  nest  outwardly  of  mud,  lined  with  grass  and  feathers, 
generally  placed  in  a  cranny  of  rock. 

Digitized  by 



186.  Cypselus  pacificus,  Lath. 

White-rumped  Swift.     Jap.  '  Nairi-tsubame.' 
Found  both  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum.     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1876,  p.  881 :     Seebohm,  '  Ibis/ 
1879,  p.  81.) 

187.  Chjetuba  caudaouta,  Lath. 

Swift.     Jap.  '  Ama-tsubame/ 
This  large  heavy-bodied  species  is  found  in  the  Nitsukuau  mountains. 
It  is  common  in  Yezo  in  summer.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 
Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1875,  p.  448.) 

188.  Capbimtjlgus  jotaka,  T.  &  S. 

Goatsucker.    Jap.  '  Yotaka.' 

This  distinct  species  was  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica/  where 
it  received  a  wrong  native  name  owing  to  the  Dutch  pronunciation  of  the 
letter  '  j/     It  has  been  collected  from  various  localities,  including  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
1  Ibis/  1867,  p.  195  :     Swinhoe, « Ibis/  1876,  p.  881.) 

Eggs  2,  white,  patched  with  grey,  placed  on  the  ground. 


Japan  Crow.     Jap.  '  Hashibuto-garasu.' 

This  is  the  commonest  bird  of  the  Crow  family  in  Japan.  It  is 
intermediate  in  size  between  the  Carrion  Crow  and  the  Raven,  and  may 
always  be  distinguished  by  its  very  heavy  bill.  Wholly  white  and 
brown  varieties  are  occasionally  found. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
•Ibis/  1862,  p.  825 :     Whitely,  *  Ibis/  1867,  p.  200.) 

Eggs  five,  green,  with  darker  patches ;  cannot  be  distinguished  from 
the  next  species.     Both  build  a  large  nest  of  twigs  in  trees. 

190.  Corvus  corone,  L. 

Carrion  Crow.     Jap.  '  Hashiboso-garasu/ 

This  is  the  Carrion  Crow  of  Europe.  It  seems  to  be  generally 
distributed  throughout  Japan.  Found  breeding  about  Yokohama  and 
in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis/  1874,  p.  159.) 

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BLASISTON    AMD    PRYEK :    ON    THE    BIRDS    OF   JAPAN.  213 

191.  CORVUS  CORAX,  L. 

Raven.     Jap.  '  Watari-garasu.' 
Specimens  of  this  bird  obtained  at  Eturup,  the  largest  of  the  Kuril 
Islands,  are  in  the  Kai-taku-shi  Museum  at  Shiba,  Toukiyau,  and  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum,  the  latter  shot  by  Mr.  H.  J.  Snow.     (Seebohm, 
« Ibis/  1879,  p.  81.) 

192.  CORVUS  PASTINATOR,  Gould. 

Eastern  Rook.     Jap.  '  Miyama-garasu.' 
As  yet  the  European  Rook  has  only  been  obtained  about  Toukiyau. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm,  *  Ibis,1 
1879,  p.  81.) 

198.  Corvub  dauricus,  Pall. 

Jackdaw.    Jap.  '  Kokumaro-garasu.' 
A  live  specimen  was  found  in  a  bird  shop  at  Asakusa,  Toukiyau, 
agreeing  with  one  of  the  figures  in  the  '  Fauna  Japouica.' 

194.  Corvus  negleotus,  Swinhoe. 

This  was  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japouica '  as  the  young  of  dauricus, 
but  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  described  it  as  a  distinct  species  in  the 
proceedings  of  the  Zoological  Society  of  London,  1868,  p.  805. 

195.  Pica  media,  Blyth.  (?) 

Pied  Magpie. .  Jap.  '  Hizen-karasu.' 
A  Magpie  was  included  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  under  the  name  of 
P,  varia-japonica,  from  a  Japanese  drawing.  The  Japanese  say  that 
such  a  bird  exists  on  the  island  of  Kiushiu ;  if  so  it  probably  is  this 
species,  which  inhabits  China.  There  are  specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum  of  a  magpie  collected  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi  in  Eamschatka,  the 
name  of  which  remains  undetermined. 

196.  Ctanopica  ctanus,  Pall. 

Blue  Magpie.     Jap.  *  Onaga-dori.' 

This  bird  is  not  uncommon  on  the  Main  Island  even  as  far  as  the 
northern  extremity,  but  it  has  not  been  noticed  in  Yezo.  Frequents 
marshy  places 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis,'  1877,  p.  H5.) 

Digitized  by 




Nutcracker.     Jap.  '  Hoshi-garasu.' 

A  specimen  taken  to  London  in  1862  was  indentified  as  the  European 
bird.     It  is  common  on  Fuji- sari,  and  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
4  Ibis/  1862,  p.  826.) 

198.  Garrulus  brandti,  Evesm. 

Jay.     Jap.  '  Miyama-kakisu.' 
This  bird  was  discovered  to  be  a  resident  in  Yezo  in  1862.     It  has 
not  been  found  on   the  Main  Island,   where  its   place   is   taken*  by 
G.  japonicus.     (Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  826:  Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867, 
p.  200  and  Pt.  Ill:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1875,  p.  450.) 

199.  Garrulus  japonicus,  Bp. 

Japan  Jay.     Jap.  '  Kakisu.' 

This  Jay,  which  was  given  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica  '  as  Garrulus 
glandarius  japonicus,  is  one  of  the  birds  peculiar  to  Japan,  and  quite  a 
local  species,  not  having  yet  been  found  north  of  the  straits  of  Tsugaru 
separating  the  Main  Island  from  Yezo,  where  its  place  is  taken  by  the 
preceding  species  G.  brandti,  which  ranges  to  North  China  and  Siberia. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,'  1877,  p.  144.) 

200.  Garrulus  bidthi,  Bp.  (P.  L.  S.  1850,  p.  80.) 

The  existence  of  this  species  rests  on  the  authority  of  an  Italian 
gentleman.     (See  letter  by  Mr.  W.  A.  Forbes,  «  Ibis,'  1878,  p.  491.) 
Probably  an  imported  specimen  from ? 

201.  Sturnus  cineraceus,  T. 

Greyish  Starling.     Jap.  '  Muku-dori.' 

Breeds  in  holes  in  the  fir  trees  about  Kawasaki  and  Toukiyau, 
where  it  stays  all  the  year  round.  Eggs  pale  blue.  Is  common  in 
Yezo  during  summer.  (Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  200:  Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1874,  p.  159.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

202.  Sturnus  sericeus,  Gmel. 

White-headed  Starling.    Jap.  '  Chiyau-sen  muku-dori. 

Digitized  by 



One  specimen  obtained  by  Mr.  Ota  (taxidermist)  of  Toukiyau  from 
a  bird-catcher,  now  in  the  Kiyou-iku  Haku-butsu-kuwaii  collection. 

208.  Stubnia  pybbhogenys,  T.  &  S. 

Red-cheeked  Starlet.     Jap.  *  Shima-muku-dori.' 
Generally  distributed  and  migratory.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  827:  Whitely, 
'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  201 :  Swinhoe,  'Ibis,1  1874,  p.  159.) 

204.  IiANIUS  BUCEPHALUS,  T.  &  S. 

Bull-headed  Shrike.     Jap.  '  Modzu.' 

Builds  near  Yokohama  in  March.  Stays  all  the  year  round  in  the 
plains.  Eggs  five  or  six,  yellowish  white,  speckled  with  light  brown  ; 
nest  of  dead  grass  and  twigs,  lined  with  finest  grass.  Obtained  also  at 
Nagasaki  and  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
'Ibis/  1867,  p.  200:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1875,  p.  450.) 


Shrike.     Jap.  *  Aka-modzu.' 

This  replaces  L.  bucephalus  on  the  plains  at  the  foot  of  Fuji-sail. 
Obtained  also  in  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,*  1875,  p.  450.) 

Nest  large,  made  of  dead  grass  ;  eggs  5  to  6,  white,  with  a  shade 
of  brown ;  spots  large ;  of  a  liver  color. 

206.  IiANIUS  ESOUBITOB,   Vig.    (?) 

Sub-species,  major,  Pall. 

Great  Grey  Shrike.    Jap.  '  Oho-modzu.' 
A  single  specimen  obtained  at  Hakodate,  in  the  Museum  there,  is 
referred  to  this  species  pending  proper  identification.     (Seebohm,  *  Ibis,' 
1879,  p.  81.) 

207.  Ctanoptila  otanohelana,  T. 

Flycatcher.     Jap.  'Oruri.' 

This  was  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  two  distinct  species, 
the  male  as  Muscicapa  melanolenca,  and  the  female  as  Muscicapa  gularis. 
It  is  migratory  and  is  found  in  Shikoku,  Main  Island,  and  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
•Ibis/  1867,  p.  199.) 

Digitized  by 


216  BLAKISTON   AND   PRYER  I    ON   THE   BIRDS   OP  JAPAN.    • 

208.  Butalis  latirostris,  Raffles. 

Small  Grey  Flycatcher.     Jap.  '  Shima-modzu.' 
This  was  included  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  '  as  Muscicapa  cinereo- 

dlba.     It  is  common  throughout  Japan,  including  Yezo,  in  summer. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston, 

'Ibis/  1862,  p.  817,  as  cinereo-alba :     Whitely,  ♦Ibis/   1867,  p.  199, 

as   cinereo-alba:     Swinhoe,   'Ibis,'   1874,  p.  159:     Seebohm,    'Ibis,' 

1879,  p.  81.) 

Note. — Butalis  sibirica  may  exist  in  Japan,  and  there  are  some 

specimens  in  collections  which  seem  to  differ  sufficiently  from  latirostris. 

209.  Xanthoptoia  narcissina,  T. 

Narcissus  Flycatcher.     Jap.  '  Kibitaki.' 

This  species  does  not  always  migrate,  as  a  specimen  was  obtained 
north  of  Toukiyau  in  December.  It  is  common  in  Yezo  during  summer. 
The  female  was  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  '  as  M.  hylocharis. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
« Ibis,'  1862,  p.  818  :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874,  p.  159.) 

210.  Muscicapa  mugimaki,  T.  and  S. 

Flycatcher.    Jap.  '  Ko-tsubame.' 
Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica/ 

211.  Tchttrea  princeps,  T. 

.      Long-tailed  Flycatcher.     Jap.  '  Sankochiyau.' 
This,  the  most  beautiful  of  the  Flycatchers  inhabiting  Japan,  is 

very  common  on  Fuji-san.     It  has  not  been  found  to  reach  Yezo  in  its 

migrations.     Eggs  5,  long,  white,  spotted  with  red. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

212.  Periorocotus  cinereus,  Lair. 

Grey  Minivet.     Jap.  4  Raifuri ' — '  Sanshiyaukui.' 
Common  on  Fuji-san  and  in  Yamato.     Not  known  in  Yezo.     Flight 
and  note  resemble  the   grey  Wagtail,   for  which   it  might  easily  be 
mistaken  owing  to  similarity  of  plumage. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Seebohm, 
'Ibis,'  1879,  p.  81.) 
218.  Ampelis  garrula,  L. 

Bohemian  Waxwing.     Jap.  'Ki-renjaku.' 

Digitized  by 



This  European  species,  which  inhabits  North  China,  is  not  un- 
common in  Yezo,  but  has  not  yet  been  found  south  of  that  locality  in 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/ 1874,  p.  158.) 

214.  Ampelis  phcenicoptera,  T. 

Eastern  Waxwing.    Jap.  '  Hi-ren-zhiyaku.' 

This  species,  which  is  found  in  North  China  and  Formosa,  inhabits 
both  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo,  but  on  the  latter  island  is  not  as  common 
as  the  foregoing  species. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Whitely,  'Ibis,1 1876, p.  200.) 

Note. — Pitta  nympha  is  given  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica'  from  Korea. 

Oriolus  sp. — There  are  Japanese  figures  of  Orioles  which  are  said 
to  be  found  in  Eiushiu,  which,  being  the  nearest  portion  of  Japan  to 
China,  is  the  most  likely  locality. 

215.  Pabus  ater,  L. 

Cole  Tit.  Jap.  « Hi-gara.' 
Seems  to  be  generally  distributed  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo. 
Flocks  of  this  bird,  Pants  minor,  Orestes  Trivirgatus,  Zosterops  japonica 
and  Rugulus  japonicus  common  in  the  winter  on  the  plains.  Specimens 
in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  *  Ibis,'  1862,  p. 
821 :  Whitely, '  Ibis,1 1867,  p.  198 :  Swinhoe,  « Ibis,'  1874,  p.  155 : 
Seebohm,  <  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  81.) 

216.  Pabus  palustris,  L. 

Marsh  Tit.    Jap.  *  Ko-gara.' 

Was  in  former  published  lists  given  as  P.  kamschatkensis  and 
P.  boreaUst  but  Mr.  H.  Seebohm,  who  has  examined  examples  from  ail 
across  the  continents  of  Europe  and  Asia,  comes  to  the  conclusion  that 
those  names  must  only  stand  as  sub-species.  Common  on  the  moun- 
tains of  Nitsu-kuwau,  Fuji-san  and  Ohoyama. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/  1862,  p.  821  :  Whitely,  '  Ibis,'  1866,  p.  198 :  Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,' 
1874,  p.  156 :     Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  82.) 

217.  Pabus  minob,  T.  &  S. 

Lesser- Tit.     Jap.  '  Shi-zhifu-kara. 
▼ol.  Tm.  28 

Digitized  by 



Breeds  high  up  Ohoyama  and  in  Toukiyau.     Seen  commonly  on  the 

plains  near  Toukiyau  in  winter.  Common  in  Yezo  and  on  the  Main  Island. 

*    Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Whitely, 

1  Ibis/  1867,  p.  198 :     Swinhoe, «  Ibis/ 1874,  p.  156 :     Seebohm,  « Ibis,' 

1879,  p.  88.) 

Eggs  white,  spotted  with  red ;  nest  built  in  a  hole  of  a  tree  or  rock. 

218.  Parus  varius,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Tit.     '  Yama-gara.' 

Keeps  jn  the  mountains  both  summer  and  winter  in  the  south.  Is 
not  uncommon  io  Yezo  during  summer.  A  favourite  cage-bird  with  the 
Japanese.     So  far  not  found  out  of  Japan. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,' 
•  Ibis/  1862,  p.  821 :     Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1874,  p.  155.) 

219.  Acrbdula  triviroata,  Temm. 

Japan  Long-tailed  Tit.     Jap.  « Wo-naga.' 

This  seems  to  be  essentially  a  South  Japan  bird, — that  is  to  say,  not 
ranging  beyond  the  Strait  of  Tsugaru  separating  Yezo  from  the  main 
island.  It  breeds  on  Fuji-san  and  visits  the  lower  country  around 
Toukiyau  and  Yokohama  in  winter. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  .  (Blakiston 
and  Pryer,  '  Ibis/  1878,  p.  285.) 


Long-Tailed  Tit.    Jap. .'  Shima- wo-naga.* 

This  is  the  European  species,  which  in  Japan  has  not  been  yet 
found  south  of  Yezo,  where  it  is  most  abundant  in  winter. 

Specimens  in*  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874,  p. 

221.  2Egithalu&  gonsobrinus,  Swinhoe. 

This  bird  was  described  by  the  late  Mr.  B.  Swinhoe  from  China  as 
a  new  species,  but  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  is  inclined  to  consider  it  only  a  sub- 
species of  A.  pendulensis  of  Europe.  The  only  specimens  known  in  Japan 
are  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  collected  by  Mr.  F.  Ringer  at  Nagasaki  in 
February.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  88.) 

222.  SlTTA  EUBOPEA,  L. 

Nuthatch.     Jap.  '  Ki-mahari.' 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  have  been  sent  to  Europe  for  com- 
parison, which  although  misnamed  S.  roseilia  and  S.  uralensis  are  really 
only  the  European  bird.  (Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  822:  Swinhoe 
'  Ibis,'  1868,  p.  99 :  Whitely,  «  Ibis/  1867,  p.  196 :  Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  152:    Seebohm,  'Ibis/  1879,  p.  84.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

The  southern  form  of  this  bird  is  much  more  rufous  on  the  *  belly 
than  northern  specimens ;  it  varies  considerably  in  this  respect,  some 
specimens  being  almost  entirely  rufous  and  others  from  the  same  locality 
showing  very  tittle  colouring.  Northern  specimens  rarely  have  a  trace 
of  this  colour. 

3.  Accentor  rtjbidus,  T.  &  S. 

Accentor.     Jap.  '  Kaya-kuguri.' 
Given  in  the    '  Fauna  Japonica '    under  the  name  of  Accentor 
nodularis    rubidus.     Several  obtained  at  Nitsu-kuwau,   Ohoyama  and 
Fuji-san  in  winter,  and  also  by  Mr.  H.  Whitely  at  Hakodate. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.    (Whitely, 
•Ibis/  1867,  p,  198.) 

224.  Accentor  ertthropygius,  Swinh.  (?)  * 

Accentor.    Jap.  '  Iha-hibari.' 
A  live  specimen  obtained  by  Mr.  Ota,  something  resembling  A. 
alpinus,  is  attributed  to  this  species,  which  is  found  in  North  China  and 
Eastern  Siberia.    Found  high  up  Fuji-san. 

5.  Anthus  maculattjs,  Hodg. 

Tree-Pifit.    Jap.  '  Bindzui.' 

This  Pipit  breeds  commonly  on  Fuji-san ;  eggs  five,  whity-brown, 
patched  with  red-brown.  Very  abundant  on  the  plains  in  pine  planta- 
tions in  winter.     Also  found  in  Yezo. 

The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  identified  a  specimen  sent  him  as  Pipastes 
agiUs,  Sykes,  which  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  says  is  only  a  synonym  of  the 
European  bird  Anthus  trivialis,  L. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Seebohm, 
'  Ibis/  1879,  p.  84.) 

Nest  generally  placed  on  the  ground,  made  of  grass,  lined  with 
fine  grass,  or  the  fruit  stalks  of  moss. 

Digitized  by 



226.  Anthus  japonicus,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Pipit.     Jap.  '  Ta-hibari.' 

In  winter  commonly  about  Yokohama.  Specimens  from  several 
localities  in  Yezo.  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  considers  this  species  the  same  as 
A.  ludovicianus,  Gm. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
« Ibis/  1867,  p.  198 :  Swinhoe,  «  Ibis/  1875,  p.  449.) 

227.  Anthus  cebvinus,  Pall. 

Obtained  on  the  Kuril  Islands  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi.     Specimen  in 
the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis '  1879,  p.  84.) 

228.  Anthus,  Sp.  inc. 

One  specimen  of  another  species  collected  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi  at 
Satsuporo  in  Yezo,  is  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

229.  MotaoHjLa  japonica,  Swinh. 

Japan  Pied  Wagtail.    Jap.  '  Seguro-sekireii' 

Mr.  H.  Seebohm  considers  that  this  bird  may  be  divided  into  two 
species.     M.  lugens  and  M.  amurensis. 

There  are  specimens  from  Toukiyau,  Nagasaki,  Yezo  and 
Eamschatka  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  819,  as  lugens:  Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p. 
198,  as  lugens:    Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1874,  p.  156,  as  japonica.) 


Grey  Wagtail.  Jap.  '  Ki-sekirei.' 
This  is  the  same  as  M.  melanope  of  Pallas.  It  breeds  on 
Fuji-san  and  in  Toukiyau  in  the  thatch  of  houses.  Eggs  dirty  white, 
spotted  with  greyish  brown.  It  inhabits  the  neighbourhood  of  Nagasaki, 
and  also  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  818:     Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p.  157.) 

281.  Calamohebpe  obientalis,  T.  &  S. 

Eastern  Reed-Thrush.     Jap.  'Oho-yoshi.' 
The  largest  of  the  Reed-warblers,   seems    generally    distributed 
wherever  there  are  reed  beds  throughout  Japan,  including  Yezo,  during 
summer.     Male  very  vociferous,  singing  during  moonlight. 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
•Ibis.'  1862,  p.  817 :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  158.) 

282.  Acrocephalus*  bistbhhcepb,  Swinhoe. 

Black-Eyebrowed  Reed- wren.     Jap.  '  Ko-yoshi.' 

This  is  the  same  as  Calamodyta  maacki,  Schrench.  In  habits  and 
song  it  is  a  miniature  of  the  preceding  species,  but  frequents  the  Kaya 
instead  of  reeds.    Inhabits  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
'  Ibis,1  1874,  p.  154,  as  C.  maacki:  Seebohm,  *  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  85.) 

288.  Cettia  oantans,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Nightingale.     Jap.  *  Uguhisu.' 

This  bird  is  well  known  to  all  Japanese,  and  is  a  common  cage-bird 
with  them,  being  valued  for  its  song,  which  is  not  extensive,  but  the 
few  notes  are  sweet.  Commences  to  sing  about  Toukiyau  the  last  week 
in  February.  Is  resident  throughout  the  year  in  Southern  Japan,  but 
summers  only  in  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums.     (Whitely,  '  Ibis/  1867,  p.  197.) 

Mr.  H.  Seebohm  is  of  opinion  that  H.  cantons  and  H.  cantillans 
are  but  one  species,  the  smaller  examples  being  usually  females.  This 
opinion  is  deferred  to,  and  consequently  Salicaria  cantillans  of  the 
'  Fauna  Japonica '  included  in  former  published  lists  (Blakiston,  '  Ibis,' 
1862,  p.  818,  and  Whitely,  « Ibis,'  1867,  p.  197)  is  here  omitted. 

284.  Ubosphena  squamiceps,  Swinhoe. 

Scaly-headed  Grass-Wren. 
Several    specimens  at  Fuji-san   in  summer.     Specimens  in  the 
Hakodate  Museum,  collected  in  Yezo.     (Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  155, 
et  1877,  p.  205,  pt.  IV.) 

285.  Cistioola  cuBSiTANS,  Frank.  • 

Fan-tail  Warbler.    Jap.  '  Senniu'. 

Mr.  H.  Seebohm  has  named  a  specimen  sent  him  as  above,  which  he 
remarks  is  a  prior  name  to  C  schcejdcola,  Bonap.,  and  we  presume  that 
ft  bnmneiceps,  figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica/  must  also  be  referred  to 
this  species. 

Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums  from  Toukiyau, 
(Seebohm, « Ibis',  1879,  p.  87.) 

Digitized  by 



Builds  a  deep,  frail  nest  by  weaving  together  the  leaves  of  the  Kaya 
with  the  down  from  the  flower  of  the  same  plant.  A  bird  observed 
building  in  October.     Remains  about  Yokohama  all  the  year  round. 

286.  Cisticola,  (?)  sp. 

This  bird  is  common  in  the  marshes  about  Yokohama  and  Toukiyau, 
creeping  about  the  reeds  and  aquatic  thickets,  but  is  difficult  to  catch. 
It  is  larger  than  the  preceding  species,  but  otherwise  resembles  it,  ex- 
cepting that  it  has  no  black  on  the  underside  of  the  tail.  Length,  5^  in.; 
wing,  2£.     Song  resembles  that  of  the  grasshopper  warbler. 

287.  Locustella  fasciolata,  Gray. 

Moluccan  Smoky  Reed-Thrush. 

This  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  says  is-  the  true  name  for  Calamodyta 
insida7is  of  Wallace,  and  CdUunoherpe  fumigata  of  Swinhoe. 

Specimens  only  yet  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the. Hakodate  Museum. 
(Swinhoe,  « Ibis,'  1876,  p.  882  :     Seebohm,  <  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  85.) 

288.  Locustella  oghotensis,  Midd. 

Reed- Wren.    Jap.  '  Shima-Bennm.' 

The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  identified  a  specimen  from  Hakodate  as 
Locustella  subcerthiola  (Ibis,1  1874,  p.  158)  which  he  had  previously 
considered  to  be  L.  ochotensis.  ('Ibis,1  1868,  p.  98.)  He  also  described 
Arwidesiax  blakistoni  in  the  '  Ibis,'  for  1876,  p.  882,  fig.  1,  pt.  VIII.,  as 
a  distinct  species.  Mr.  H.  Seebohm,  however,  is  of  opinion  that  the 
former  is  the  adult,  and  the  latter  the  young  of  one  species. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

289  Locustella  lanceolata,  Temm. 
Diminutive  Grass- Wren. 
.  The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  identified  this  from  a  specimen  sent  from 
Hakodate.  ('Ibis,'  1875,  p.  449.)  He  also  was  convinced  that  L. 
hendersonii  (Cassin,  Proc.  Phil.  Ac.  S.,  1858,  p.  86)  was  identical  with 
this  species,  which  opinion  is  shared  by  Mr.  H.  Seebohm.  ('  Ibis,1 
1879,  p.  86.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum  from  Yezo. 

240.  Locustella, ? 

Specimens  from  Eturup. 

Digitized  by 



241.  Phylloscopus  coronatus,  T.  &  S. 

Willow- Wren.    Jap.  '  Meboso.' 
The  most  common  of  this  genus,  both  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Tookiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis/  1862,  p.  817 :     Whitely,  « Ibis/  1867,  p.  197.) 

242.  Phylloscopus  xanthodbyas,  Swinhoe. 

Willow- Wren. . 

Specimens  obtained  on  Fuji-sail,  and  in  Yezo.  One  sent  to  Mr.  H. 
Seebohm  for  identification.  Resembles  the  preceding,  but  is  larger  and 
greener  ;  the  song  is  different,  being  very  soft  and  sibilant.  Observed 
breeding  high  up  Fuji-san  in  July. 

Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

248.  Phylloscopus  borealis,  Blasius. 
The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  said  he  had  seen  a  specimen  in  the 
Leyden  Museum  from  Nagasaki  ('Ibis/  1867,  p,  888),   and  Mr.  H. 
Seebohm  mentions  skins  in  the  collections  of  Lord  Tweeddale  and  Mr. 
Dresser  from  Japan.     ('  Ibis/  1879,  p.  86.) 

244.  Phylloscopus  tenbllipes,  Swinhoe. 

Willow- Wren. 
Mr.  H.  Seebohm  mentions  a  specimen  labelled  "  Hakodate,  5  May, 
1665  "  as  being  in  Lord  Tweeddale's  collection.     (J  Ibis/  1879,  p.  86.) 
This  specimen  would  probably  have  been  collected  by  Mr.  H.  Whitely,  but 
the  species  was  not  included  in  his  list  published  in  the  '  Ibis '  for  1867. 

245.  Troglodytes  pumigatus,  Temm. 

Japan  Wren.    Jap.  '  Misosazahi/ 

Seems  to  be  generally  distributed  throughout  Japan,  including  Yezo. 
Southern  examples  are  generally  darker  and  smaller  than  Northern. 
Mr.  H.  Seebohm  considers  the  Japan  Wren  as  intermediate  between 
those  of  Cashmere  and  Nepal,  and  the  Canadian  species.  ('  Ibis/  1879, 
p.  87.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1874,  p.  152.) 

5.  Regulus  japonicus,  Bp. 

Japan  Regulus.     Jap.  'Kiku-itadaki.' 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 


Specimens  obtained  on  the  Main  Island,  Kiushiu  and  Yezo,  in  the 
Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  '  Ibis/  1862,  p.  320 : 
Whitely, « Ibis,  1867,  p.  196  :     Seebohm,  '  Ibis/  1879,  p.  87.) 

Very  common  on  the  plains  about  Yokohama  in  winter. 

247.  ClNCLUS  PALLASI,    T. 

Pallas's  Dipper.    Jap.  '  Kaha-garasu.' 

Common  on  mountain  streams  both  on  the  Main  Island  and 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/  1875,  p.  449.)  # 

248.  Ertthacus  akahige,  T.  &  S. 

Robin.    Jap.  'Komadori.' 

Breeds  on  high  mountains  on  the  Main  Island.  Is  a  favourite 
cage-bird  with  the  natives.  Siebold  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  '  reversed 
the  native  names  of  this  and  the  following  species.  M.  Maximovitch 
mentioned  having  obtained  a  specimen  of  this  bird  at  Hakodate. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums .  (Blakiston  and 
Pryer,  •  Ibis,'  1878,  p.  289.) 

249.  Ertthacus  kohadori*  T.  &  S. 
Robin.     Jap.  'Aka-higi.' 

This  species  rests  on  the  authority  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica,'  but 
native  ornithologists  say  that  it  is  not  a  resident  in  Japan,  those 
occasionally  seen  in  cages  being  obtained  from  Korea,  which  is  borne  out 
by  the  fact  of  its  being  the  most  expensive  live  bird  sold  by  the 

250.  Larvtvora  cyane,  Pall. 

Blue  and  White  Robin.    Jap.  *  Ko-ruri.' 

Breeds  on  Fuji-sail,  but  is  not  common.  A  single  specimen 
obtained  at  Hakodate  is  in  the  Museum  these.  (Blakiston  and  Pryer, 
'Ibis,'  1878,  p.  289.) 

Is  very  shy  and  wary. 

251.  Ianthia  oyanura,  Pall. 

Robin  Bluetail.    Jap.  '  Ruribitake.' 
In  winter  only  about  Yokohama ;  in  summer  high  up  Fuji-sail  and 
in  Yezo.    Also  found  at  Nagasaki. 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/  1862,  p.  818  :#  Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  197.) 

252.  Calliope  camtschatkensis,  Gm. 

Robin  Rubythroat.     Jap.  *  Nogoma.' 
Several  specimens  in  Yezo  and  the  Kuril  Islands  in  the  Hakodate 
Museum.     (Blakiston  and  Pryer,  '  Ibis,1  1878,  p.  239.) 

253.  Ruticilla  aurobea,  Pall. 

Redstart.     Jap.  *  Zhiyau-bitaki.' 

Numbers  winter  on  Ohoshima  (Yries  Island).  Found  also  at 
Nagasaki  and  in  Yezo  during  the  summer  season,  and  occasionally  in 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis,'  1862,  p.  818  :     Swinhoe,  « Ibis/  1875,  p.  449.) 

Common  about  Yokohama  in  the  autumn,  but  not  abundant  in 

254.  Pratincola  indioa,  Blyth. 

Indian  Stonechat.     Jap.  *  Nobitaki.' 

Closely  allied  to  the  European  species  rubicola.  Breeds  on  Fuji- 
san  about  Yamanaka  Lake.  Found  at  Nagasaki ;  very  plentiful  during 
summer  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
4  Ibis,'  1862,  p.  318 :  Whitely,  '  Ibis/  1867,  p.  197 :  Swinhoe,  •  Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  155.) 

255.  Pitta,  Sp.  inc.  (?) 

Ground  Thrush. 
Pitta  nympha  of  the  *  Fauna  Japonica '  was  based  on  a  drawing 
taken  by  a  Japanese  artist  at  Nagasaki  from  a  bird  said  to  have  been 
brought  from  Korea.     The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  found  such  a  bird  in  a 
cage  at  Chefoo.     ('  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  446.) 

256.  Monticola  solitabia,  Mull. 

Blue  and  Red  Rock-Thrush.     Jap.  *  Iso  hiyo-dori.' 
Found  about  rocks  on  the  coasts.     Very  abundant  on  Hatsu  shima, 
Idzu.     Occasionally  seen  about  the  roofs  of  houses  in  the  settlement 
of  Yokohama  in  winters.     Common  during  summers  in  Yezo.    Obtained 
also  at  Nagasaki. 

vol.  vhi.  29 

Digitized  by 



Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis,' 1862,  p.  819:  Whitely,  « Ibis,' 1867,  p.  i99 :  Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  157.) 

Very  common  on  the  Bonin  Islands. 

257.  Hypsipetes  amaurotis,  T.  &  S. 

Brown-Eared  Bulbul :  Local  '  Screecher.'  Jap.  '  Hiyo-dori.' 
This  bird,  familiarly  known  by  foreign  residents  as  the  '  Screecher,' 
seems  generally  distributed  throughout  Japan,  being  found  at  Nagasaki, 
the  island  of  Shikoku,  the  country  around  Yokohama,  Yamato,  etc., 
and  in  Yezo,  where  an  occasional  one  has  been  observed  even  in 
winters.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blak- 
iston, « Ibis/  1872,  p.  820  :  Whitely,  '  Ibis,7  1867,  p.  199  : '  Swinhoe, 
'Ibis/  1874,  p.  158.) 

Nest  placed  in  a  bush  made  of  twigs,  moss  and  roots,  and  lined 
with  finer  roots ;  eggs  5,  pinkish  white,  spotted  with  liver-red. 

258.  Tubdus  sebericus,  Pall. 

Siberian  Thrush.     Jap.  *  Mame-zhiro.' 

This  bird  was  figured  only  in  its  immature  plumage  in  the  '  Fauna 
Japonica,'  and  was  obtained  only  in  that  state  at  Hakodate  in  1861. 
Adult  birds  have  now  been  collected  at  Fuji-sail,  and  one  sent  to  Mr.  H. 
Seebohm  for  comparison.     A  beautiful  songster. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1868, 
p.  98 :  Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  87.) 

259.  Tubdus  pallidus,  Gmel. 

Pale  Thrush.     Jap.  '  Shiropara.' 

This  thrush  was  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica  '  as  Turdus  daulias, 
and  Mr.  H.  Whitely,  following  this  example,  gave  the  same  name  to  a 
specimen  obtained  by  him  at  Hakodate.     ('  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  199.) 

Specimens  have  since  been  obtained  on  the  Main  Island  and  at 
Nagasaki.  (Blakiston  and  Pryer,  'Ibis,1  1878,  p.  240:  Seebohm, 
•Ibis/  1879,  p.  87.) 

Not  uncommon  in  bamboo  thickets  in  winter  about  Yokohama. 

260.  Tubdus  cabdis,  T. 

Thrush.     Jap.  *  Kuro-tsugu '  and  *  Ko-ke.' 

Digitized  by 



Valued  by  the  Japanese  as  a  cage-bird  for  its  fine  song.  Breeds 
commonly  on  Fuji-san.  Nest  almost  wholly  of  moss,  and  often  on  a 
stump  or  against  the  side  of  a  tree.  Eggs  five,  of  a  greenish  or  reddish 
white,  patched  all  over  with  amber-brown.  Found  also  at  Nagasaki 
and  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis/  1862,  p.  819  :     Whitely,  «  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  199.) 


Bed-tailed  Fieldfare.     Jap.  '  Akazhinai.' 

This  Thrush  does  not  seem  to  be  abundant.  Mr.  Ota  has  obtained 
it  from  Fuji-saii,  and  specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  collected 
in  the  neighbourhood,  have  been  compared  with  China  examples. 
(Blakiston  and  Pryer,  « Ibis,'  1878,  p.  241.) 

This  species  was  formerly  confounded  with  T.  fuscatus.  (See 
Editor's  note,  *  Ibis,'  1862,  p.  819.) 

262.  Turdus  obbcurus,  Gmel. 

Eyebrowed  Pale  Thrush. 
This  was  figured  and  described  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  T. 
pattens,  and  is  a  common  species  in  China  and  Siberia.     The  Museums 
in  Japan  are  without  examples. 


Thrush.    Jap.  '  Akapara.' 

This  Thrush  varies  much  in  the  darkness  of  the  throat.  Specimens 
from  Nagasaki,  Yokohama,  and  Yezo,  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  have 
been  compared  with  China  examples.  Also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Whitely,  « Ibis,'  1867,  p.  199 :  Blakiston  and  Pryer,  '  Ibis,'  1878>  p. 

Breeds  on  Fuji-san ;  sweet  songster ;  seen  in  the  plains  about 
Yokohama  in  winter,  generally  solitary.  Nest  placed  in  bushes  made 
of  grass,  moss  and  twigs  ;  eggs  5,  light  bluish-green,  speckled  all  over 
with  small  spots  of  reddish-brown. 

264.  Turdus  fuscatus,  Pall. 

Eastern  Fieldfare  or  Brown  Thrush.     Jap.  '  Chiyauma.' 
The  most  common  species  of  Thrush  in  Japan.     Very  abundant  in 
winter  about  Toukiyau  and  Yokohama,  and  some  found  in  winter  in 

Digitized  by 



Yezo.  Also  obtained  at  Nagasaki.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and 
Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  l  Ibis,'  1862,  p.  819 :  Swinhoe, 
*  Ibis,'  1874,  p.  157.)     We  do  not  know  where  this  breeds. 

265.  Oreocincla  varia,  Pall. 

White's  Thrush.     Jap.  «  Nuyejinai.' 

One  of  the  few,  if  not  the  only  Thrush  ranging  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  across  the  continent  of  Europe  and  Asia.  It  is  exposed 
for  sale  in  considerable  numbers  in  the  Yokohama  market  in  winter. 
Obtained  also  at  Nagasaki  and  in  Yezo.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate 
and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe,  l  Ibis/  1877,  p.  144.) 

Obtained  at  Fuji-san  in  July,  where  it  was  most  probably  breeding. 
It  has  no  song,  only  a  soft  plaintive  whistle  consisting  of  the  syllable 
'  see,'  which  can  be  heard  for  a  long  distance  ;  very  shy,  but  can  easily 
be  attracted  by  imitating  its  whistle. 

266.  Alauda  japonica,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Lark.     Jap.  '  Hibari.' 

Notwithstanding  Northern  China  is  so  prolific  in  species  of  larks, 
this  is  the  only  one  yet  identified  as  belonging  to  the  Japan  Islands. 
There  is  some  variation  in  size,  but  all  the  examples  sent  to  the  late 
Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  were  pronounced  to  be  of  the  one  species,  and  that 
species  not  known  as  an  inhabitant  of  the  neighboring  continent  of 
Asia.  It  will,  however,  possibly  turn  out  that  other  species  are  to  be 
found  in  Japan,  because  the  probability  is,  that  at  any  rate  stragglers 
are  blown  over  from  Korea.  The  species  under  this  heading  is  common 
throughout  the  country,  including  Yezo,  and  has  been  found  breeding 
on  Fuji-san.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  827:  Whitely,  'Ibis,1  1867,  p.  208: 
Swinhoe,  *  Ibis/  1874,  p.  161,  et  1877,  p.  145.) 

Nest  placed  in  the  grass;  eggs  5,  thickly  speckled  with  dark  brown. 

367.  Otocorys  alpestris,  L. 
Shore  Lark. 
Although  inhabiting  America  as  will  as  Europe,  and  being  common 
in  Mongolia,  this  bird  is  only  entitled  to  a  place  in  this  catalogue  from 
being  included  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  on  the  authority  of  a  Japanese 

Digitized  by 



268.  Emberiza  ciopsis,  Bp. 

Japan  Meadow-Bunting.    Jap.  '  Hoho-zhiro.' 
This  is  the  most  abundant  Bunting  on  the  Main  Island,  and  one 

of  the  few  birds  which  remain  on  the  plains  to  breed.     It  seems  equally 

common  in  Yezo,  and  is  found  also  at  Nagasaki.     Piebald  and  other 

varieties  are  not  uncommon.     It  is  the  E.   cioides   of  the    'Fauna 


Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Blakiston 

1  Ibis/  1862,  p.  828 :     Whitely,  « Ibis,'  1867,  p.  202 :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,' 

1874,  p.  161 :     Seebohm,  ' Ibis,1  1879,  p.  88.) 

Nest  made  of  dry  grass,  lined  with  fine  rootlets,  placed  on  or  near 

the  ground ;  eggs  5,  whitish  to  brownish- white,  and  scrawled  over  with 

black ;  very  variable. 

269.  Emberiza  pucata,  Pall. 

Painted  Bunting.     Jap.  *  Hoho-aka.' 

Breeds  on  Fuji-san.  Common  in  winter  around  Yokohama. 
Tolerably  abundant  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis/  1862,  p.  828 :  Whitely,  « Ibis/  1867,  p.  202  :  Swinhoe, « Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  181.) 

270.  Emberiza  elegans,  T. 

Bunting.    Jap.  « Miyama-hoho-zhiro.' 

This  is  not  a  common  bird,  but  the  most  beautiful  of  the  Japan 
Buntings.  It  is  said  to  be  obtained  at  Nitsu-kuwau,  and  also  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Nagasaki. 

Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1877,  p.  146.) 

271.  Emberiza  rustioa,  Pall. 

Rustic  Bunting.     Jap.  '  Kashira-daka.' 

This  bunting  is  very  common  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  Main 
Island  in  winters,  and  in  Yezo  in  summers.  It  ranges  across  Siberia  to 
North-east  Europe,  and  an  occasional  straggler  has  been  taken  in  England. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis/  1862,  p.  828 :  Whitely,  <  Ibis/ 1867,  p.  202 :  Swinhoe,  ' Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  161.) 

Digitized  by 


230  '     BLAXISTON   AND   PRYER :    ON   THE   BIRDS   OF   JAPAN. 

272.  Emberiza  pebsonata,  Pall. 

Masked  Bunting.    Jap.  *  AwozlnV 

A  very  common  bird  all  the  year  round  about  Toukiyau.  Breeds 
on  Fuji-san  ;  nest  generally  placed  on  the  ground,  made  of  dead  grass. 
Eggs  five,  whitish,  with  brown  patches  and  darker  spots.  Common  in 
Yezo,  where  it  seems  the  earliest  in  spring  and  latest  in  autumn  of  all 
the  Buntings,  some  few  remaining  during  winter. 

Specimens '  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis,'  1874,  p.  161.) 

278.  Emberiza  aureola,  Pall. 

Bunting.     Jap.  '  Shima-awozhi.' 
A  specimen  obtained  by  Mr.  N.  Fukushi  in  Yezo,  and  one  procured 
at  a  bird  shop  in  Toukiyau,  are  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     (Blakiston 
and  Pryer,  '  Ibis,1  1878,  p.  248.)    ' 

274.  Emberiza  variabilis,  T.  &  S. 

Bunting.     Jap.  'Kurozhi.' 
Rather  common  on  Ohoyama  in  winter.     Also  obtained  in  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/  1875,  p.  460.) 

275.  Emberiza  sulphurata,  T.  &  S. 

Bunting.     Jap.  'Nojiko.' 

Seems  to  be  a  southern  bird,  being  common  on  Fuji-san  in  June 
and  July,  few  being  found  in  Yezo.  It  is  a  cage-bird  with  the  natives. 
This  bird  migrates  in  winter. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
•Ibis,'  1867,  p.  208:  Blakiston  and  Pryer,  'Ibis/  1878,  p.  243. 

276.  Emberiza  rutila,  Pall. 

Ruddy  Bunting.     Jap.  '  Shima-nojiko.' 
Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 

277.  Emberiza  yessoensis,  Swinh. 

Yezo  Bunting.     Jap.   '  Nabikaburi.' 
This   Reed-Bunting  is  found   in  grass   swamps  in  Yezo  during 
summer.     It  has  also  been  obtained  at  Fuji- sail  in  July.     Specimens  in 
the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.     When  first  discovered,  in  1861, 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 


it  was  taken  to  be  E.  minor,  Midd.  (Blakiston,  'Ibis,'  1868,  p.  99.) 
The  late  Mr.  R.  SwiDhoe,  however,  described  it  as  seen  later  ('  Ibis,' 
1874,  p.  161),  and  it  has  since  been  figured  in  the  '  Ibis,'  1879,  pt.  I., 
and  Mr.  H.  Seebohm  has  appended  some  remarks.  ('Ibis,'  1879,  p. 

278.  Emberiza  schoeniclus,  Linn. 

Reed  Bunting    Jap.  •  Oho-jorin.' 

Common  in  the  Yokohama  game-market  in  winters.  Found  in  Yezo 
in  summer.  The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  described  a  specimen  sent  him 
from  Yezo  as  a  new  species  under  the  name  of  Schoenicola  pyrrhulina, 
and  it  was  figured  in  the  '  Ibis '  ('  Ibis,1  1876,  p.  888,  pt.  VIII.),  but  Mr. 
H.  Seebohm  considers  E.  palustris  of  Savi,  and  8.  pyrrhulina,  as  only 
forms  of  the  Reed  Bunting,  of  Europe  E.  schoenicola,  differing  solely 
from  that  type  in  having  thicker  bills,  and  not  entitled  to  rank  above 
sub-species.     (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  40.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  Thousands 
congregate  in  the  reed  beds,  together  with  the  foregoing,  in  winter, 
eating  the  seeds. 

279.  Plectrophanes  nivalis,  L. 

Snow  Bunting.     Jap.  '  Uki-hozhiro.' 
A  specimen  is  in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  obtained  in  the  neighbour- 

280.  Fringilla  montifringilla,  L. 

Brambling.    Jap.  '  Atori.' 

Large  flocks  are  found  in  winter  near  Yokohama  and  Toukiyau  and 
it  is  not  uncommon  in  Yezo.     It  is  the  same  as  the  European  species. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
•Ibis/  1867,  p.  201 :  Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p.  160.) 

281.  Passer  montanus,  L. 
Tree-Sparrow.     Jap.  '  Suzume.' 

This  is  the  common  house-sparrow  of  Japan.     Eggs  very  variable. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
•Ibis,'  1862,  p.  827:  Whitely,  '  Ibis,' 1867,  p.  202 :  Swinhoe,  •Ibis,' 
1877,  p.  146.) 


Digitized  by ' 


282.  Passer  rutilans,  Temm. 

Basset  Sparrow.     Jap.  '  Niunai-suzume.) 

This  may  be  called  the  wild  sparrow  of  Japan,  being  generally  found 
in  uncultivated  districts.  It  doubtless  migrates.  It  is  occasionally 
brought  into  the  Yokohama  market  from  Eoshiu. 

It  is  not  uncommon  in  Yezo.  This  species  is  well  figured  in  the 
'  Fauna  Japonica '  under  the  name  of  P.  russatus. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/  1862, p.  828:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis,*  1877,  p.  145.) 

Chlorospiza  kawarahiba,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Goldenwing.     Jap.  '  Kahara-hiha.' 

This  bird  is  figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica.*  Yezo  specimens 
identified  by  the  late  Mr.  B.  Swinhoe.  Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  202 : 
Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,1  1874,  p.  160.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  Breeds  on 
Fuji-saii,  where  it  has  been  obtained  in  summer. 

Procured  singly  or  in  pairs.     Beak,  flesh  colour  in  summer. 

Much  larger  and  less  brightly  colored  than  the  following  species. 
The  figure  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  is  very  good. 

284.  Chlorospiza  sinica,  L. 

China  Goldenwing. 

This  is  the  Fringilla  kaxcarahiha-minor  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.' 
It  is  found  in  China,  while  the  former  species  is  not,  that  is  to  say, 
unless  they  have  been  confounded.  Mr.  H.  Whitely  included  this  in 
his  Hakodate  lists,  and  considered  it  the  most  common  of  the  two 
species.  ('Ibis/  1667  p.  202.)  We  have  examined  specimens  from 
Yokohama,  Toukiyau,  Fuji-saii,  Ohoyama  and  Nagasaki. 

The  measurements  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  converted  into 
English  inches  are — 

Kawarahiba,—  6.02x8.65. 

Kawarahiba-minor=sinicaf — 5.20x3.20. 

Mr.  H.  Whitely's  are  respectively  5.75x8.50  and  5.12x8.25. 

Very  gregarious,  keeping  together  in  flocks  of  a  hundred  or  more. 

285.  Chrysomitris  spinus,  L. 

Siskin.     Jap.  'Ma-hiha.' 

Digitized  by 



This  bird,  extending  in  range  across  the  whole  continent  of  Europe 
and  Asia,  is  common  in  Japan,  including  Yezo.  It  is  caught  in  large 
numbers  by  the  natives  for  caging. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'  Ibis,1  1862,  p.  827 :     Whitely,  '  Ibis/  1867,  p.  201.) 

286.  Linota  linaria,  Linn. 

Mealy  Redpoll.     Jap.  'Beni-hiha.' 
Specimens  from  Yezo  were  indentined  by  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe' 
as    2Egiothus    borealut,'  Temm.      ('Ibis/    1874,    p.    160),    and  it  is 
generally  admitted  that  this  bird  is  an  inhabitant  of  North  China  and 

287.  Linota  rufescens,  Viell.  (?) 

Lesser  Redpoll.  Jap.  *  Ko-beni-hiha.' 
In  the  Hakodate  Museum  are  specimens  collected  in  Yezo  of  this  or 
the  preceding  species,  or  both.  The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  considered 
that  one  of  the  specimens  sent  him  was  this  species,  which  he  called 
JEgiothua  linaria,  L.,  and  his  note  says :— "  This  species  is  easily 
distinguished  from  the  last  by  its  smaller  size,  by  having  less  white 
on  the  rump,  and  scarcely  any  edging  to  its  tail  feathers.  The 
Hakodate  skin  agrees  with  home-shot  specimens."  ('  Ibis,1  1874,  p. 
160.)  On  the  other  hand  Professor  Alfred  Newton,  in  the  number  of 
his  new  edition  of  "  YarrelTs  British  Birds,"  published  November,  1876, 
considers  this  species  to  be  confined  to  Western  Europe.  There  is 
another  form,  JEgiotJuis  exilipes,  of  Dr.  Cowes,  smaller  than  the  Mealy 
Redpoll,  which  one  of  the  Japan  birds — if  there  are  really  two — may 
turn  out  to  be. 

288.  Leucostictb  brunneinucha,  Brandt. 

Ground  Finch.     Jap.  *  Hagi-mashiko.1 

This  bird  is  common  in  flocks  about  Hakodate  in  winter,  and  has 
been  found  there  as  late  as  May.  Mr.  N.  Fukushi  obtained  it  on  the 
Kuril  Islands  in  July. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely, 
« Ibis,'  1867,  p.  202 :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1875,  p.  460.) 

Uragus  sanguinolentits,  Temm. 

Long-tailed  Rose  Finch.     Jap.  4  Beni-mashiko.' 
vol.  vni.  30 

Digitized  by 



A  common  bird  in  Yezo  and  at  Nitsu-kuwau  and  Fuji-sail.  Specimens 
in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  'Ibis,'  1862, 
p.  828:  Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p.  208:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1874, 
p.  160.) 

290.  Carpodacus  roseus,  Pall. 

Rose  Finch.     Jap.  '  Oho-mashiko.' 

Specimens  shot  in  Yezo;  others  purchased  from  bird  shops  in 
Toukiyau.  The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe,  to  whom  one  was  sent,  pronounced 
it  to  be  of  this  species.     ('  Ibis,'  1877,  p»  145.) 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

291.  Pyrrhula  enucleator,  Linn.  (?) 

Pine  Grosbeak.     Jap.  '  Ginzan-mashiko.' 

The  Kai-taku-shi  department  possesses  a  bird  said  to  have  been 
obtained  in  Yezo,  probably  of  this  species. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  the  Scarlet  Grosbeak,  P.  erythina,  Pall., 
which  ranges  across  Siberia  as  far  as  Eamschatka — a  much  smaller 
bird — may  also  be  found  in  Japan. 

292.  Coccothraustes  Japonicus,  Bp. 

Japan  Hawfinch.  Jap.  *  Himi.' 

Seen  about  Yokohama  in  winter;  tolerably  common  in  Yezo, 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely,  '  Ibis,' 
1867,  p.  201 :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis/  1874,  p.  160.) 

The  separation  of  this  as  a  species  distinct  from  the  European 
C.  vulgaris,  Pall.,  is  questioned  by  ornithologists,  but  the  late  Mr.  R. 
Swinhoe  retained  the  name  in  his  paper  on  the  "  Birds  of  Chefoo." 
('Ibis,1  1875,  p.  121.) 

Coccothraustes  personatus,  T.  &  S. 
Masked  Grosbeak.     Jap.  '  Ikaru.' 

This  bird,  described  originally  from  Japan  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica,' 
like  the  preceding  and  following  species,  is  also  an  inhabitant  of  China. 
It  is  found  commonly  on  Fuji-sail  in  July.  It  has  a  pleasing  note,  and 
is  capable  of  being  made  very  tame.  Examples  also  obtained  in  Yezo. 
(Whitely,  « Ibis,'  1867,  p.  201 :     Swinhoe,  '  Ibis,'  1877,  p.  145.) 

Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

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294.  COCCOTHBAUSTES   MBLANUBU8,    Gmel.  (?) 

Black-tailed  Grosbeak.    Jap.  '  Shima-ikaru.* 
The  Kiyou-iku  Haku^butsu-kuwari  has  a  specimen  obtained  from  a 
bird  dealer  in  Toukiyau  about  the  size  of  japonicus.    The  bill  is  yellow, 
tipped  with  black.     Head  and  neck  black  all  round  as  far  down  as  12 
millimetres  behind  the  eye. 

295.  Loxia  albivbntris,  Swinh. 

Swinhoe's  Crossbill.    Jap.  '  Isuka.' 

The  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  described  the  representative  in  North 
China  of  the  common  Crossbill  of  Europe,  L,  cundrostra,  L.,  as  a 
distinct  species.  (P.  Z.  8.  1870,  p.  487).  Ornithologists  doubt  the 
white  belly  distinction  being  sufficient  to.  give  it  more  than  a  sub- specific 
rank.  It  can  stand,  however,  till  farther  observation  clear  up  the 
question.  Qut  of  a  collection  of  specimens  made  in  Yezo,  and  now 
in  the  Hakodate  Museum,  Mr.  Swinhoe's  identification  was  made. 
(Swinhoe,  « Ibis,1  1875,  p.  450.) 

Very  common  in  the  year  1878  about  Toukiyau  and  Fuji-san. 
Specimens  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

296.  Pybbhula  obxentalis,  T.  &  S. 

Eastern  Bullfinch.  Jap.  '  Teri-uso.' 
Valued  much  by  Japanese  as  a  cage-bird.  Found  in  winter  about 
Yokohama;  heard  on  Fuji-san  in  July.  Not  uncommon  in  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Tokiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston,  '  Ibis,' 
1862,  p.  828:  Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p.  208:  Swinhoe,  'Ibis/  1874,  p. 
160.)  • 

297.  Nyctea  Scandiaca,  L. 

Snowy  Owl. 
A  live  specimen  brought  into  Hakodate,  obtained  in  the  neighbour- 
hood on  29th  Nov.,  1879,  is  probably  the  first  recorded  instance  of  this 
bird  in  Japan. 

298.  Ninox  japonicus,  T.  &  S. 

Brown  Hairy-footed  Owl.     Jap.  'Awoba-dzuku.' 
This  peculiar  owl  was  described  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica '  as  Stria 
hirsute  japonica.     It  is  not  uncommon  in  summer  about  Yokohama, 
and  a  specimen  in  the  Kai-taku-shi  Museum  is  said  to  have  been 

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286  BLAKISTON   AND   PRYEH  :    ON   THE   BIRDS   OF  JAPAN.     • 

obtained  in  Yezo.     Mr.  R.  Swinhoe  remarks  in  his  Chefoo  notes  ('  Ibis/ 
1874,  p.  488)  that  the  northern  race  is  larger,  deeper  coloured,  and 
less  rufescent  than  that  of  Southern  China. 
Specimen  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 

299.  Sybnium  bufescens,  Temm. 
Owl.    Jap.  'Fukurou.' 

Mr.  H.  Seebohm  has  named  a  specimen  sent  him  as  S.  uralense, 
sub-species fucescens.     ('Ibis,'  1879,  p.  41.) 

This  is  the  most  abundant  owl  met  with  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Toukiyau.  It  is  found  also  in  Yezo,  where  the  specimens  are  lighter 
than  those  from  the  South.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau 
Museums.  (Whitely,  'Ibis/  1867,  p.  194:  Blakiston  and  Pryer, 
'Ibis/  1878,  p.  246.) 

Nest  in  a  hole  in  a  tree ;  eggs  two  to  three,  very  round,  white, 
but  generally  soiled  ;  2  inches  long  and  5  inches  in  circumference. 

800.  Asio  accipitbtnus,  Pall. 

Short-Eared  Owl.     Jap.  '  Ko-mimi-dzuku.' 

Tolerably  common  in  Yezo,  probably  also  on  the  Main  Island. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Whitely,  '  Ibis,'  1867,  p.  195  : 
Blakiston  and  Pryer,  'Ibis,*  1878,  p.  246:  Seebohm,  'Ibis,'  1879, 
p.  41.) 

This  is  the  Otus  brachyotus  of  many  ornithologists ;  is  found  nearly 
all  the  world  over,  and  is  a  migratory  bird. 

801.  Asio  otus,  L. 

Long-Eared  Owl:    Jap.  '  Tbra-fu-dzuku.' 

Not  uncommon  about  Yokohama ;  also  found  in  Yezo.  Specimens 
in-  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Whitely,  '  Ibis,'  1867,  p. 
195 :  Blakiston  and  Pryer, « Ibis,'  1878,  p.  246 :  Seebohm,  «  Ibis,1  1879, 
p.  41.) 

This  is  the  Otus  vulgaris  of  former  nomenclature.  It  inhabits  the 
greater  part  of  the  continents  of  Europe  and  Asia  and  Northern  Africa. 
The  North  American  representative  is  usually  considered  a  distinct 

802.  Bubo  ionavus,  T.  Forster. 

Eagle  Owl.     Jap. '  Shima-fukurou.' 

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This  is  the  B.  Maximus  of  most  authors  inhabiting  Europe  and  Asia. 

The  Yamashita  Haku-butsu-kuwaii  Museum  possesses  a  live  ex- 
ample, and  a*  specimen  obtained  in  Yezo  is  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 
(Blakiston  and  Pryer,  '  Ibis/  1878,  p.  247.) 

808.  Scops  stictonotus,  Sharpe. 

A  specimen  sent  from  Hakodate  was  pronounced  by  the  late  Mr. 
R.  Swinhoe  as  of  this  species,  distinct  both  from  S.  simia,  and 
S.  japonicus.  It  remains  to  be  seen  if  there  are  not  two  species  of  these 
diminutive  Owls  in  Japan. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis/  1875,  p.  448.) 

804.  Scops  semitobques,  Schleg. 

Owl.    Jap.  '  Oho-ko-no-ha-dzukn.' 
This  Owl,  tolerably  abundant  in  Yezo,  was  identified  from  there 
by  the  late  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe.     («  Ibis,'  1875,  p.  448.) 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museums. 

805.  Scops  semttorques-major. 

Large  specimens  from  Yokohama  and  Toukiyau  only,  Hakodate 
specimens  being  small. 

We  have  thought  it  best  to  separate  the  two  forms  provisionally. 

806.  Aquila  chrysaetus,  L. 

Golden  Eagle.  Jap.  '  Inu-wasmV 
This  is  included  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica'  as  A.  fulva,  on  the 
authority  of  a  Japanese  drawing.  A  live  specimen  at  the  Kiyou-iku 
Haku-butsu-kuwan,  and  one  obtained  in  the  Yokohama  game  market, 
are  attributed  to  this  species.  The  Haku-butsu-kuwan  specimen  had  at 
first  a  white  tail,  which  changed  to  greyish  brown,  conspicuously  barred 
with  black. 

807.  Haliaetus  albicilla,  L. 

White-tailed  Eagle.     Jap.  '  Oho-zhiro-washi.' 
This  is  the  common  fishing  Eagle  of  Japan.     In  Yezo  it  is  numer- 
ous on  those  parts  of  the  coast  most  frequented  by  salmon.     It  also 
breeds  there.     The  Ainos  keep  it  in  confinement  in  wooden  cages,  in 
the  same  way  as  they  do  young  bears. 

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288        BLAKI8T0N  AND  PRYEB  :  ON  THE  BIRDS  OF  JAPAN. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 

808.  Haijaetus  pelagicus,  Pall. 

Northern  Sea  Eagle.     Jap.  '  Oho-washi.' 

The  existence  of  this  fine  Eagle  in  Japan, — the.  authority  of  tho 
'Fauna  Japonica'  having  been  doubted  by  some  ornithologists, — is 
now  confirmed  by  the  Kiyou-iku  Haku-butsu-kuwafi  having  received  a 
specimen  from  Eafu-shiu. 

The  Hakodate  Museum  contains  specimens  from  Kamschatka  and 
the  Sea  of  Okhotsk. 

809.  Pandion  hauaetus,  L. 

Osprey.     Jap.  '  Misago.' 
.  The  Osprey  builds  near  Yokohama  .on  Saru-shima,  where  it  remains 
the  year-round.     A  specimen  collected  by  Mr.  F.  Ringer  at  Nagasaki 
was  found  to  agree  with  one  in'  the  Hakodate  Museum  collected  in  Yezo. 

810.  MlLVTJS   MELANOTIS,    T.  &  S. 

Black-Eared  Kite.  Jap.  '  Tonbi.' 
This  commop  bird  in  the  east  is  found  in  numbers  throughout 
Japan.  It  is  very,  useful  as  a  scavenger.  The  nest  is  often  placed  in  a 
Cryptomeria,  and  is  composed  of  a  large  platform  of  sticks,  with  bits 
of  rag,  paper,  etc.,  for  lining.  Nidification  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Toukiyau  commences  early  in  March,  the  young,  however,  not  leaving 
the  nest  before  June.  Lays  two  large  eggs  of  a  dull  white,  with  liver- 
coloured  blotches.  Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums. 
(Blakiston,  'Ibis/  1862,  p.  814:  Whitely,  •Ibis/  1867,  p.  194: 
Swinhoe,  'Ibis,1  1874,  p.  160.) 

811.  Spizaetus  nipalensis,  Hodgs. 

Eagle  Buzzard.    Jap.  *  Kuma-taka.1    . 
This  fine  bird  breeds  on  Ohoyama,  where  it  remains  the  year  round  ; 
it  can  easily  be  attracted  within  shot  by  imitation  of  a  monkey's  cry. 
Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     Alsq  in  the 
Toukiyau  Museums. 

812.  Archtbuteo  lagopus,  Gm. 

Rough-legged  Buzzard.     Jap.  *  Eeashinosuri.' 
Specimens  obtained  at  Hakodate,  in  the  museum  there,  are  referred 
to  this  species. 

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818.   BUTEO  JAP0NICUS,   T.   &   S. 

Japan  Buzzard.     Jap.  '  Aka-nosuri.' 

There  is  a  little  doubt  as  to  this  bird  ranking  as  a  species,  it  being 
considered  by  some  ornithologists  as  B.  plumipes,  Hodgs.  Mr.  J.  H. 
Gurney  is  of  opinion  that  the  pale  form  figured  in  the  'Fauna  Japonica' 
as  immature,  is  merely  a  less  rufous  phase  of  plumage.  A  specimen 
was  sent  to  Mr.  Seebohm  early  in  1878. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Blakiston 
and  Pryer,  « Ibis,'  1878,  p.  248 :     Seebohm,  '  Ibis,1  1879,  p.  41.) 

814.    BUTEO   HEMILASIUS,    T.  &  S. 

Buzzard.    Jap.  '  Oho-nosuri.' 
This  rests  on  the  authority  of  the  '  Fauna  Japonica,'  where  it  is 



816.  Butastur  indicus,  Gmel. 

Buzzard.     Jap.  '  Sashiba.' 

Very  common  in  Yamato  and  Shikoku,  where  it  is  almost  the  only 
Hawk  to  be  seen  at  certain  seasons.     As  yet  not  found  in  the  north. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Seebohm, 
•Ibis/  1879,  p.  42.) 

It  was  given  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica,'  as  Poliornis  poliogenys, 
which  now  drops  into  a  synonym  only. 

816,  Pernis  PTHiORHYNCHus,  Temm. 

Japan  Honey-Buzzard.     Jap.  '  Hachi-kuma.' 
When  the  *  Fauna  Japonica  '  was  published  this  was  considered  to 
be  identical  with  the  Honey  Buzzard  of  Europe,  which  it  has  proved 
not  to  be.     (Seebohm,  •Ibis,1  1879,  p.  42.) 


Goshawk.     Jap.  '  Oho-taka.' 

This  is  the  bird  most  used  by  the  Japanese  for  hawking,  a  spert 
which  was  much  practised  in  the  feudal  times.,  but  which  is  little  kept 
up  now. 

Obtained  at  Nitsu-kuwau,  Toukiyau,  Yokohama,  and  in  Yezo. 
Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,' 
1879,  p.  42.) 

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This  is  a  common  bird  both  on  the  Main  Island  and  Yezo.  Is  also 
used  for  hawking.  The  Japanese  call  the  male  '  Konori '  and  the  female 
'  Haitaka.' 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyan  Museums.  (Blakiston, 
'Ibis/  1862,  p.  814:  Whitely,  'Ibis,'  1867,  p.  194.) 

Authentic  .specimens  from  Japan  are  in  the  collections  of  Lord 
Tweeddale  and  Messrs.  Salvin  and  Go  dm  an.  (Seebohm,  '  Ibis,'  1879, 
p.  42.) 

819.  ACCIPITER  OULARIS,  T.  &  S. 

Hawk.     Jap.  '  Tsume.' 

Figured  in  the  '  Fauna  Japonica.'  Obtained  in  Yezo  by  Commodore 
Perry's  expedition.  (Swinhoe,  *  Ibis,'  1868,  p.  448.)  Other  specimens1 
since  obtained.  (Seebohm,  *  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  42.)  It  is  considered  by 
some  as  only  a  large  form  of  A.  virgatus,  Temm. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  Specimens 
form  Nitsu-kuwau  and  Tsuruga. 

820.  Cebchneis  tinnunculus. 

Sub-sp.  jajyoniais,  T.  &  S. 

Japan  Kestrel.     Jap.  '  Maguso-daka.' 

Deferring  to  opinions  of  leading  ornithologists,  this  bird  is  only 
given  the  rank  of  a  sub-species  of  the  European  Kestrel.  It  seems 
common  enough  in  the  south,  including  Nagasaki,  but  examples  have 
not  yet  been  obtained  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Seebohm, 
<  Ibis,'  1879,  p.  42.) 

Eggs  5,  reddish- white,  patched  with  red-brown ;  often  builds  in  a 
hole  in  a  cliff  or  bluff. 

821.  Hypotriobchis  subbuteo,  L. 

Hobby.     Jap.  '  Chigo-hayabusa.' 
Tolerably  abundant  in  Yezo.     Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  Museum. 
(Swinhoe,  'Ibis,'  1875,  p.  448  :     Seebohm,  'Ibis,'  1879,  p.  42.) 

822.  Hypotriorchis  jesalon,  L. 

Merlin.  .  Jap.   '  Koteu-geiibo,' 

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Very  common  on  the  Main  Island ;  probably  the  most  numerous 
Hawk  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
« Ibis,'  1877,  p.  144  :     Seebohm,  « Ibis,'  1879,  p.  45.) 

N.B. — H.  amuremis  was  wrongly  admitted  in  the  catalogue  of  the 
Birds  of  Japan  published  in  the  *  Ibis,4  1878. 

323.  Falco  peregrintjs,  Tunst. 

Peregrine  Falcon.     Jap.  •  Hayabusa.' 

This  widely  distributed  bird,  although  resident  in  Japan,  is  believed 
not  to  be  used  by  the  natives  for  hawking. 

Specimens  collected  in  Yezo  are  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.  (Blakis- 
ton, « Ibis,'  1862,  p.  314 :    Whitely,  « Ibis,'  1867,  p.  194.) 

824.  Circus  cyaneus,  L. 

Hen-Harrier.    Jap.  'Teuchi.* 

Common  in  the  winter  at  Susaki,  Toukiyau ;  in  summer  in  Yezo. 

Specimens  in  the  Hakodate  and  Toukiyau  Museums.  (Swinhoe, 
•Ibis/ 1875,  p. 448.) 

325.  Circus  spilonotus,  Kaup. 
■    Specimens  obtained  in  Yezo  in  the  Kai-taku-shi  at  Shiba,  Toukiyau, 
and  in  the  Hakodate  Museum.     One  procured  at  Awomori  was  identified 
by  Mr.  R.  Swinhoe.     ('  Ibis/  1877,  p.  144.) 
Also  in  the  Toukiyau  Museums. 

VOL.  VIII.  31 

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(  242  ) 


By  F.  V.  Dickins. 

[Read  March  9,  1880.] 

I  am  unable  to  accept  the  principles  upon  which  the  new  scheme 
for  romanizing  Japanese,  as  set  forth  in  Mr.  Sa tow's  recent  paper,  is 
based  ;  and  venture,  therefore,  to  lay  before  the  Society  the  grounds 
of  my  dissent,  concluding,  as  I  think  I  am  bound  to  do,  with  a  state- 
ment of  what  I  conceive  to  be  a  more  rational  and  convenient  mode  of 

Of  late  years,  orthographical  systems  have  been  discussed  upon 
scientific  lines,  and  practical  rules  established  for  the  recording  of 
articulate  sounds  by  more  or  less  clear  and  simple  methods.  The  nearly 
unanimous  consent  of  European  orthographers  and  philologers  has 
established  the  supremacy  of  phonetic  over  etymological  systems  of 
writing  and  spelling,  and  the  differences  that  exist — and  very  wide  and 
serious  they  are — among  those  who  have  made  a  special  study  of  the 
subject,  relate  almost  wholly  to  the  practical  application  of  a  law  or  rule 
itself  well-nigh  universally  accepted  and  whicl)  may  be  formulated  in 
the  following  terms : — 

An  alphabet  should  consist  of  as  few  letters  as  possible,  keeping  a  due 
mean  between  poverty  and  redundancy,  and  each'  letter  should  have  a 
constant  value  which  should  always  be  given  to  it. 

Did  an  universal  alphabet  exist,  the  whole  science  of  orthography 
would  be  summed  up  in  this  law,  each  articulate  sound  of  human 
speech  being  represented  by  a  distinct  symbol.     But  in  the  use  of  the 

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roman  alphabet,  which  does  not  represent  the  whole  of  the  articulate 
sounds  in  any  language,  the  law  requires  modification  and  must  be  thus 
expressed : — 

An  alphabet  in  roman  should  consist  of  as  many  letters  and  combina- 
tions of  Utters  as  are  necessary  to  represent  the  articulate  sounds  of  the 
language  to  which  it  is  applied  and  no  more ;  and  each  of  such  letters 
and  combinations  should  have  a  constant  value  which  should  always  be 
given  to  it. 

The  first  law  is  better  exemplified  in  the  Devanagari  than  in  any 
alphabet  I  am  acquainted  with. 

The  second  law  is,  I  believe,  more  strictly  adhered  to  in  the  modern 
orthography  of  Spanish,  than  in  that  of  any  existing  European  language. 

Orthography,  however,  does  not  aim  at  more  than  recording 
articulate  sounds  ;  accent,  emphasis  or  tone  cannot  well  be  represented 
by  letters,  and  the  quantity  of  vowels  in  roman  can  only  be  marked  by 
signs  or  by  doubling  the  vowel  to  represent  the  quantity  when  this- 
is  long. 

That  a  right  and  convenient  orthography  is  a  matter  of  no 
inconsiderable  importance  will  readily  to  admitted  by  all  who  have 
given  any  thought  to  the  subject.  The  evils  resulting  from  an  imperfect, 
clumsy  and  obscure  system  are  sufficiently  patent,  and  affect  not  merely 
the  present  but  each  succeeding  generation.  A  confused  and  uncertain 
orthography,  such  as  that  of  our  own  language,  following  no  law, 
phonetic  or  other,  and  stuffed  with  useless  and  false  etymologies,  not 
only  renders  the  education  of  the  masses  vastly  more  difficult  than  it 
need  be,  but  stands  in  the  way  of  ourselves  and  our  literature  being 
adequately  known  and  appreciated  by  foreigners,  to  our  and  their  (I  dare 
to  say)  great  and  permanent  harm.  It  is  a  monstrous  absurdity  to 
spell '  cough,'  '  though,'  'plough,'  '  rough,'  and  '  through',' — five  totally 
distinct  sounds — with  the  same  letters  •  ough,'  not  one  of  which  has  its 
proper  value  given  to  it,  for  the  normal  English  '  u  '  is 'that  of '  put,' 
•  full,'  etc.,  not  that  of  '  gun,'  '  dull,'  etc.  Great,  however,  as  the 
absurdities  and  inconveniences  of  our  orthographical  system  are,  it  is  a 
question  whether  the  inconveniences  of  any  very  considerable  change  of 
it  would  not  be  greater,  and  I  cannot  say  that  I  am  prepared  to  welcome 
any  revolutionary  modification  which  might  require  too  large  a  sacrifice 

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on  our  part  in  the  interests  of  posterity.  With  the  Japanese  language, 
however,  the  case  is  altogether  different.  There  we  have  to  deal  not 
with  the  reformation  of  an  existing,  but  with  the  creation  of  a  new, 
roman  'orthography,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  the  best  possible 
system  in  that  character  should  not  be  adopted.  I  have  enunciated  the 
law  which  is  admitted  by  European  philologers  and  orthographers  to 
form  the  only  proper  orthographical  rule,  and  which  is  essentially 
phonetic  in  principle.  I  need  only  cite  as  authorities  the  Spanish 
academy,  the  spelling  reformers  of  Germany,  and  such  names  as  Max 
Miiller,  Skeat,  Morris,  Sweet  and  Ellis.  But  the  kana  transliterators  of 
Japanese,  wholly  ignoring  European  orthographical  science,  look  upon 
the  phonetic  principle  as  of  merely  subordinate  value,  and  base  their 
system  mainly  upon  etymology.  Their  view  seems  to  be  that,  so  far  as 
the  Japanese  language  at  least  is  concerned,  the  writing  and  spelling  of 
words  should  rather  record  facts  in  their  history  than  afford  a  clear 
And  certain  guide  to  their  pronunciation.  It  is  with  great  diffidence 
that  I  venture  to  oppose  my  own  opinion  to  the  deliberate  expressions 
of  such  well-known  scholars  as  Mr.  Satow  and  Mr.  Chamberlain,  but  I 
cannot  think  they  are  right*  in  this  matter.  .1  am  not  aware  of  any 
peculiarity  in  the  Japanese  language  involving  the  propriety  of  a  different 
orthographical  treatment  of  it  from  that  of  other  languages,  and  I  shall, 
in  the  sequel,  try  to  show  that  the  new  system  cannot  be  justified  by 
the  plea  of  any  special  practical  convenience  or  need,  on  the  part  of 
Japanese  scholars  or  the  general  public,  foreign  or  Japanese,  being  met 
by  it.  The  basis  of  Japanese  orthography  must,  I  believe,  be  phonetic, 
as  is  most  assuredly  the  basis  of  European  scientific — or,  to  use  a  more 
fitting  expression — rational  orthography.  Etymology  is  an  important 
and  most  interesting  science,  but  with  it,  in  my  opinion,  the  symboliza- 
tion  of  articulate  speech  has  no  concern  whatever.  Orthography  is, 
strictly  speaking,  an  art  rather  than  a  science — the  art  of  recording 
language — and,  whilS  using  the  simplest  available  means,  should  be 
based  upon  the  fewest,  clearest  and  most  constant  rules.  Great  as  the 
scientific  interest  of  etymology  undoubtedly  is,  it§  practical  value  is  small, 
while  the  advantages  of  an  uncomplicated  orthography  are  of  the  highest 
moment  to  the  millions  who  are  concerned  with  reading  and  writing 
their  language,  and  have  little  or  no  need  of  being  reminded  in  the 

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spelling  of  each  word  of  facts  in  its  history.  A 'word,  indeed, "alphabeti- 
cally written  upon  an  etymological  system,  is  a  mere  Chinese  character 
composed  of  alphabetic  elements  :  surely  a  monstrous  sort  of  hybrid  not 
in  any  case  to  be  created,  and  only  to  be  accepted  when  already 
existent  under  inevitable  need. 

In  addition  to  these  general,  there  are,  to  my  mind,  special, 
objections  to  the  proposed  system  of  transliteration.  The  Japanese 
iroha  is  (mainly)  a  syllabic  alphabet  wholly  unfit  for  representation 
syllabically  in  an  alphabet  of  a  different  kind.  In  uttering  the  word 
'Yokohama'  we  simply  recapitulate  the  syllabic  iroha  characters  of. 
which  it  is  composed  by  name,  but  as  written  in  roman  the 
characters  are  not  pronounced  nominatirn  but  are  used  as  symbolic 
representations  of  sounds.  The  transliteration  of  iroha  into  roman 
must  follow  the  laws  of  the  latter  alphabet,  just  as  in  making  a  translation, 
however  literal,  from  Japanese  into  English,  we  follow  the  syntactical 
and  other  rules  of  English  not  of.  Japanese  grammar  and  composition. 
But  the  kana  transliterators  transliterate  more  than  literally : — it  is  as 
if  in  putting  Japanese  into  English  they  gave  indeed  the  English 
equivalent  for  the  Japanese  words,  but  arranged  the  former  in  the  order 
required  by  Japanese  syntax — something  of  a  convenience  possibly  to 
Japanese  scholars,  but  a  plan  utterly  unsuitable  for  the  general 
public  or  for  general  purposes. 

My  venturous  criticism,  upon  Mr.  Satow's  essay,  or  rather  upon 
the  orthographical  portion  of  it, — for  with  that  alone  do  I  feel  myself 
competent  to  deal, — is  based  upon  the  Understanding  that  the  scheme  set 
forth  in  it  is  intended  for  universal  acceptance  not  only  among  foreigners, 
but  among  the  Japanese  themselves  when  they  shall  have  the  wisdom  and 
the  courage  to  discard  both  the  Chinese  character  and  their  own  kana. 

My  opinion  is,  and  long  has  been,  that  not  all  the  reforms  hitherto 
.  made  in  Japan  are  collectively  of  anything  like  the  importance  that 
attaches  to  a  romanization  of  the  language.  I  have  not  space  here  to 
do  more  than  indicate  the  grounds  of  my  opinion.  My  own  experience 
of  the  language  is  that  athe  difficulties  met  with  in  its  acquirement  are 
almost  wholly  difficulties  of  decipherment.  The  best  scholars  among  us 
read  the  easiest  and  most  clearly  printed  Japanese  painfully ;  the  most 
intelligible  handwriting  is  a  mystery  save  to  perhaps  a  dozen  Europeans, 

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and  probably  not  a  single  European  can  handle  the  Japanese  brush  with 
the  ease  of  a  very  ordinarily  educated  native.  Few  natives  even  (I  have 
often  made  the  experiment)  can  read  the  common  books  with  fluency, — can 
read  phrases  or  lines  at  a  glance  as  we  can  in  English ;  each  character 
or  word  must  be  singled  out  by  eye  and  mind  and  separately  perceived 
and  comprehended.  A  native  clerk,  acquainted  with  rbman,  who  for 
some  time  was  in  my  employ,  and  who  had  to  translate  or  copy  for  me 
numerous  legal  documents  written  in  Japanese,  as  well  as  make  extracts 
'  from  books,  was  induced  by  me  (chiefly  for  my  own  convenience)  to 
•  use  roman  in  all  transcriptions  from  his  own  language.  I  found  such 
transcriptions,  after  a  little  practice,  as  easily  legible  and  intelligible  as 
similar  matter  in  French  or  German  would  be.  I  could  indeed  run  the 
eye  over  them  with  almost  the  same  case  as  over  English  documents, 
with  immense  saving  of  time  and  energy.  And  this  though  the  major 
part  of  such  transcriptions  consisted  of  Sinico-Japanese.  Not  only 
was  this  result  achieved,  but  the  clerk  himself  soon*  came  to  prefer  his 
romanized  transcriptions  to  copies  or 'originals  in  the  Japanese  character. 
In  short,  after  much  pondering  over  a'  subject  that  has  been  matter  of 
reflection  with  me  during  many  years,  I  am  persuaded  that  the  romanization 
of  Japanese  would  do  more  toward,  perfecting  the  civilizatory  changes 
now  in  progress,  by  facilitating  the  education  of  the  people  of  Japan 
in  the  more  extended  sense  of  the  expression,  and  by  enabling  them 
more  easily  to  understand  and  be  understood  by  the  rest  of  the 
world,  than  the  whole  mass  of  reforms  that  have  taken  place  since  the 
downfall  of  the  Tokugawa  dynasty.  The  education  of  the  people  would 
be  relieved  of  at  least  two-thirds  of  the  difficulties  that  at  present  attend 
upon  it,  the  spread  of  knowledge  would  become  possible,  and  political 
reforms,1  without  which  any  real  or  permanent  advance  of  the  nation  is 

1Aa  matters  are,  it  appears  to  me  that  the  government  is  drifting  more  and 
more  into  the  hands  of  a  set  of  bureaucratic  oligarchs,  among  whom  those  who 
have  been  in  Europe  or  America,  and  have  there  become  tinctured  with  western 
ideas,  not  very  completely  understood,  will  have  the  greatest  influence,  and  will 
be,  at  the  same  time,  the  least  in  unison  with  their  countrymen.  Political  power 
cannot  be  vested  in  the  hands  of  the  masses  without  concomitant  education,  which 
in  any  sufficient  degree  is  impossible  so  long  as  about  seven  years  study  is 
necessary  for  a  native  to  become  properly  conversant  with  the  actual  modes  of 
writing  his  own  tongue. 

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not  to  be  dreamed  of,  would  thus  become  feasible.  I  cannot  dwell 
longer  on  the  advantages  that  would  result  from  the  changes ;  they  are 
sufficiently  obvious,  and,  indeed,  may  be  easily  realised  by  imagining 
for  a  moment  the  effect  in  a  country  like  England  of  an  adoption  of 
Japanese  modes  of  representing  the  language  in  a  written  form.  I 
shall,  however,  mention  shortly  one  benefit  that  would  almost  surely  be 
brought  about^— an  immense  one,  though  of  a  purely  literary  character — 
the  arrestment,  namely,  of  the  degradation  of  the  language  actually  in 
rapid  progress.  Indeed,  Japanese  is  fast  disappearing  as  a  written 
language,  and  becoming  replaced  by  a  splay-footed  and  inharmonious . 
species  of  broken-down  Chinese,  difficult  of  composition  and  more  so  of 
comprehension.  This  particular  kind  of  degradation  is  only  possible 
so  long  as  Chinese  characters  are  employed;  the  false  mintage  of 
current  writers  would  of  necessity  cease  when  they  found  themselves 
obliged  to  use  Japanese  materials — not  mere  Chinese  signs — to  express 
their  ideas  with.  In  the  term  '  Japanese  materials  '  I  of  course'  include 
such  Sinico-Japanese  words  as  have  been  sanctioned  by  sufficient  usage. 
There  are  ample  stores  of  such  materials  in  existence  without  having 
recourse  to  mere  sign-combinations  which  instruct  the  eye  rather  than 
the  ear,  and  which  widen  the.  breach — already  too  wide — between  the 
written  and  spoken  languages.  Indeed,  I  should  like  to  see  the  use 
of  even  admitted  Sinico-Japanese  restricted  as  much  as  possible  ;  new 
combinations  might,  I  think,  be  made  in.  nearly  all  cases  of  purely 
Japanese  elements,  with  the  result  of  a  much  more  harmonious  and 
much  more  intelligible  language  than  would  otherwise  be  attainable.8 
I  cannot  here  anticipate  objections  ;  the  most  serious  one  would  be  the 
length  of  certain  combinations  of  Japanese  elements,  but  these  would 
not  be  longer  than  what  we*  find  in  German.  Chinese  might  still  be 
resorted  to  somewhat  as  we  resort  to  Latin  and  Greek — a  practice 
which  our  best  writers,  however,  unite  in  avoiding  as  much  as  possible. 
I  do  not  admit  Mr.  Chamberlain's  contention  that  there  are  practi- 
cally two  languages  in  Japan.     I  am  still  myself  though  the  molecules  of 

9 A  Japanese  language  thus  developed,  with  a  few  more  regular  syntactical 
rules  than  at  present  seem  to  be  followed,  would  be  an  admirable  vehicle  of 
thought,  ami  quite  capable  in  time  of  producing  a  valuable  literature  of  its  own,  as 
well  as  of  clear  and  brief  conveyance  of  western  ideas. 

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my  body  may  be  replaced  every  seven  or  ten  years,  and  despite  the 
immense  and  most  regrettable  influx  of  Chinese  into  the  language  of 
Japan,  it  is  still  Japanese  that  the-  people  write  and  speak,  just  as 
Johnsonian  was  still  English  though  stuffed  with  words  of  non-English 
origin.  In  all  countries  with  any  literature  there  is  a  more  or  less 
considerable  difference  between  the  language  of  society  and  that  of 
books.  In  English  a  large  number  of  words,  chiefly  of  Latin  and  French 
derivation,  are  hardly  met  with  out  of  books ;  such  as,  for  instance, 
1  effulgent,'  *  commodious,'  '  calamity,'  etc.,  which  in  oral  intercourse 
would  be  replaced  by  'bright,'  '  convenient,'  '  misfortune ';  but  it  would 
not,  I  think,  be  therefore  correct  to  Bay  there  were  two  English 
languages.  Nor,  indeed,  if  Mr.  Chamberlain's  assertion  were  true,  do  I 
understand  how  the  fac.t  could  warrant  any  departure  from  an  ortho- 
grahical  law  itself  laid  down  on  a  rational  basis. 

I  fail  completely,  also,  to  see  how  the  kana  system  can  subserve 
any  special .  convenience  or  need  of  Japanese  scholars.  These  are  just 
the  very  last  persons  to  require  being  reminded  every  time  they  wish  to 
write  or  read  the  word  soro  that  it  may  once  have  been  safurafu  by 
such  a  wonderful  (to  ordinary  unlearned  folk)  spelling  of  it. 

My  criticism  upon  the  details  of  the  kana  scheme  will  be  found  in 
the  presentment  of  what  I  venture  to  call  the  natural  system  of 
transliteration,  or  phonetic  romanization  of  Japanese.  But  to  illustrate 
and  make  clear  the  meaning  of  the  foregoing  remarks,  I  shall 
take  to  pieces  a  single  example  of  kana  orthography,  and  I 
cannot  choose  a  better  one  than  the  Chinese  ideograph — for  it  is 
nothing  else — zhiyau,  which  \  write,  and  the  foma-spellers  as  well 
as  myself  and  the  whole  population  of  Japan  pronounce,  jo.  In 
zhiyau  not  a  single  letter  retains  the  phonetic  value  given  to  it  in 
the  kana  alphabet ;  did  they  retain  that  value  the  combination  would 
be  pronounced  not  jo,  but  dzu-hee-yah-oo.  Was  any  character,  now  so 
fama-spelled,  ever  thus  pronounced  ?  •  I  more  than  doubt  it.  If  never, 
and  still  not,  so  pronounced,  why  so  spell  it?  What  fact  of  value, 
what  certain  fact  valuable  or  valueless,  does  such  a  spelling  preserve 
record  of?  What  need,  special  or  general,  does  it  subserve?  Under 
any  theory  that  I  can  think  of  the  letters  '  i '  and  '  y '  are  redundant,  or 
rather  superfluous,  both  phonetically  and  etymologically.     The  combina- 

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tion  '  zh '  is  unnecessary,  representing  what  may  be  equally  well  if  not 
better  represented  by  *  j.'  And  'au '  in  the  same  way  represents  what 
(as  I  conceive)  may  be  equally  well  if  not  bettel'  represented  by  «  6.' 
With  regard  to  this  mode  of  representing  the  long  *o'8  I  may  be 
permitted  some  amplification.  It  is  a  great,  if  not  the  greatest  point  in 
the  scheme  I  am  considering,  that  the  long  *  o '  should  be  represented  in 
some  cases  by  *  on,'  in  others  by '  au '  in  Sinico- Japanese.  Thus,  it  is  said, 
the  fact  of  derivation  from  a  Chinese  syllable  ending  in  «'ang '  or  ( ung ' 
will  Jbe  preserved,  and  '  tau '  (Ch.  tang)  will  be  distinguished  from  *  tou ' 
(Ch.  tmg).  This  may  be  true,  but  as  I  have  previously  shown,  ortho- 
graphy has  nothing  to  do  with  etymology  at  the  expense  of  clearness 
and  constancy  of  sound.  Just  as  no  one  would  dream  of  inventing  an 
English  orthography  which  would  use  the  same  letters  'ough'  to 
represent  five  different  sounds  ('  though,'  '  rough,'  *  thought,'  '  plough/ 
'through'),  so  no  one,  I  conceive,  ought  to  invent  a  Japanese  ortho- 
graphy which  would  use  a  number  of  different  letters  or  combinations  to 
represent  the  same  sound.  What  is  unwise  economy  in  the  one  case — 
orthographical  stinginess — is  unwise  redundancy — orthographical  pro- 
digality— in  the  other.  Again,  is  the  distinction  worth  preserving  ?  I 
think  not. 

We  are  not  sure  that  Chinese  *  ang '  and  '  ung '  were  ever  pro- 
nounced *  au '  (ah-oo)  or  •  ou '  (oh-oo)  by  the  Japanese.  The  spelling 
*  an,'  '  ou '  was  perhaps  meant  as  an  imitation  of  the  Chinese  nasal 
sound  before  the  invention  of  the  kana  character  y  which  (I  cannot 
remember  upon  what  authority  I  make  the  statement)  I  believe  was 
invented  after  the  rest  of  the  iroha.  I  do  not  understand  how  a 
nasal  (properly  pharyngeal)  sound  produced  at  the  back  of  the  mouth 
without  the  aid  of  buccal  or  labial  muscular  action  could  glide  into  a 
sound  '  ah-oo '  or  *  oh-oo '  produced  at  the  front  of  the  oral  cavity  with 
buccal  and  labial  assistance.  The'theory,  therefore,  on  which  *  ang '  and 
<  ang '  are  represented  by  s  au '  and  *  ou '  I  am  compelled  to  reject.  I  can 
better  comprehend  the  spellings  '  teu '  and  '  sen '  so  far  as  the  '  eu '  is 
concerned,  because  these  Sinico- Japanese  syllables  commonly  represent 
Chinese  originals  in  *  ao,'  and  *  ao '  readily  enough  glides  into  *  eu ' 
(eh-oo).    Again,  '  au'  does  not'always  represent '  ang '  nor  '  ou  '  '  ung ' ; 

8 Also  represented  by  the  combinations  *  eu,'  *  efu,'  *  afu,'  •  ofu '  and  *  oho.' 
vol.  rax.  32 

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nor  does  either,  in  any  case,  indicate  more  than  a  relation  to  a  class  of 
'ang"  or  'ling'  (or  'ing')  Chinese  syllables,  never  to  the  actual 
Chinese  original  save  when  (if  ever)  the  '  class'  is  reduced  to  a  single 
individual.  For  instance,  c  mau '  might  indicate  a  specific  original  if 
there  were  in  Chinese  but  one  single  character  with  the  sound  *  mang '; 
if  there  were  two  or  more  so  sounded  the  spelling  *  mau '  would  merely 
show  that  the  Chinese  original  was  one  of  a  number  of  characters  each 
pronounced  ( mang.' 

Many  of  the  Chinese  syllables  now  pronounced  with  final  '  ang ' 
were  anciently  pronounced  with  final '  ring,'  *  eung,'  or  even  *  ong,'  and 
it  is  therefore  possible  that  'au'  may  be  in  many  cases  a  wrong 
replacement  of '  ou '  on  the  kana  system  itself. 

I  shall  now  take  the  syllable  sho  and  see  what  the  spellings  shiyau 
and  shiyou  may  respectively  indicate.  * 

Shiyau  may  indicate  any  of  the  following  Chinese  characters 
pronounced  in  current  Kwanhwa:  c  chang/  •  ch'ang/  c  chwang/  '  shang,' 
4  shong /  in  other  dialects  '  cheung/  '  chiong/  *  ch'eung/  *  ch'iong/ 
•chong/ *chiung/ 'sheung/ '  shiong/  'shang/  4  seng/  and  anciently 
'  tung '  *  t'ung '  and  *  shung ' : — jg£  and  compounds  jj£  ||  ffc  fgfc  ■££  jgf 
jfj  $£  .  h  1ft  4?  Ml  and  many  others,  qua  nunc  perscribere  longum  est. 

Shiyou  may  indicate  any  of  the  following  Chinese  signs  pro- 
nounced in  current  Mandarin:  (  chung,'  '  ch'ung/  etc.:  anciently  *  tong,' 
•  t'ong/  etc.: — g|,  H  tfi»  8  m&  others.  Also  not  a  few  characters 
pronounced  '  ching/  *  ch'ing/  and  '  shing '  in  Mandarin  are  written 
in  kana  with  final  *  ou.'  Thus  ^K,  Qf,  Jgfc,  J£  (and  compounds)  f£, 
JSfc>  2>  IJfr  ft  (»P*  compounds)  j$,  p,  $|,  3j£,  Jg,  jg,  etc.,  etc.,  are, 
in  Sinico-Japanese  dictionaries,  commonly  transliterated  in  *  ou/  as 
4  shiyou/  *  zhiyou  *  or  *  chiyou.'  Some,  perhaps,  ought  to  be  rendered 
with  *  ya  '  in  lieu  of  *  yo.' 

From  the  above  it  is  abundantly  clear  that  the  spellings  *  ou '  and 
1  au '  preserve  no  record  of  any  valuable  etymological  (or  other)  fact — of, 
indeed,  any  certain  fact  valuable  or  valueless — except  that  some  characters 
pronounced  now  with  final  long  '  o '  sound  are  in  Japanese  dictionaries 
usually  spelt  *  au '  and  '  ou.'  But  why  introduce  phonetic  inconstancy 
and  redundancy  merely  to  record  a  practice  of  Japanese  dictionaries — a 

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practice,  too,  not  invariable,  for  in  some  the  Sinico- Japanese  c  6 '  is  repre- 
sented not  by  '  au,f  '  ou,'  but  by  *  afu,'  '  ofu '  ?    The  kana  spelling  of 

*  6,'  then,  is  admittedly  of  no  phonetic  nse,  and  I  show  that  it  is  of  no 
etymological  value  either.  Has  it  any  practical  value?  It  may 
distinguish  to  the  eye  '  ton's '  from  '  tau's,'  but  not  one  '  ton ' 
from  another  '  ton/  or  one  '  tau  '  from  another  '  tan.'  I  think  I  am 
justified  in  saying  that  ft  would  not  be  worth  while  to  add  a  dot  to  a 
written  word  for  the  purpose  of  making  the  first  mentioned  distinction. 
I  may  here  remark,  parenthetically,  that  in  Chinese  the  older  sound 
of  'ang'  was  nearly  always  'ung,'  the  reverse  seldom  obtaining; 
and  *  ou '  (in  Sinico- Japanese),  therefore,  is  a  more  legitimate  spelling 
in  all  probability  than  '  au.'     Still,  whatever  may  have  been  the  reason, 

•  ang '  was  generally  rendered  'au'  or  *  ara/  and  *  ung '  *  ou '  or 
'  ofu ';  but  as  the  reason,  whatever  it  was,  no  longer  exists,  and  as  the. 
spelling  phonetically  inadmissible  is  etymologically  and  practically 
valueless,  I  do  not  see  why  it  should  be  re-created  in  a  romanized 
transliteration.  To  abolish  it  in  using  the  kana  syllabaries  were  another 
matter,  with  which  I  do  not  here  concern  myself. 

In  what  precedes  I  must  not  be  understood  to  assert  that  ortho- 
graphy ought  to  take  no  notice  of  etymology.  On  the  contrary,  there  are 
in  all  languages  words  susceptible  of  various  spellings,  in  the  choice  of 
which  etymology  and  practical  convenience  may  be  useful  guides.  But 
orthography  ought  in  no  case  to  yield  to  etymology-— or  at  least  such  cases 
are  extremely  rare ;  it  may  concede  something  to  practical  convenience 
in  instances  of  special  importance.  The  law  and  rule  I  have  ventured  to 
enunciate  involve  in  their  application  the  greatest  possible  economy  of 
letters,  and  thus  of  time,  type  and  paper — no  inconsiderable  advantages. 
By  way  of  illustration  I  give  a  sentence  taken  from  Mr.  As  ton's 
grammar,  written  according  to  the  kana  scheme,  and  according  to  my 
own,  which  I  term  the  Natural  System. 

Shiyo  kan  wo  mochite  kdzhiyau  itashi  safurafu.  (40  letters,  one 

Sho  kan  wo  motte  keijo  itashi  soro.     (28  letters,  8  marks.) 

I  believe  the  letter-economy  on  the  natural  system  is,  in  relation 
at  all  events  to  Sinico-Japanese,  fully  thirty  per  cent,  on  the  letter- 
labour  of  the  kana  system.    Lastly,  Japanese,  like  Spanish  and  Italian, 

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is  a  language  peculiarly  suited  for  phonetic  representation.  The  vowel 
sounds  are  distinct,  there  are  no  diphthongs,  no  difficult  aggregations  of 
consonants,  and  very  few  peculiar  sounds. 

I  shall  now  present  my  own  natural  scheme,  not  as  a  perfect  one, 
but  as  ( materiel  pour  servir,1 

The  general  rules  of  it  are  sufficiently  simple. 

1st.  Full  value  to  be  always  given  to  each  letter  or  combination. 

2nd.  The  alphabet  consists  of  certain  letters  and  certain  combina- 
tions having  constant  values. 

8rd.  The  vowels  are  sounded  as  in  Italian,  except  •  u '. 

4th.  The  consonants  sole  and  in  combinations  are  pronounced  as 
in  English. 

5th.  'U'  is  pronounced  as  in  English  'put,'  'full,'  etc.;  the  com- 
bination 'hi'  and  the  letters  'g,'  'n,'  V  have  peculiar  values,  differing 
somewhat  but  not  much  from  their  values  in  English  and  most 
continental  languages. 

[In  'zhiyau'  (j6)  every  one  of  these  rules  is  transgressed — O 
scelus ! — unless,  indeed,  the  whole  be  considered  as  a  kind  of  ideographic 
combination,  to  which  plea  I  should  put  in  the  replication  that  it  is  an 
uneconomical  and  unnecessary  combination  of  unsuitable  elements.] 

The  alphabet  consists  of  the  following  vowels,  a,  e,  i,  o,  u,  pro- 
nounced as  in  Italian,  save  (u*  which  is  sounded  as  in  English  'put/ 
'  full ;'  for  a>  see  below.  There  are  no  diphthongs,  full  value  being  given  to 
each  member  of  a  combination  of  vowels.  The  consonants  and  their  com- 
binations are,  following  the  order  sanctioned  in  Mr.  Satow's  paper1 : — k, 
g,  s,  sh,  z,  t,  ts,  ch,  d,  j,  dz,  n,  h,  hi,  f,  p,  b,  m,  y,  r,  w.  All  are  pro- 
nounced as  in  English,  subject  as  undersaid. 

*  G.'  Always  hard.  I  agree  entirely  with  what  is  proposed  in  Mr. 
Satow's  paper,  page  289,  relative  to  this  letter. 

*  8/  ( sh.'  See  the  above  paper,  page  240.  But  &  I  write  f  ji.'  & 
has  exactly  that  value ;  '  zh  '  has  it  not  in  any  language  that  I  know  of. 
Whether  there  was  ever  any  difference  between  $r  and  -flam  not 
sure.  I  am  sure  there  is  none  now,  and  there  is  no  etymological 
advantage  to  be  gained,  by  writing  «r  and  -F  differently,  to  counter- 
balance the  phonetic   confusions  and  redundancy  that   would  result 

*  Transactions,  vol.  vii,  page  255. 

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from  such  a  transliteration.  Nor  is  *  zh  *  a  fit  combination.  Z  was 
originally  pronounced  *  sd '  (then  as  in  old  English  confounded  with  y) ; 
'  h '  is  an  aspirate  and  in  «r  I  find  nothing  of  either  sound.  &  again  . 
does  not  bear  the  relation  to  $/  that '  zh '  bears  to  *  sh,v  which  is  exactly 
that  of  the  '  s  '  in  '  occasion/  '  pleasure/  etc.,  to  the  '  ss '  in  '  passion/ 
But  I  do  not  think  that  this  'zh'  ('a*  in  '  occasion/  'pleasure/  etc.,  or 
French  '  j  '  sound)  exists  in  Japanese  at  all. 

I  ought  to  have  stated  that  as  some  standard  must  be  adopted,  I 
adopt  the  pronunciation  of  the  better  classes  in  Yedo  as  mine.  • 

1  Ch  *  with  *  sh  '  and — but  in  a  less  degree — '  hi '  are  the  only 
empirical  combinations ;  '  ts '  and  '  dz '  have  the  full  value  of  their 
constituents :  indeed  they  are  not,  strictly  speaking,  combinations  at  ail. 

'  Dz '  is  only  to  be  used  with  the  vowel  (  u/  and  represents  both 
X  and  yv 

"'  N  '  is  to  be  written  simply.  At  the  end  of  syllables  it  possesses 
a  slight  nasality  (more  accurately  pharyngeality).  In  Sinico- Japanese 
compounds  a  hyphen  should  intervene  between  the  final '  n '  of  a  first 
and  a  beginning  vowel  of  a  sequent  syllable.  The  hyphen  tends,  among 
other  advantages  it  has,  to  indicate  equality  of  stress  of  accent  on  the 
elements  of  a  Sinico- Japanese  compound.  Thus  Akuwan-on/  *kon-i/ 
not  'kuwanon/  'koni.'  To. my  mind  the  Spanish  'n'  does  not 
represent  the  sound :  the  Sanscrit  *  n  '  with  a  dot  over  it  would  be  more 
correct.  The  nasality  is  often  very  slight,  and  replaced  by  a  double  '  n  ' 
sound,  e.g.  'tennd/  'yennin/  for  'ten-6/  'yen-in.1  Before  consonants 
other  than  '  k '  and  '  g/  '  n '  is  not  nasalised  more  at  ail  events  than  in 
English.  'Hannen/  '  andon/#  anraku/  'konjitsu/  etc.,  etc.,  do  not  at 
all  need  to  be  written  with  n.  It  is  to  be  remembered,  too,  that 
Sinico- Japanese  syllables  in  '  n '  are  not  forms  of  the  distinctly  nasal 
Chinese  syllables  in  '  ng/  The  nasalisation  is  probably  euphony  only, 
and  as  I  have  said  is  often  hardly  perceptible.  Such  at  least  is  my 

1 H  *  is  always  a  strong  aspirate."  I  doubt  the  wisdom  of  using  it 
before  terminal-'  u '  and  '  i '  of  verbs  ('  omohu/  '  omohi ') ;  '  ohoi '  I  should 
write  *6i/  'he/  'ye/  unless  the  'h*  be  used  as  an  aspirate.   But  see  post. 

'  Hi '  I  should  use  for  the  peculiar  sound  described  in  Mr.  Satow's 

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4  F '  has  always  its  full  value.  I  should  not  write  '  fu '  or  '  fi  ' 
except  where  the  *  f  *  was  pronounced  with  full  value.  In  my  scheme 
it  would  only  he  found  with  the  vowel '  u.' 

'  R,'  « P,»  «  B, '  *  M,'  *  Y  '  are  sufficiently  treated  of  in  Mr.  Satow's 

1 W '  is  used  with  '  a '  only,  save  in  the  particle  'wo.' 

I  now  pass  on  to  the  important  subject  of  orthography,  premising  that 
I  can  attempt  here  nothing  more  than  a  sketch,  which  others  with  more 
leisure  and  greater  competence  ad  hoc  must  nil  up.  Imperfect  as  the 
Roman  alphabet  is,  it  is  a  much  more  perfeet  sound-representing  means 
than  the  kana  syllabary,  and  in  using  the  better  it  does  not  appear  to  me 
wise  to  limit  oneself  in  the  least  degree  by  the  worse  mode. 

And  first  as  to  vowel  spelling. 

I  dp  not  make — it  is  not  necessary  to  make — any  diphthongs  in 
Japanese.  The  vowel-combinations  are  'ai,'  *au '  ('am*  (ahu'  in  kana), 
1  ei,'  '  in'  (•  ifu,'  •  ihu  '  in  kana)y  «ou'  permissibly  ('  ofu '  'ohu*  in  kana), 
1  aa  •  or  long  •  & '  as  in  '  obaasan,'  '  ii '  or  long  •  i '  as  in  '  yoroshii,'  '  po ' 
or  long  *  6,'  of  which  more  anon,  and  '  uu '  or  long  c  u  *  as  in  '  fuufu.' 
The  double  vowels  I  spell  as  pronounced — double.  Eaoh  vowel  com- 
bination— each  element — it  may  be  fairly  said  has  Ml  value  given  to  it 
in  a  good  pronunciation. 

The  sound  of  long  '  6,'  in  Sinico  Japanese  especially,  I  pcefer  to  write 
so— whether  represented  in  kana  by  '  an,' '  eu,'  or  '  on.'  I  should  still 
more  prefer  to  write  it  like  the  contraction  for  *  ra '  in  old  English  MS. 
or  the  Omega  in  modern  Greek  and  Russian,  thus : — '  *>.'  This  oharacter 
might  be  adopted  when  the  Japanese  take  to  romanization.  But  where 
'  6 '  is  represented  in  kana  by  *  ofu,'  as  in  '  omofu,'  I  think  '  ou ' 
(or  '  own ')  may  be  written.  In  words  like  '  omofu  '  I  fancy  the  '  u ' 
sound  is  perceptible.  At  any  rate  it  is  worth  while  to  try  to  preserve  it 
for  reasons  of  clearness  and  convenience  as  well  as  of  etymology. 
*  Omou '  as  contraction  for  *  omoku '  (heavy),  no  doubt  will  be  liable 
to  be  confounded  with  *  omou  '*  (to  think) ;  but  all  anomalies  cannot  be 
avoided  by  any  system,  and  position  always  makes  it  easy  to  distinguish 
between  a  verb  and  an  adjective.  A  combination  like  '  yefu '  is  difficult 
to  treat.  I  think  as  the  *  o '  sound  runs  through  the  conjugation,  *  yefu ' 
should  be  spelt  '  you '  (or  perhaps  '  yowu ').    In  cases  like  '  yoku,* 

Digitized  by 



contracted  into*1  yd,'  I  see  no  objection  to  the  form  *  yo'u,'  as  we  write 
in  English  '  I'm,'  « don't,'  «  he's ; '  as  in  Dutch,  « s  Gravenhoge ; '  as 
ia  French  Ton,'  'd'un,'  etc.,  etc.  And  in  any  case  'omowu'  is 
preferable  to  '  omofa,'  the  latter  form  being  misleading  phonetically,  the 
former  only  redundant.    The  same  observations  apply  to  words  like 

*  warawn,' '  kirawu,'  which  may  be  so  ^written,  or «  warau,'  '  kirau,'  which 
I  prefer ;  but  I  cannot  stomach  c  kirafu,*  ( warafu,'  whether  or  not  the 
Japanese  so  signified  their  hatred  or  mirth  ten  or  twenty  centuries  ago. 
'  Oho '  in  *  ohoi,'  ( Ohozaka,'  etc.,  I  should  write  6  (or  o>).  I  think  the 
'  ho '  is  a  mere  intensitive  lengthener  like  the  second  '  o '  in  Dutch  '  00/ 
and  that  the  ( h  '  was  never  pronounced :  it  certainly  has  no  value  given 
to  it  in  the  Japanese  speech  of  the  day. 

Where  'ki,'  'gi,'  'ni,'  •  hi,'  '  ri '  precede  cy,'  I  am  inclined  to 
preserve  both  « i '  and  '  y ;'  thus  *  kiyd,'  •  giya,'  etc.,  for  to  my  ear  both 
are  sounded.  If  both  are  not  retained  I  should  prefer  to  retain  the  '  y.' 
'Kydto'  would  be  less  likely  to  be  mauled  than  kid  as  in  Kidto 
'(kye-oh-to).  '  Ke,'  or  •  ge,'  followed  by  '  u '  of  course  become  '  kiyd, 
•giyd,'  'meu,'  'miyd;'  so  «  seu '  becomes  'shd'j'teu'  4chd';  *deu" 
A  zeu,'  jd ;  •  heu,'  hiyd ;  '  beu,'  *  biyd.'  « Shi,'  c  chi,'  *  ji '  preceding  « y ' 
the  combination  loses  '  i '  and  '  y '  thus : 

shiya,    shiyo,     sha,    sho. 
•  chiya,    chiyo,    cha,    cho. 

jiya,      jiyo;       ja,      jo. 

It  is  an  essential  part  of  my  scheme  that  '  h '  should  never  be 
written  unless  intended  to  be  pronounced  as  an  aspirate.  Thus  I  write 
1  kuwan,'  not '  kuhan '  (as  it  is  often  spelt  in  kana).  I  go  so  far  as  to 
write  '  kawa,'  not  '  kaha.'  I  cannot  see  the  advantage  of  writing 
'ka-ha'  and  pronouncing  *  ka-wa.'  I  do  not  retain  the  'h'  in  verbal 
forms.  *  Warahi,'  A  samurahi '  (kana)  I  prefer  as  '  warai,' '  samurai ' ; 
or  at  least  as  *  warawi,' '  samurawi.' 

(H'  before  *e'  presents  some  difficulty,  but  I  should  still  follow  the 
rule  and  write  *  kayeri,'  not  'kaheri ; '  '  haraye '  not '  harahe.'  I  am  not 
sure  indeed  that  it  would  not  be  still  better  to  write  simply '  kaeri,' '  harae.' 

The  kana  '  ye '  I  should  always  so  write.  In  words  like  '  yenrio,' 
4  yennin,'  the  ( y '  sound  is  always  to  my  ear  more  or  less  distinct,  in 

*  yen '  especially  so. 

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The  doable  consonants  likewise  present  some  difficulty,  but  I  should 
nevertheless  write  them  donble  instead  of  with  preceding  *  tsn '  or  '  ku ' 
or  *  chi  •  or  ' ri/  unless  these  syllables  are  to  be  pronounced,  as  is 
sometimes  the  case.  'Mochite,'  '  ante,'  etc.,  I  have  often  heard  so 
pronounced  in  lieu  of  *  motte,'  '  atte,'  especially  in  law-courts  in 
reading  judgments,  etc.,  etc.  Thus  my  scheme  would  give, — 
nikki,  not  nitsuki. 

ittau,  "    itsutau. 

icchi  (itchi?), "    itsuchi. 
akki,  "    akuki. 

issho,  "    itsusho. 

hiyappo,         "    hiyaku-ho. 
rippa,  "    ritsuha. 

'  Ku,' « gu/  before '  wo/  should  be  written  in  full.  Thus  '  kuwd/  not 
*  ^ '  ( jfc).  The  pronunciation  '  kuwd  '  ('  u '  short  as  always  in  Japanese) 
is  not  uncommon,  and  an  endeavour  should  be  made  to  retain  it. 
\)  appears  to  be  exactly  the  Sanskrit '  lri.'  This  peculiar  'r'  seems 
to  be  most  commonly  pronounced  before  '  i/  not  before  other  vowels.  9 
does  not,  I  thinfc,  occur  in  any  Japanese  word  as  an  accented  syllable. 

To  my  ear  the  accent  in  Japanese,  especially  in  the  pure  language, 
tends  to  throw  itself  on  the  last  syllable,  save  where  this  is  *  u/  and  in 
the  latter  case  on  the  penultimate.  The  same  obtains  in  French  (the 
exception  as  to  *  u '  being  replaced  by  a  similar  one  as  to  *  e '  mute),  and 
as  a  consequence  in  French,  as  in  Japanese,  the  stress  of  accent  is  much 
less  than  in  English,  German,  or  Italian.  The  '  e '  mute  sound,  as  in 
French  'menu,'  'dehors,'  German,  '  muhme/  '  deutsche,'  does  not 
exist  in  Japanese  (nor  in  Italian  or  Spanish). 

'  D '  is  not,  I  think,  found  in  pure  Japanese  at  all ;  in  Sinico- Japanese 
only  before  '  a '  and  '  o.' 

'  F  *  I  find  only  before  '  u.'  '  L  *  not  at  all,  nor  *  P '  (in  Japanese 
words),  save  in  onomatopoetic  expressions. 

4  Si/  '  ti/  '  tu/  and  the  French  '  j  '  are  absent ;  so  also  both  '  th ' 
sounds  and  that  of  '  v/ 

'  W '  and  '  Y '  are  always  consonants  in  my  scheme. 
I  claim  the  following  advantages  to  be  possessed  by  the  Natural 
over  the  kana  system. 

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1.  Considerable  economy  of  letters  ;  hence  of  type,  time  and  paper. 

2.  Constancy  of  letter- value ;  hence  freedom  from  phonetic  uncer- 
tainty, while  no  etymological  fact  of  any  importance  is  lost. 

8.  Accordance  with  the  spelling  reform  tendencies  of  most  modern 
European  languages  (and  with  the  spelling  scheme  advocated  by  Dr. 
Hunter  under  the  Indian  government  for  the  romanization  of  Indian 
languages),  which  are  wholly  phonetic.  Sanskrit  to  some  extent  is  an 
exception,  but  this  is  chiefly  because  the  Devanagari  is  itself  a  most 
perfect  phonetic  non-  syllabic  alphabet. 

4.  Briefer  and  easier  for  the  Japanese  themselves  and  for  foreigners 
to  learn  and  adopt. 

5.  The  letter- values  approximate  so  nearly  to  those  of  most 
European  alphabets  that  most  Europeans  would  sufficiently  well 
pronounce  Japanese  without  special  study;  Englishmen  alone  would 
have  to  remember  that  the  vowels  have  a,  continental  value  (save  *  u  '). 

6.  The  easy  rule,  consonants  and  their  combinations  as  in  English, 
vowels  as  in  Italian,  practically  sufficient -for  ordinary  purposes;  the 
peculiar  sounds  *  hi,'  *  ri,'  etc.,  pronounced  according  to  this  rule  not 
considerably  differing  from  the  true  pronunciation. 

7.  Less  departure  from  the  commonly  received  system. 
The  only  disadvantages  I  can  think  of  are : — 

1.  Some  antique  pronunciations  would  not  be  recorded. 

2.  Relation  of  Sinico-Japanese  words  ending  in  *  6 '  to  their  Chinese 
originals  would  somewhat  but  not  greatly  be  obscured. 

8.  In  some  instances  words  similarly  pronounced  would  lose  the  eye 
distinction  of  difference  in  spelling. 

Thus  shiyau-nin  (sJwnin)  j§jA>  <a  merchant/  would  not  be 
distinguishable  from  shiyou-nin  (slionin)  f|A  <a  witness/  The  dis- 
advantage here  is  real,  but  not,  I  submit,  so  great  as  to  counterbalance 
the  advantages  I  have  enumerated.  I  do  not  think  the  number  of  words 
similarly  pronounced  to  be  numerous.  There  are  of  course  a  great 
many*  shO'  and  'jd,'  but  these  are  commonly  in  some  combination. 
Besides  the  kana  system  does  not  distinguish  between  the  many  '  sho  ' 
and  «jd'  spelt  &  a  $r  and  -p  «a  *r  respectively ;  it  distinguishes  at  the 
most  but  the  class  spelt  with  -V  $r  from  that  spelt  with  a  £r . 
yol.  vni.  83 

Digitized  by 


258  diodns:  the  kaka  translitbbation  system. 

In  cases  like  'omd'  (omoku),  'omd'  (omdfd),  'omoi*  (omoki, 
omoshi),  '  omoi '  (omofi),  I  think  it  might  he  advisable  to  spell '  omo'u ' 
(omoku),  '  omowu '  (omofu),  '  omo'i '  (omoki,  omoshi),  '  omowi * 
(omofi).  This  would  preserve  an  useful  eye- difference  without  introduc- 
tions of  phonetic  confusion.  Indeed  the  '  w '  in  '  omowu '  might  be  of 
service  in  conserving  a  slight  difference  of  pronunciation  between  '  omd ' 
(heavy)  and  *  omd  *  (to  think). 

Lastly,  the  Natural  System  would,  as  I  have  pointed  out,  tend 
indirectly  yet  powerfully  to  arrest  the  process  of  degradation  to  whicE 
literary  Japanese  more  especially,  but  the  spoken  language,  though  to 
a  less  degree,  as  well,  is  being  subjected. 


A    \  ^    iu        ^    iu  (iwu). 

fr  7  .  ' 

&  o  * 

p    ro  ro  rd  rou  (rowu). 

*  7  v         ' 

>*  ha       **  hd       ^   hau  (hawu).     When  h  is  not  aspirated,  wa. 

>*  pa. 
jt  ba. 

^   ni        ~"  niyo        *""  niu. 

*  ho       *  ho  hd  hou  (howu).     When  h  not  asp.  wo  or  o. 

tff  po. 

Tjr  bo. 

^  he       ^  hiyd.    When  h  not  asp.  ye  or  e. 

~e  pe. 
-<  be. 

t    to        *   td        '"to  tou  (town). 

Y  do. 

**   chi       **   cha  cho        -y   ch6        a  ch6     ~   chin. 

■v  =*  & 

Digitized  by 



f  Jl. 

»;  »; 

•  *  ; 




*  nu. 

ju-  ra. 

^  and  %  o 




ou  (owu 

)■  i 

JT  wa  ^,6  (wo  perhaps  better,  certainly  so  after  P   or   jf). 

*  ka  kd  kau  (kawu). 

*  Yo  ^  y°       a  yo  you  (yowu).    After  t  or  y  the  y  is  lost. 

»  ta  f  to        *  tan  (tawu). 

if  da. 

V  re  riyd  (?)  riyo,  riyou,  riyowa  (rewil). 

>  so 

£  * 

s6  son  (sowu) 

jr  zo. 

3>   tsu 

»    ""TO 

9  (?)  tsuu,  tsi 

y  dzu. 

•^  ne. 

7  ra 


7  rau  (rawu). 

•J-  na 


nau  (nawu). 

a  ma. 

£r  n  when  not  compounded  with  a  or  o  sound. 

;  no  nd  no  nou  (nowu). 

Digitized  by 



^   ku. 
if  gu. 

"V  ya       Z  y°  (?)  yaa  (yawu)«    Loses  y  after  ^ . 

<v  ma 

"*  mo            man  (mawu). 

*             y          *         } 

jr  ke 

*  kiyd. 

**  ge. 

7  fa  when  f  is  sounded,  otherwise  u  or  wu, 

7°  P*- 


•jr  bu. 

a   ko 

3   ko       a  ko  kou  (kowu). 

*  go. 

si  and 

*  ye    f!  y°     A  y°u  (yowu)  (y 

v            y 

•9-  sa 

*  so        *  san  (sawu). 

if  za. 

^  te 



5?  de 


7   a 

^6       ^  au  (awu). 

*f  ki       *  kiya       ^kiyo        a -V  kiyo. 

¥  gi. 

a.  yu  where  y  is  pronounced,  otherwise  u. 
>t    me       £  tniyd. 

s    mi        c    miya        =    miyo       a  if  miyo. 

Digitized  by 











hi  where  h  asp., 

,  otherwise 

i  or  wi. 





q&  mo      *  m6      *  m6  mou  (mowu). 

<te  se       1*  shd. 

*  -a 

V  ze        -    jo. 

*  su. 
X"  dzu. 

V  n. 

In  the  above  scheme  are  some  sounds  represented  which  I  am  not 
sure  exist  in  Japanese.  For  certain  of  the  iroha  combinations,  a  choice 
of  r oman  transliterations  is  offered ;  bat,  throughout,  the  phonetic  principle 
is  adhered  to  for  endings  such  as (*  ?)(-*  ?)  (*  b)(-*  b)  (*£  *).4 
I  cannot  quite  please  myself  between  (mou  mown)  (man  mawu)  (moi 
mowi)  (mai  mawi)  (md  mo'u).  On  the  whole  I  incline  in  each  case  to 
the  former  mode.  In  '  yefu/  to  be  drunk,  we  have  an  anomaly,  but 
throughout  the  conjugation  of  the  word  the  *  yo '  sound  is,  I  think, 
adhered  to.  With  double  consonants  I  should  write  the  mark  of  omission 
(');  thus,  ak'ki,  rip 'pa,  is'sho,  it'chi  (or  ic'chi?).  This  would  not 
be  unphonetic,  and  would  indicate  a  proper  stress  on  the  doubled 

I  have  written  the  foregoing  pages,  currente  calamo,  and  do  not 
put  forward  my  criticism  or  my  scheme  as  exhaustive  or  accurate.  It 
were  impossible  for  me,  having  no  authorities  at  hand  and  writing 
chiefly  from  memory,  to  submit  more  than  an  imperfect  sketch  of  what 
I  conceive  to  be  the  weak  points  in  the  kana  scheme,  and  of  a  better 

4  There  will  be  the  Sinioo-Japanese  ,«£  ijr  about  which  I  do  not  hesitate.  I 
represent  it  by  md.  Then  there  is  -=fc  £r ,  contraction  for  ^  9  ,  as  ^  ^  &  , 
heavy.    This  might  be  written  mo'u. 

Digitized  by 



system.  Bat  neither  distance  from  Japan  nor  the  pressure  of  other 
occupations  than  the  pleasant  one  of  discussing  cosas  ds  Japon  will  ever 
make  me  lose,  I  trust,  my  deep  interest  in  the  country  where  I  have 
spent  so  many  of  the  best  years  of  my  life — in  its  past  and  future,  in  its 
people,  their  fortunes,  language  and  literature.  And  I  hope  that  my 
desire  to  be  useful  in  this  matter  of  transliteration  will  stand  me  as 
seme  defence  for  inflicting  upon  the  society  the  foregoing  paper,  which 

1  feel  to  be  a  crude  presentment  of  imperfectly  thought-out  conceptions. 


2  Temple  Gardens, 
London,  October,  1879. 


The  President,  after  thanking  the  author,  and  also  Mr.  Dallas  for  reading  the 
paper,  suggested  that  a  phonetic  system  of  transliteration  might  be  found  useful  in 
providing  a  good  means  for  beginning  the  study  of  the  language,  as  had  been 
found  to  be  the  case  by  the  advocates  of  the  phonetic  spelling  of  English.  It  had 
to  be  borne  in  mind  that  no  phonetic  system  could  be  absolutely  accurate  in 
expressing  all  the  delicate  varieties  of  sound  in  any  one  language.  He  was  sorry 
to  see  that  Mr.  Satow  was  absent,  but  he  hoped  Mr.  Chamberlain  would  have 
something  to  say. 

In  reply  to  the  President's  invitation  to  address  the  meeting,  Mr.  Chanberlain, 
while  paying  a  tribute  to  Mr.  Dickins's  well-merited  reputation  as  a  Japanese 
scholar,  could  not  help  drawing  attention  to  the  fact  that,  in  citing  as  a  parallel 
to  the  "orthographic"  spelling  of  Japanese  the  historic  method  of  spelling  our 
own  tongue  which  is  now  so  very  generally  condemned  by  scientific  philologists, 
Mr.  Dickins  had  coupled  together  two  things  between  which  there  is  scarcely  any 
resemblance.  The  common  English  spelling  is  not  consistently  etymological,  nor 
indeed  consistent  in  any  way.  The  Japanese  spelling  of  all  native  words  t« 
indisputably  etymological.  Even  if  Mr.  Dickins's  contention  against  the  value  of 
the  etymologies  of  words  borrowed  from  the  Chinese  be  admitted  for  the  sake  of 
argument,  it  was  already  abundantly  shown  in  Mr.  Satow's  original  paper  on  the 
subject  of  transliteration  that  it  would  be  highly  inconvenient  to  allow  the 
romanization  of  such  words  to  proceed  on  a  different  principle  to  the  romanization 
of  words  of  native  origin.  The  most  trenchant  arguments  by  which  the  phonetio 
reformers  of  England,  and  of  one  or  two  continental  countries  support  their 
proposed  innovations  therefore  fall  to  the  ground  in  this  glace.    If,  following  Mr. 

Digitized  by 



Dickins's  example,  European  precedents  are  to  be  brought  forward,  let  us 
rather  adduce  that  of  Greece,  whose  case  is  almost  exactly  parallel  to  the  case  of 
Japan.  There,  too,  there  is  an  ancient  tongue,  the  vehicle  of  almost  all  the 
literature,  and  a  modern  dialect  whose  pronunciation  is  so  much  corrupted  that,  to 
say  nothing  of  other  peculiarities,  no  fewer  than  seven  letters  or  combinations  of 
letters  are  spoken  with  the  one  sound  i,  reminding  one  of  the  variously  written 
Japanese  o's,  whose  unfamiliar  spelling  has  of  late  been  made  the  butt  of  so  much 
ridicule.  Would  now,  let  it  be  asked,  any  one  seriously  propose  that  Greek  as*  a 
whole,— ancient  literary  Greek  as  well  as  modern  colloquial  Greek — should  be 
spelt  according  to  the  present  Athenian  pronunciation,  simply  on  the  score  of  the 
greater  convenience  of  such  a  plan  to  the  few  foreigners  resident  in  the  Greek 
ports  ?  But  it  is  thus  that  our  Japanese  phonetists  ask  us  to  act :  in  order  to 
facilitate  the  reading  of  some  few  names  of  places,  steamers  and  such  like  to 
English  persons  unacquainted  or  imperfectly  acquainted  with  the  Japanese  lan- 
guage, we  are  to  commit  the  anachronism  of  transliterating  the  traditional  standard 
tongue,  which  is  centuries  old,  according  to  the  modern  pronunciation  of  Tedo, 
which  may  be  different  a  hundred  years  hence  from  what  it  is  to-day;  for 
pronunciation  is  a  thing  that  is  of  its  nature  fluctuating,  and  a  system  of 
writing  which  follows  it  therefore  of  necessity  unstable.  Referring  to  Mr. 
Dickins's  animadversion  on  his  (Mr.  Chamberlain's)  distinction  of  two  tongues 
classed  under  the  one  denomination  of  "  Japanese,"  he  could  only  reassert  that, 
quite  apart  from  the  influence  of  Chinese  words,  the  native  language  had  in  the 
course  of  centuries  suffered  such  modifications  that  the  older  written  and  the 
younger  spoken  form  differed  as  much  from  each  other  as  Latin  and  Italian.  The 
grammatical  terminations  were  different,  and  even  such  common  words  as  "to 
be,"  "I"  and  uyou"  were  different.  The  comparison  drawn  between  usual 
English  and  the  stilted  English  that  flowed  from  Johnson's  pen  was,  therefore, 
misleading  because  insufficient.  The  disagreement  between  the  advocates  of  • 
phonetic  and  those  of  "orthographic"  spelling  was  doubtless  one  which  it  were 
vain  ever  to  hope  to  see  changed  into  unanimity,  as  the  first  principles  which  each 
party  takes  as  the  basis  of  its  opinions  are  diametrically  opposed.  But  if  the  final 
vote  of  public  opinion  were  to  be  given  against  the  "  orthographists,"  Mr. 
Chamberlain  could  not  but  hope  that  Dr.  Hepburn's  system  would  be,  of  the  many 
competing  phonetic  systems,  the  one  in  favour  of  which  the  community  would 
decide.  Dr.  Hepburn's  system  has  some  strange  inconsistencies  (e.  g.  the 
treatment  of  the  letters  *ch'  and  '],*)  but  at^east  it  aims  at  being  a  true 
representation  of  the  sounds  that  meet  the  ear.  In  Mr.  Dickins's  paper,  on  the 
other  hand,  we  are  no  sooner  enlightened  by  the  phonetic  rule  than  we  stumble 
across  the  historic  exceptions,  and  after  being  told  shiyau  and  shiyou  are 
altogether  irrationally  divergent  representatives  of  the  one  sound  sho,  we  have 
perforce  to  accommodate  ourselves  to  omou  and  omowu  as  written  equivalents  of 
the  one  sound  omd.  No ;  logic  compels  us  to  adopt  one  consistent  system,  be  it  a 
strictly  phonetic  one,  or  else  the  "  orthographical "  one  which  is  advocated  by  Mr. 

Digitized  by 



Satow  and  his  supporters,  and  which,  leas  ambitions  than  the  proposal  now  before 
the  meeting,  does  not  undertake  to  make  a  revolution  in  the  speech  of  the  Empire, 
bnt  only  sets  to  itself  the  humbler,  but  more  practicable,  task  of  representing  in 
Boman  letters  the  Japanese  written  language  such  as  it  was  and  is. 

Mr.  Bramsen  said  that,  however  much  he  should  have  liked  to  make  a  few 
remarks  on  Mr.  Dickins's  paper,  and  on  the  subject  of  a  uniform  and  general 
system  of  transliteration,  he  was  sorry  to  say  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  any  labors  in  this  direction  would,  at  present,  be  entirely  thrown  away.  In 
his  opinion  it  was  hopeless  to  think  of  any  such  universal  system,  when  we  have 
evidence  before  us  that  this  learned  society,  which  must  be  supposed  to  consist 
of  those  who  would  take  most  interest  in  such  matters,  has  not  yet  brought 
itself  to  adopt  a  fixed  system  of  transliteration  in  its*  transactions.  Not  only  do 
the  various  contributors  follow  different  systems  of  writing,  but  in  some  papers  no 
method  at  all  is  followed,  and  the  same  words  on  one  page  are  written  according 
to  some  phonetic  system,  and  on  the  next  in  conformity  with  the  historical 
(orthographic)  system.  The  speaker  thought  it  was  high  time  that  something 
was  done  to  ameliorate  this  deplorable  state  of  affairs,  and  he  therefore  gave 
notice  that  he  intended  at  the  next  meeting  to  make  the  following  proposal : 
"  That  three  members  of  the  Council  and  three  ordinary  members  of  the  Society 
be  chosen  by  this  meeting  to  form  a  committee  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  consider 
what  measures  can  be  taken  to  ensure  some  kind  of  uniformity  in  the  transliteration 
of  Japanese  words  in  the  Society's  Transactions;  and  that  the  result  of  their 
deliberations,  in  the  form  of  some  rule,  be  placed  before  a  General  Meeting 
for  adoption.*' 

Mr.  Dallas  said  that,  alike  with  Mr.  Dickins,  he  felt  very  great  diffidence 
in  putting  forth  an  opinion  in  opposition  to  that  held  by  scholars  of  such  eminence 
as  Mr.  Satow  and  Mr.  Chamberlain,  but  it  appeared  to  him  that  they  allowed 
it  to  be  inferred  that  the  orthodox  mode  of  expressing  Japanese  words  in  Eana, — 
which  forms  the  basis  of  their  Kana-transliteration  system,— is  generally  known 
to  the  people  of  Japan  to  somewhat  the  same  extent  as  the  accepted  spelling 
of  English  is  known  to  the  population  of  England.  His  own  experience  was  that 
the  contrary  was  the  case,  and  that  only  an  extremely  small  percentage  of  the 
well-educated  class  had  any  acquaintance  with  what  Mr.  Chamberlain  had  well 
termed  the  "historical"  mode  of  writing  in  Eana.  Some  years  ago,  when 
preparing  a  paper  for  this  Society  during  a  residence  in  the  interior,  where  the 
loeal  dialect  very  greatly  mauled  the  pronunciation,  his  only  mode  of  getting  at 
the  pronunciation  accepted  in  T6kiy6  or  Eiydto  was  to  ascertain  how  a  character 
was  expressed  in  Eana;  and  he  was  supprised  to  find  that  out  of  a  class  of  some 
twenty  young  men  of  from  eighteen  to  five  and  twenty  years  of  age,  most  of  whom 
were  tolerably  good  Chinese  scholars,  only  two  seemed  to  be  at  all  certain  of 
the  mode  of  spelling,  and  even  these  had  constantly  to  refer  to  the  dictionary. 
He  quite  agreed  with  Mr.  Chamberlain  that  in  any  attempt  to  romanize  Japanese 
the  point  to  be  kept  in  view  was  its  practical  utility  to  the  Japanese  rather  than 

Digitized  by 



the  convenience  of  foreigners  unacquainted  with  the  language,  but  he  thought 
that  it  should  be  made  useful  to  the  millions,  whose  intercourse  is  restricted 
by  the  extreme  difficulty  of  their  present  method  of  writing,  rather  than  to  the 
limited  number  of  highly  educated  men  who  have  so  thoroughly  mastered  the 
present  system  as  to  be  able  to  express  themselves  in  it  with  facility.  Few  errors 
are  more  common  among  foreigners  than  that  of  supposing  that  the  majority 
of  Japanese  are  able  to  readily  read  and  write.  It  must  surely  be  in  the  every-day 
experience  of  those  members  of  the  Society,  who  are  not  themselves,  independent 
ot  such  aid,  that,  if  they  ask  an  average  Japanese  to  read  a  letter  for  them, 
he  does  not  read  it  as  it  is  written,  but  merely  renders  the  sense  of  it  in  his  own 
words,  and  if  pressed  for  the  actual  words  of  the  writer,  he  will  have  to  confess  that 
he  cannot  give  them.  While  the  written  and  spoken  languages  differ  as  much  as 
they  do*,  it  is  no  paradox,  but  a  simple  fact,  to  say  that  the  ordinary  Japanese 
cannot  write  what  he  speaks,  and  cannot  read  what  he  writes  1  The  great 
advantage  of  romanization  would  be  that  it  would  allow  the  spoken  language  to  be 
expressed  on  paper,  and  thus  bring  letter-writing  within  the  reach  of  millions 
of  the  population  who  now  never  attempt  it.  A  financier  might  safely  predict  that 
were  romanization  of  Japanese  to  be  generally  introduced  into  \he  lower  grade* 
schools  throughout  the  country  ,*it  would  in  a  few  years  produce  a  very  material 
increase  in  the  revenue  of  the  Post  Office.  In  discussing,  then,  the  merits  of 
a  Phonetic  or  Eana  transliteration,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  either  system 
would  be  equally  new  to  the  people  at  large,  and  Mr.  Dickins's  point  cannot 
be  too  strongly  insisted  on,  that,  the  question  for  the  Japanese  is  not  one  of  reforma- 
tion but  one  of  creation.  If  this  be  granted,  and  overwhelming  evidence  of  its  truth  , 
is  within  reach  of  every  resident  in  Japan,  the  advantages  that  Mr.  Dickins  has  so 
ably  urged  of  a  phonetic,  over  any  other  system,  historical  or  etymological,  can 
hardly  be  gainsaid.  He  (the  speaker)  would  not  occupy  the  time  of  the  meeting 
by  entering  into  those  minor  details,  in  respect  of  .which  he  would  like  to  suggest 
modifications  to  Mr.  Dickins's  scheme,  as  such  points  would  be  more  conveniently 
discussed  before  the  committee  contemplated  by  the  motion  of  which  Mr.  Bramsen 
had  just  given  notice. 

Mr.  Bramsen  said :— Although  before  coming  to  this  meeting  I  had  made 
up  my  mind  not  to  join  in  any  discussion,  the  temptation  is  too  great,  and  I 
cannot  help  saying  that  I  share  in  Mr.  Dallas's  opinion,  that  the  Japanese  are  not 
well  posted  in  the  use  of  the  Eana.  I  have  made  frequent  experiments  in  this 
direction,  and  one  of  them  seems  to  me  to  be  very  striking.  I  have  a  highly- 
educated  and  well-read  friend,  by  name  Shoda.  I  once  asked  him :  how  dp  you 
spell  the  first  part  of  your  name,  Shiyau,  Shiyou,  Seu  or  Sefu?  My  friend 
answered :  I  write  it  thus : — at  the  same  time  putting  down  on  the  paper  one 
Chinese  character.  But,  I  said,  how  do  you  write  it  in  Kana  ?  To  which  he  replied : 
"1  do  not  know,  and  I  do  not  care  to  know  I "  And  this  was  the  very  point  on 
which  the  parallel  drawn  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  with  modern  Greek  did  not  hold 
good.  The  Greeks  do  write  in  their  alphabet,  and  cannot  write  in'any  other  way ; 
vol.  vm.  34 

Digitized  by 


( aw ) 

while  the  Japanese  do  not  write  in  the  Eana.  The  proposers  of  the  new  ortho- 
graphical system  thus  actually  require  foreigners  to  do  what  the  Japanese  cannot 
do  themselves. 

Mr.  Ewing  remarked  that  it  was  quite  possible  that  the  changes  in  the 
pronunciation  of  a  language  to  which  Mr.  Chamberlain  referred  were  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  language  was  not  spelt  phonetically,  in  which  case  the  objection  to 
phonetic  spelling  as  requiring  change  from  time  to  time  would  be  invalid.  It  was 
quite  true,  as  .the  President  had  observed,  that  no  phonetic  system  could  hope  to 
represent  all  the  minute  varieties  of  sound  present  in  a  language.  Each  symbol 
must  represent  a  group  of  very  closely  allied  sounds  rather  than  a  single  definite 
sound,  and  within  this  range  variation  might  occur.  But  once  a  language  was 
spelt  phonetically,  we  should  expect  the  subsequent  variations  of  pronunciation  to 
be  confined  within  those  limits  which  determined  the  actual  range  of  pnonetio 
value  possessed  by  any  one  symbol  when  the  spelling  was  first  fixed. 

Digitized  by 


(  267  ) 


By  R.  W.  Atkinson,  B.  Sc.  (Lond.) 

[Read  February  10,  1880.] 

It  was  my  intention  to  have  made  an  extended  series  of  analyses 
of  the  clays  used  in  the  principal  centres  of  the  porcelain  manufacture 
in  this  country,  but  other  work  has  so  seriously  interfered  with  this 
investigation  that  the  results  hitherto  obtained  are  merJly  fragmentary, 
and  as  there  is  no  probability  of  my  being  able  to  continue  the 
examination  of  this  subject,  I  have  thought  it  better  to  publish  such 
analyses  as  have  already  been  made,  in  the  hope  that  they  may  be 
found  of  some  use  to  those  who  have  time  and  opportunity  to  continue 
the  investigation.  Most  of  the  analyses  were  made  by  my  assistants* 
and  by  the  students  of  the  third  and  fourth  years,  in  the  laboratory 
of  the  University  #of  Tokiyd.  Some  were  made  by  myself,  and  I  have 
also,  in  other  cases,  confirmed  the  results  obtained  by  others. 

A  year  or  two  ago  Professor  H.  Wurtz  published  a  report  upon  the* 
composition  of  the  porcelain  clays  from  Arita,  which  were  exhibited  in 
the  Japanese  section  of  the  Philadelphia  Exhibition,  and  as  this  report 
is  not  very  accessible,  I  have  thought  it  of  sufficient  interest  to  add  the 
analyses  obtained  by  him,  especially  as  they  supplement  those  obtained 

It  is  a  matter  of  some  doubt  whether  there  is  a  body  of  one  definite 
chemical  composition  existing  in  all  porcelain  clays.  Messrs.  Johnson 
and  Blake  (Am.  J.  Sc.-Art.  s.  2,  xliii.  351)  have  established  the 
composition  of  a  mineral  which  they  found  in  many  kinds  of  porcelain 
clay,  and  have  represented  it  by  the  formula 

Ala03.2SiOa  +  2H20? 
which  would  correspond  to  46.88  per  cent  of  silica,  89.77  per  cent  of 

Digitized  by 



alumina,  and  18.9  per  cent  of  water.  To  the  presence  of  this  mineral 
in  a  state  of  minute  subdivision  they  attribute  the  plasticity  of  clays. 
Dr.  Percy,  in  the  last  edition  of  his  work  on  "  Metallurgy,"  Vol.  I., 
p.  94,  gives  a  similar  composition  to  a  white,  soapy  substance  obtained 
from  Anglesea,  and  regards  the  following  conclusions  as  established  : — 
I-. — Crystallized  kaolinite  is  a  definite  compound. 
11.— Many  kaolins  and  other  clays  are  identical  with  crystallized  kaolinite 

in  composition. 
III. — Crystallized  kaolinite  exists  in  clays  which  vary  considerably  in 

external  characters,  and  occur  under  different  geological  conditions, 

as  well  as  in  localities  remote  from  one  another,  e.g.,  Europe  and 

America.  * 

IV. — It  is  demonstrable  that  many  clays  consist  of  kaolinite  intermixed 

with  free  silica  and  other  matter. 

The  result  of  Prof.  Wurtz's  analyses  was  to  show  that  out  of  8 
specimens  .of  the  material  used  at  Arita,  one  only,  that  from  Kudaru- 
yama,  contained  less  than* 74. 5  per  cent  of  silica,  and  he  therefore  drew 
the  startling  conclusion  that  the  porcelain  of  Japan  was  not  prepared 
from  porcelain  clay  at  all.     His  words  are : — 

"  From  these  analyses  it  will  be  seen  that  the  egg-shell  porcelain 
ware  is  made  without  kaolin,  being  compounded,  as  to  its  body,  solely 
of  petuntze-like,  or  petro-Biliceous  minerals.  The  Chinese  proverb  that 
*  while  the  petuntze  constitutes  the  flesh  of  porcelain,  kaolin  must  form 
its  bones/  is,  therefore,  altogether  inapplicable." 

■  Petuntze  is  usually  regarded  as  a  felspathic  rock,  but  what  the* 
Chinese  mean  by  the  term  is  said  by  Sir  Henry  de  la  JBeche  (Catalogue 
of  Specimens  of  British  Pottery  and  Porcelain  in  the  Museum  of  the 
Royal  School  of  Mines,  p.  9)  to  be  involved  in  some  difficulty.  He  says: 
"  Petun  signifies  a  white  paste,  and  the  suffix  tse  is  merely  a  diminutive 
applied  to  the  material  when  made  into  the  usual  form  of  small  cakes  or  ' 
bricks.  It  appears,  indeed,  that  several  substances  used  in  the 
manufacture  of  porcelain,  prepared  in  the  form  of  white  tablets,  pass 
under  the ,  common  name  of  petuntze ;  but  by  D'Entrecolles  the  name 
was  restricted  to  the  fusible  ingredient  of  the  paste,  and,  therefore,  has 
generally  been  considered  to  denote  a  substance  resembling  our  Cornish 
China  stone,  which  is  an  aggregate  of  felspar,  usually  more  or  less 

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decomposed,  and  quartz,  commonly  associated  with  a  talcose  mineral ; 
in  fact  a  disintegrated  granitic  rock  resembling  the  pegmatite  of  certain 

According  to  Wurtz,  then,  the  "egg-shell  porcelain  is  formed  from 
this  decomposed  felspathic  rock  alone,  without  admixture,  as  is  usual  in 
other  places,  with  any  kaolin.  Results  agreeing  generally  with  these 
are  given  by  Giimbel  (Dingl.  Polyt.  J.  ccxxvii.  500-502),  who  examined 
specimens  of  clay  from  Arita,  and  compared  the  results  with  the 
analysis  of  egg-shell  porcelain  made  by  Malaguti  at  S&vrGs.  He 
examined  6  specimens,  only  one  of  which  was  earthy,  and  agreed  almost 
exactly  with  the  analysis  given  by  Wurtz  of  the  Kudaru-yama  clay. 
His  conclusion  is,  however,  that  the  egg-Bhell  porcelain  could  be 
produced  by  mixing  2  parts  of  the  stone  with  1  part  of  the  earth. 

These  results  are  of  some  importance,  but  it  remains  to  be  seen 
whether  the  conclusions  are  borne  out  by  the  examintftion  of  a  large 
number  of  specimens  from  other  districts.  In  the  analyses' given  in  this 
note  of  clays  from  various  porcelain-  districts,  several  will  be  found 
having  a  low  percentage  of  silica  and  a  correspondingly  high  one  of 
alumina.  The  specimen  used  for  the  body  of  the  ware  from  Mino  is  as 
high  as  any  of  the  Arita  clays,  whilst  the  Banko  clays  occupy  an 
intermediate  position  between  the  petro- siliceous  minerals  and  kaolin. 
The  clays  obtained  from  Owari,  Kdfu  and  Shigaraki  contain  from  54  to 
59  per  cent  of  silica,  and  26  to  82  per  cent  of  alumina,  proportions  which 
bring  them  nearer  to  the  true  clays.  Unfortunately,  only  one  of  the 
kinds  of  clay  used  in  the  manufacture  of  the  Eiyomidzu  ware  was 
analyzed,  although  5  kinds  are  there  used.  *For  the  body  of  the  ware, 
two  kinds  obtained  near  Kiyoto  are  mixed  with  one  from  Shigaraki,  in 
Omi,  the  composition  of  which  is  given. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  Awata  ware  three  kinds  of  clay  are 
mixed  in  equal  proportions  tcf  form  the  body  of  the  ware,  one  from  Eiy6to 
and  two  from  Omi.  The  two  latter  approach  kaolin  in  composition, 
whilst  the  former  is  a  peturitze-like  mineral.  The  Satsuma  clays  were 
given  to  me  by  Mr.  Satow,  and  were  obtained  by  him  at  the  time  of  his 
visit  described  in  his  paper  on  "  The  Korean  Potters  of  Satsuma."*  The 
first  one,  marked  "Nara  ash,"  is  evidently  only  carbonate  of  lime, 
although  from  the  name  one  might  expect  a  different  composition.    Two 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 


of  the  remaining  clays  have  a  high  percentage  of  silica,  amounting  to 
78  and  77  per  cent ;  the  others  vary  from  51.79  to  60.72  per  cent.  No. 
6  is  frequently  described  as  "Kaseda  sand,"  but'from  the  amount  of 
alumina,  and  from  the  large  amount  of  alkalies  it  contains,  it  seems  to 
be  mixed  with  a  good  deal  of  undecomposed  felspar. 

From  the  above  analyses,  fragmentary  as  they  are,  I  think  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  conclusions  of  Prof.  Wurtz  cannot  be  extended  to  all 
Japanese  porcelain.  Further  information,  however,  is  much  needed,  and 
I  trust  that  the  labours  of  the  members  of  the  recently  established 
geological  survey  of  Japan  may  lead  to  results  of  great  importance. 

.  I  have  thought  it  useful  to  append  a  table  giving  the  composition  of 
the  various  ingredients  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  colour  employed 
to  decorated  the  porcelain,  which  are  also  the  same  as  are  used  for  the 
production  of  cloisonne  enamel  (shippo  yaki). 

As  a  contribution  to  the  history  of  pottery  in  this  country,  I  venture 
to  add  a  translation  of  an  inscription  which  appears  on.  a  porcelain 
memorial  stone  erected  at  Seto  to  Shunkei,  the  Father  of  Pottery,  which 
was  given  to  me  when  on  a  visit, 


The  "Father  of  Pottery"  belonged  to  the  Fujiwara  family,  and  was 
named  Kagemasa,  though  usually  known  as  Katd'Shirozayemon.  His 
artist-name  was  Shunkei,  written  in  two  different  manners,  and  the 
epithet  of  "  Father  of  Pottery  "  was  given  to  him  after  his  death.  He 
was  descended  from  Tachibana  Tomosada,  an  inhabitant  of  Michikage 
village  in  the  township  of  Morowa,  province  of  Yamato.  Tomosada 
begot  Motoyasu,  and  Motoyasu  begot  the  "Father  of  Pottery." 
Motoyasu,  for  some  offence  or  other,  was  banished  to  Matsut6  in  Bizen. 
His  mother  was  the  daughter  of  Michikage,  an  inhabitant  of  Fukakusa 
in  Yamashiro,  who  belonged  to  the  Taira  family.  The  "Father  of 
Pottery,"  while  still  a  child,  was  fond  of  kneading  clay  and  making 
earthenware  vessels,  but  always  regretted  that  his  skill  was  inferior  to 
that*  of  foreign  countries  (i.e.,  China),  and  he  formed  the  intention  of 
going  abroad  to  study.  When  her  grew  up  he  entered  the  service  of  the 
Dainagon  (councillor)  Koga  Michichika,  and  was  created  Shodaibu  with 

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the  5th  rank.  He  eventually  accompanied  Michichika's  second  son,  the 
priest  Ddgen,  to  China,  in  the  16th  year  of  the  period  Eatei  (1228). 
He  remained  there  studying  during  six  years,  and  on  his  return  landed 
(lit*  furled  sails)  at  Kawajiri  in  Higo.  Whilst  on  board  he  made  three 
small  pots  with  earth  which  he  had  brought  with  him,  which  he  presented 
to  Hdjd  Tokiyori,  the  Shdgun's  lieutenant,  and. to  Dogen.  These  were 
afterward  handed  down  in  Japan  as  curious  treasures.  The  "  Father  of 
Pottery  "  was  twenty-six  years  old  when  he  returned,  and  at  once  paid 
a  visit  to  his  father  in  his  place  of  exile,  where  he  stopped  awhile  and 
made  pots.  He  next  visited  his  mother  at  Fukakusa,  but  after  her 
death,  which  took  place  shortly  afterwards,  he  made  experiments  in 
potting  at  Kiyoto  and  in  the  neighbouring  provinces.  He  also  made 
experiments  in  the  two  departments  of  Chita  and  Aichi  in  this  province 
(i.e.  Owari),  but  without  success.  At  last  he  came  to  the  village  of 
Seto,  in  Yamada  department  in  this  province.  Here  he  saw  to  his 
astonishment  the  earth  called  Sobokai.  He  said:  "The  situation 
faees  the  south,  while  the  hills  are  high,  the  water  clear,  and 
the  quality  of  the  earth  similar  to  what  I  brought  back  with 
me"  (from  China).  So  he  commenced  to  work  in  this  place,  and 
during  the  rest  of  his  life  never  moved  elsewhere.  Some  say  that  the 
grandmother  of  the  "  Father  of  Pottery  "  found  this  good  earth  in  the 
Amaike  Cave  (?)  at  Seto,  and  brought  some  of  it  home  in  the  bosom  of 
her  dress,  whence  it  was  called  Sobokai  (grandmother's  bosom).  Accord* 
ing  to  another  account  the  Sobokai  was  discovered  by  the  "  Father  of 
Pottery  "  in  a  dream,  after  he  had  prayed  to  the  god  Fukagawa  of  the 
temple  in  Seto  village.  Seto  village  formerly  belonged  to  Yamada 
department,  but  now  forms  part  of  Kasugai  department,  and  was 
probably  in  ancient  times  a  good  place  for  potting.  We  learn  from  the 
Ni-hon-ko-ki,  Yen-gi-shiki,  Wa-miyd-shd,  Ch6-ya  Gun-sai  and  other  books 
that  in  those  periods  the  Court  ordered  pottery  from  this  province,  and 
always  from  that  department.  The  subsequent  success  of  the  "  Father 
of  Pottery  "  was  facilitated  by  the  knowledge  he  possessed  of  what  had 
been  done  before  his  time.  The  site  where  the  house  of  the  '•'  Father  of 
Pottery  "  stood  is  called  Nakajima,  and  lies  among  the  rice  fields  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  Fukagawa  temple- in  the  village  of  Seto.  A  single 
eryptomeria  planted  there  marks  the  spot.    North  of  this  again  is  a  pltfce 

Digitized  by 



called  Yen-cho-An.  It  is  said  that  the  "  Father  of  Pottery  "  in  his  later 
years  entrusted  the  family  affairs  to  his  son*  The  "  Father  of  Pottery ' ' 
fixed  upon  this  place,  and  his  wife  upon  the  family  plot  of  land,  to  build 
houses  to  end  their  days  in.  The  books  afford  no  information  as  to  the  date 
of  the  death  of  the  "  Father  of  Pottery."  His  tomb  is  called  the  "  Mound 
of  the  Fifth  Eank."  On  the  left  of  the  village  there  is  an  old  kiln  of  his . 
called  Mashiro.  Nothing  actually  made  or  handled  by  him  remains 
there ;  but  it  is  said  that  a  pair  of  lions  used  as  weights  for  the  blind  at 
the  village  temple  were  made  by  his  hand,  and  one  of  those  is  lost. 
Those  inhabitants  of  the  village  who  have  to  in  their  surnames  are  his 
descendants.  They  have  built  a  temple  to  his  memory  called  Buyehiko 
no  yashiro  (temple  of  the  potter-hero),  and  also  Kama  no  Kami  (the  kiln 
god).  There  are  two  regular  festivals  on  the  19th  days  of  the  3rd  and 
8th  months.  In  the  3rd  month  the  dance  of  the  wooden  lion's  mask  is 
exhibited,  in  the  8th  there  are  horse-races.  His  son  Td-go-rd,  his 
grandson  U-shi-r6  and  their  descendants  continued  to  exercise  his 
profession.  It  was  said  of  old  "the  merits-of  the  nine  services  should 
all  be  sung,"  and  were  spbken  of  as  "  the  nine  songs".  The  "Father of 
Pottery  "  had  one  of  those  merits,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  we  should 
not  celebrate  his  merits  in  song,  in  order  to  encourage  others  and  preserve 
the  art  from  decay.    I  therefore  sing  as  follows.1 

Then  follows  a  copy  of  verses,  the  translation  of  which  has  not 
been  attempted,  as  it  would,  require  an  excessive  amount  of  notes  by 
way  of  elucidation. 

1Thifl  is  a  reference  to  the  following  passage  from  the  Shoo  King  (Legge's 
Edition,  vol.  i.,  page  55).  "  Virtue  is  seen  in  the  goodness  of  the  government, 
and  the  government  is  tested  by  its  nourishing  of  the  people.  There  are  water, 
fire,  metal,  wood,  earth  and  grain — these  must  be  duly  regulated :  there  are  the 
rectification  of  the  people's  virtue,  the  conveniences  of  life,  and  the  securing 
abundant  means  of  qustentation :  these  must  be  harmoniously  attended  to.  When 
the  nine  services  thus  indicated  Have  been  orderly  accomplished,  let  that 
accomplishment  be  celebrated  by  songs.  Caution  the  people  with  gentle  words, 
correct  them  with  the  majesty  of  law ;  stimulate  them  with  the  songs  on  those 
nine  subjects."  The  application  of  earth  to  the  use  of  man'  by  means  of  the 
potter's  art  is  one  of  the  "  nine  services  "  which  were  to  be  celebrated  with  songs, 
and  the  author  of  the  inscription,  proceeds  to  do  this  in  the  Chinese  poem  which 

Digitized  by 




Thick  body. 

Egg-shell  porcelain 



•  • 


CO  t*»  GO  CO  Oi  U3  00 

•  co  3*»*co  i-  53  t*  o 

•  t-  OD  CO  CN  ©  OS  « 

loo  t^  *  *  *i-i 

r    • 


•hco^od      -*    a»   »o 











Indo  tsuohi  (hard  grains) . 


Sakaime-tsuchi . 



09  00*0*0  ^CO     G> 

HN(OH  eo 

t*»H  00  C* 

SCO  CO  00 

i>  oi  od  r4       .•  f-i 

t*3   -   » 


£SS8g    83  .  .  . 

|>  oj  ^  ^  ©   rt  CO  »H     •     •  ji 

CO  00^  »H  H     '     !     I4* 



5  o>  *o  co  co  a*  op  co 

)G0O>^AtOOH      • 
>  rH  OOrHp^JlOO      •    |J 

oo«4o»co      o>**i-i 

iH  00OSCO  0>^Ud  . 
kOiHCOCO  jjOt^W  h 
CNOOtO  *iH     ""** 




o  g 




vol.  nn. 


Digitized  by 























Water •. 












Carbonic  acid 



Oxide  of  lead 

Oxide  of  copper 

Oxide  of  iron 

Oxide,  of  aluminium  .... 

Oxide  of  cobalt 

Oxide  of  manganese  .... 

Lime    • 




t  .50 















% . . . 
























Combined  water 



Ferric  oxide  .. 





Carbonic  acid.. 







'  .26 




















































Digitized  by 







Combined  water. 



Ferric  oxide...... 





Carbonic  acid  . . . 




.  4.785 








"  .48 





































•  •  *  • 








100.88   99.84 







Shira  tama 


Hino-woka  Seki 

Tdgnnjd  (ultramarine)  < 
Bengara  .... 



Tdshirome  a 


Murasaki    . . 




4  or  5 


8  Toshirome  is  metallic  antimony 

Digitized  by 
















.  w 

:  ? 


•    • 


:  B 




J  9.18 







Combined  water 













Silica  .,...' 


Alumina • 


Ferric  oxide 




Magnesia   \ 






Soda   * 

Carbonic  acid    ........  s 


Digitized  by 


(  277  ) 



By  Basil  Hall  Chamberlain. 

[Read  March  9th,  1880.] 

[The  following  is  a  translation  from  a  small  volume  containing  the 
memoirs  of  two  women  named  respectively  An  and  Kiku,  which  came 
into  the  present  writer's  hands  at  a  time  when  he  was  preparing  a  paper 
for  this  Society  on  the  Mediaeval  Colloquial  Dialect  of  the  Comedies.1 
Dating,  as  the  document  does,  but  a  couple  of  centuries,  back,  it  was  too 
recent  to  be  made  use  of  for  the  above-mentioned  philological  purpose; 
but  one  of  the  stories,  at  least,  seems  worthy  of  perusal  for  its  own  sake, 
notwithstanding  its  sketchiness  and  absence  of  all  pretensions  to  literary, 
skill.  For  the  student  of  Japanese,  who  has  flung  down  in  disgust  the 
dry,  colourless,  and  withal  stilted  productions  which  in  this*  country 
are  dignified  with  the  name  of  history,  seems  to  see  light  again  when  the 
gossipping  pen  of  some  ol<jl  beldame  like  Mistress  An  .brings  before  his 
eyes  the  actualities  of  the  life  of  those  old  and  by  no  means  pleasant  days, 
and  shows  him  that  the  people,  who  in  the  pages  of  the  "  Guwai-shi  " 
or  the  "  Mikaha  Fuu-do-ki "  would  be  made  to  mouth  fine  sentiments 
in  antithetical  Chinese  phrases,  were*  really  live  men  and  women  like 
those  we  now  meet  and  speak  to  in  the  Yedo  streets.  Care  has  been 
taken  to  reproduce  the  original  with  as  strict  fidelity  as  the  divergence 
between  the  English  and  Japanese  idioms  will  allow,  and,  at  the  close, 
a  page  of  the  Japanese  text  has  been  printed  for  the  benefit  of  those 

^See  "  Transactions  ol  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan,"  vol.  vi.',  pt.  8. 


who  may  be  interested  in  Japanese  dialects.  Truly,  in  speech  as  in  other 
matters,  the  improvement  daring  the  last  two  and  a  half  centuries  of 
peace  has  been  wonderful.] 

The  children  having  {gathered  round  Mistress  Aii  with  cries  of 
"  Oh  !  do  tell  us  about  the  olden  times, "  she  commenced  as  follows : — 

"My  father,  Yamada  Kiyoreki,  was  a  retainer  of  my  %r&  Ishida, 
Assistant  Vice-President  of  the  Board  of  Rites,  and  lived  at  Hikone  in 
the  province  of  Afumi ;  and  afterwards,  when  my  l<?rd  had  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt,  was  shut  up  in  the  castle  of  Ohogaki  in  the  province 
of  Mino.*  He  and  all  the  rest  <jf  us, — there  we  were  shut  up'together ; 
and  a  very  curious  circumstance  I  remember  in  connection  with  it. 
Every  night  just  about  twelve  o'clock  there  came  the  voices  of,  I  should 
say,  some  thirty  people,  men  and  women.  Who  they  were,  wo  knew 
not ;  but  we  could  hear  them  shouting  out,  *  General  Tanaka !  hoy ! 
General  Tanaka  !  ugh  !  ugh  1  '—the  same,  night  after  night.  Gracious 
me !  how  it  made  you  shudder  !  After  that,  His  HigHhess  Iheyasu  sent  a 
large  force  to  lay  siege  to  the  castle,  and  we  had  fighting  day  and  night, 
and  Tanaka  was  the  name  of  the  besieging  general. 

"  When  our  cannon8  were  to  be  fired,  notice  was  sent  round  to  all 
within  the  precincts  of  the  castle,  the  reason  being  that  the  report  of  the 
cannon  terrified  every  one  by  shaking  the  turrets,  and  seeming  almost  to 
make. the  ground  split  in  two,  so  that  the  less  courageous, — such  as  the 
women, — would  faint  right  off;  and  for  that  reason  notice  was  given 

8  The*"  revolt  "  here  alluded  to  is  the  war  which  ensued  on  the  death  of  Hide- 
yoshi in  A.  d.  1598.  '  Practically  master  of  Japan,  Hideyoshi  left  behind  him  but 
a  son  six  years  old  to  take  his  place, — a  place  coveted  by  the  most  ambitious  of 
his  generals,  Iheyasu.  The  consequende  was  a  war  between  the  latter  and  the 
partisans  of  the  Hideyoshi  succession,  in  which  these  were  defeated  and  destroyed. 
After  the  battle  of  Seki-ga-hara,  in  the  autumn  of  1600,  which  decided  the  fate  of 
Japan  for  258  years  by  •  giving  it  over  for  that  period  to  the  sway  of  Iheyasu  and 
his  successors  the  Tokugaha  Shiyauguils,  the  castle  of  Ohogaki  was  taken,  my  lord 
Ishida  captured  by  Tanaka  Toshimasa,  the  enemy's  general  mentioned  in.  the  text, 
and  decapitated  by  order  of  the  victor.  Writing  under  the  administration  of  the 
latter'6  descendants,  all  wars  waged  against  him  were  of  course  styled  ".rebellions," 
even  by  those  whose  friends  had  been  engaged  on  the  losing  side. 

8  Fire-arms  had  been  introduced  into  the  country  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 

Digitized  by 


chambeblain:  a  shobt  memoib  fbom  THE  XVHTH  CENTUBY.     279 

beforehand.  So  when  notice  htid  been  given  and  'the  flash  had  come, 
jou  felt  as  if  waiting  for  a  clap  of  thunder  to  follow ;  and  in  the  early 
times  we  all  felt  as  if  we  should  die,  and  as  if  there  were  nothing  but  fear 
and  horror  left.  But  by  and  by  we  saw  it  yaA  all  nothing,  and  we  and 
mother  and  the  other  women  and  girls  took  to  busying  ourselves  casting 
ballets  in  Jhe  look-out  turret.  And  then,  too,  our  soldiers  would  bring 
to  us  in  the  turret  the  heads*  they  had  taken,  and  make  us  label  them 
for  reference.  They  would  also  often  ask  us  to  blacken  the  teeth  with 
powder,  the  reason  being,  you  see,  that  in  old  days  ( tooth-powder  heads ' 
were  those  of  meji  of  rank,  and  therefore  more  prized,  so  that  a  soldier 
would  bring  yoii  a  plain  head  and  ask  you  to  do  him  the  good -turn  of 
giving  the  teeth  a  rub  of  powder.  We  weren't  a  bit  afraid  of  the  heads, 
and  used  to  sleep  in  the  midst  of  the  nasty  smell  of  blood  that  came 
from  them. 4 

"  One  day,  after  a  cannonade  from  the  besiegers  which  threatened 
I  speedy  end  to  the  castle's  existence  and  threw  all  the  people*  within 
the  castle  gates  into  confusion,  one  of  our  attendants  came  with  the 
news  that  the  enemy  had  disappeared  without  leaving  a  trace  behind 
them :  '  No  need  for  alarm,'  said  he  ;  '  quiet  yourselves,  quiet  yourselves  P 
But  the  words  were  scarcely  out  of  his  mouth  when  a  cannon-ball  came 
and  struck  my  younger  brother,  a  boy  of  fourteen,  knocking  him 
down  and  killing  him  on  the  spot.  Oh !  it  was  a  cruel  sight.  Indeed 
it  was ! 


4  The  tooth-powder  here  referred  to  is  the  o-haguro  still#used  by  married 
women  for  the  purpose  of  blacking  their  teeth.  In  the  Middle  Ages  and  down  to 
the  time  of  the  revolution,  the  only  persons  of  the  male  sex  who  were  permitted 
by  custom  to  follow  the  practice  were  the  members  of  the  Imperial  family  and  the 
court  nobles,  and  it  is  therefore  curious  to  find  this  reference  to  it.  At  the  same 
time,  the  ignorance  of  the  soldiery,  mixed  with  a  vague  prejudice  in  favour  of 
blackened  teeth  as  significative  of  high  birth,  must  be  borne  in  mind ;  and  at  least 
one  mediaeval  instance  of  a  warrior  blacking  his  teeth  may  be  quoted  from  the 
■*  Sei-suwi-ki,"  where  we  read  that  the  youthful  Atsumori  was  found  by  his  slayer, 
Eumagaya  Nawozarie,  to  have  his  face  powdered  and  his  teeth  blackened.  After  a 
battle^  all  the  heads  that  had  been  won  were  taken  to  the  commanding  general  for 
inspection,  and  rewards  were  distributed  according  to  the  rank  of  the  persons  to 
whom  they  had  belonged.  t  Afterwards  the  heads  of  the  rank  and  file  were  interred, 
while  those  of  men  of  higher  birth  were  returned  to  their  families. 

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280    chamberlain:  a  bhobt  memoib  from  the  xviith  centubt.   % 

"  That  same  day  there  came  fou  father  to  the  gate  under  hii 
charge  a  letter  tied  to  an  arrow,  which  said  :  (  As  you  once  had  the 
.honour  to  be  my  lord  Iheyasu's  writing-master,  you  shall  be  sparel 
if  desirous  of  making  your  escape  *  from  the  castle.  Fly  in  what- 
ever direction  you  please.  You  shall  not  be  molested  by  the  way. 
The  troops  have  orders  to  that  effect.'  Well,6  the  assault  being 
expected* in  the  middle  of  the  following  day,  everybody's  spirits  hal ' 
forsaken  them,  and  we,  too,  were  looking  forward  with  trembling  to  the 
next  day  as  to  that  of  our  final  end, 6  when  father  stole  up  into  the 
look-out  turret,  and  whispered  to  us  to  come  this  way.  So  he  led  out 
mother  and  us,  and,  making  us  climb  a  ladder  placed  against  the  wall 
on  the  northern  .rampart,  let  us  down  on  the  other  side  by  means' of  a 
rope,  after  which  we  crossed  the  moat  in  a  tub.  Our  party  consisted  of 
my  two  parents,  myself  and  four  attendants,  our  other  retainers  having 
been  left  behind.  We  were  about  half  a  mile  from  the  castle,  making  in 
a  northerly  direction,  when  mother  was  suddenly  seized  with  the  paine 
of  childbirth,  and  was  delivered  of  a  little  girl.  One  of  the  retainers 
took  and  washed  it  in  water  from  a  rice-field,  and  then  picked  it  up  and 
wrapped  it  in  his  skirt,  while  mother  was  taken  by  father  bn  his  back, 
and  we  fled  in  the  direction  of  the  moor  of  Awono.  Oh !  what  a 
•frightful  time' it  was  I  Yes,  this  was  what  the  olden  times  were  like. 
Mercy  on  us !  mercy  on  us." 

Then  the  children  asked  her  again  to  tell  them  about  Hikone, 
and  she  said:7 

"My  fathef  had  an  estate  worth  three  hundred  kokuB  of  rice  per 
annum ;  but  at  that  time  there  was  so  much  fighting  that  everything 
was  difficult  to  get.  .  Of  course  each  person  had  something  laid  by  in 
case  of  necessity,  but  water  broth9  was  our  usual  food  morning  and 

6  From  here  to  the  end  of  the  paragraph  is  the  passage  of  which  the  original 
text  is  given  at  the  end  of  this  paper. 

•  On  such  occasions,  many  even  of  the  women  preferred  death  at  their  own 
hands  to  capture  by  the  enemy. 

7  The  order  of  time  is  here  reversed,  and  the  old  lady  is  referring  to  a  period 
previous  to  the  disastrous  war  of  a.  p.  1600. 

8  One  koku=5.1S  bushels. 

9Zau-auwi  j&yfcy  lit.  "mixed  water,"  a  thin  infusion  of  such  greens,  etc., 
as  might' have  remained  over  from  a  previous  meal. 

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chamberlain:  A  SHORT  memoir  from  the  xvhth  century.     281 

evening.  Sometimes  my  older  brother  would  go  out  on  the  mountains 
with  his  gun.  On  those  mornings  rice  and  greens  would  be  cooke£, 
for  him  to  take  the  remains  with  him  to  eat  in  the  middle  of  the  day. 
On  those  days  rice  and  greens  would  be  given  to  us,  too,  and  we  used 
to  eat  them.  So  we  were  always  trying  to  persuade  my  brother ;  and  if 
he  did  promise  to  go  out  shooting,  we  were  quite  beside  ourselves  with 
joy.  Clothes,  too,  we  were  so  destitute  of  that  when  I  was  thirteen 
years  old,  I  had  nothing  but  one  thin  blue10  hand-made  frock11  -and,  as 
I  wore  that  one  frock  till  I  was  seventeen,  my  shins  showed  out  below 
in  the  most  horrible  manner.  Oh  !  how  I  used  to  wish  for  a  frock  that 
would  at  least  hide  my  shins !  Such  were  the  inconveniences  of  every 
kind  to  which  one  was  put  in  the  olden  times.  .  No  one  over  dreamt, 
either,  of  such  a  thing  as  eating  rice  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  neither  did 
night  time  bring  its  supper  with  it.  So  what  shall  I  say  of  the  young 
folks  nowadays,  and  the  fancies  they  take  and  the  money  they  spend  on 
dress,-  and  their  whims  about  all  sorts  of  delicacies  in  the  matter  of 
food  r 

Thus .  would  she  reprove  them  by  reference  to  the  Hikone  days, 
so  that  they  ended  by  nicknaming  her  "  Granny  Hikone."  This  is  the 
origin  of  the  slang  expression  "  Hikone,"  used  to  designate  the  lessons 
for  the  present  day  drawn  by  aged  people  from  the  doings  of  former 
times, — an  expression 'which  is,  therefore,  not  understood  by  the#natives 
of  other  provinces,  -as  it  is  only  a  local  phrase  of  ours. 

[A  colophon,  which  we  may  follow  a  second  colophon  dated  1780  M 
in  ascribing  to  a  nephew  of  Mistress  Ail,  who  is  mentioned  therein  under 
the  name  of  Yamada  Eisuke,  tells  us  how  the  little  memoir  which  here 
ends  came  to  be  written  down.  After  mentioning  that  the  family  retired 
to  the  province  of  Tosa,  and  that  Mistress  An  died  during  the  period 
styled  Kuwan-buii  (A.  D.  1661-1678)  at  over  eighty  years  of  age,  the 
writer  goes  on  to  say  : 

"  At  that  time  I,  who  was  then  eight  or  nine  years  old,  had  often 

wThis  seems,  by  reference  to  a  work  on  dress  entitled  "  Soku-tai  Shiyau-zoku 
^  "  (JllSffeJllH*)'  to  be  tlie  meanm8  intended  to  be  conveyed  by  the  original 
word  hana-zome.     ♦  .  • 


u  The  printed  edition  only  appeared  in  1837. 

vol.  vra.  36 

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heard  her  relate  the  foregoing  narrative.  Ah  I  how.  truly  has  it  been 
said  that . '  time  flies  like  an  arrow.'  In  the  period  styled  Shiyau-toku 
(A.  D.  1711-1716),  when  I  gathered  my  own  grandchildren  round  me, 
and  told  them  the  story,  and  drew  from  the  example  of  bygone  days 
lessons  against  our  modern  extravagance,  the  sly  rogues  turned  up  their 
noses,  saying :  '  Well,  grandpapa,  if  Mistress  An  was  Granny  Hikone, 
you  are  old  Daddy  Hikone  !  What  are  you  preaching  about  ?  Eacn 
time  must  have  its  own  customs.'  At  which-  observations  I  of  course 
felt  hurt,  but  then  remembered  the  text :  '  Respect  your  juniors.' u 
Yes,  our  juniors.  What  will  they  be  like,  I  wonder  ?'  My  grandchildren, 
I  suppose,  will  have  grandchildren  to  find  fault  with  them.  So  I  have 
just  put  this  down  as  best  I  could,  and,  for  the  rest,  I  have  nothing 
more  to  say  than — my  prayers."] 


•  The  President,  in  thanking  Mr.  Chamberlain  for  his  interesting  communica- 
tion, said  that  it  was  evident  that  no  small  part  of  the  charm  of  the  paper  was  due 
to  the  felicity  of  Mr.  Chamberlain's  translation. 

Mr.  Blanchet  asked  how  the  practice  of  blacking  the  teeth  (referred  to  in  the 
paper)  originated. 

Mr.  Chamberlain  said  he  did  not  remember  with  precision  the  reasons  given 
for  the  practice,  bat  that  details  were  to  be  found  in  Mitford's  "  Tales  of  old  Japan.". 

Dr.  Faulds  observed :— The  fact  brought  out  by  Mr.  •Chamberlain  that  the 
custom  of  blacking  teeth,  now  apparently  confined  to  married  women  in  Japan, 
was  once  common  to  men  of  the  higher  ranks  also,  is  quite  interesting.  There 
seems  to  be  an  exceedingly  common  tendency,  not  yet  specially  studied,  in 
women  to  manifest  such  "survivals"  of  vanishing  oustoms.  Many  familiar 
examples  readily  occur  to  one,  such  as  the  custom  of  wearing  ear-rings,  necklaces, 
bracelets,  flowing  robes,* etc.,  of  western  ladies.  A  more  striking  example  is  the 
long  hair  parted  in  the  middle  which  is  still  found  amongst  the  males  of  many 
primitive  peoples,  such  as  some  of  the  races  of  North  America,  the  Lepchas  in 
Asia,  etc.,  but  which  exists  only  amongst  women  in  more  advanced  races.  That 
the  blacking  of  teeth  in  Japan  was  as  purely  ornamental  in  its  purport  as  the 
blackening  of  our  own  boots  is  rendered  somewhat  probable,  I  think,  by  the  wide 
prevalence  of  the  custom  of  teeth-ornamenting  in  other  lands.  The  people 
of  Borneo  bore  their  teeth,  and  insert  brass  pins  into  them.    Various  tribeB 

u "  Confucian  Analects,"  bk.  ix.,  chap.  22. 

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*1  FT® 

— * 






'    'V, 


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2  5;  ■'%'■ <  n 


*e  .    i{  ■-*%  ■-  f>   w    <\ 

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(  288  ) 

chip,  grind,  or  file  them  down,  however  perfect  or  regular  they  may  be,  into 
shapes  differing  according  to  the  customs  of  each  tribe.  It  is  often  said  in 
Japan  that  married  women  now  blacken  their  teeth  to  preserve  them,  but  in 
Sumatra  the  hard  protecting  enamel  is  first  removed,  simply  that  the  rou^h 
surface  may  better  absorb  the  black  colouring  matter.  In  such  a  case  the 
process  can  only  be  injurious  to  the  teeth,  and  the  custom  can  only  be  explained  as 
one  of  ornamentation.  • 

The  President  said  he  had  always  been  under  the  impression  that,  the 
Japanese  women  blacked  their  teeth  and  shaved  their  .eyebrows  after  marriage,  as 
a  sign  that  they  no  longer  wished  to  make  themselves  attractive  to  the  other  sex. 

Digitized  by 


Digitized  by  LiOOQ IC 

f\rn  &/  iooi 

(  285  ) 


By  Basil  Hall  Chamberlain. 

[Bead  April  13, 1880.] 

As  the  usage,  if  not  the  positive  rules,  of  the  Asiatic  Society 
exclude  all  proselytizing  efforts  from  the  scope  of  its  labours,  it  may  be 
well,  in  explanation  of  the  title  of  this  paper,  to  state  the  object  with 
which  it  has  been  written,  in  order  that  neither  to  the  Society  nor  to  the 
author  need  be  attributed  the  design  of  encroaching  on  a  field  which  the 
various  missionary  societies  rightfully  hold  as  their  own.  It  is,  of 
course,  mainly  to  the  missionaries  that  we  look  for  translations  of  the 
Bible  into  foreign  tongues ;  and  by  them  a  portion  of  the  peculiarly 
arduous  task  of  making  such  translations  into  the  language  of  Japan  has 
already  been  accomplished.  But  the  Bible  may  be  considered  from 
many  points  of  view  apart  from  the  strictly  religious ;  and  most  foreigners 
and  many  educated  Japanese  will  be  ready  to  admit  that,  as  the 
European  student  of  Chinese  or  Japanese  should  first  betake  himself  to 
the  Confucian  and  Mencian  books  if  he  does  not  wish  to  be  stopped  at 
every  stage  of  his  later  enquiries,  so  must  every  Japanese  desirous  of 
obtaining  any  adequate  notion  of  the  intellectual  soil  of  Europe,  and 
more  especially  of  England  and  the  other  English-speaking  countries, 
begin  by  finding  out  what  has  been  written  in  the  Hebrew  Scriptures. 
Bo  great  has  been  their  influence  that,  to  say  nothing  of  thoughts 
and  feelings,  they  have  moulded  the  very  language, — the  familiarity  of 
all  classes  with  them  having  introduced  the  use  of  innumerable  phrases, 
similes  and  allusions,  whose  recurrence  will  render  almost  every  book 
and  conversation  more  or  less  a  mystery  to  him  who  is  a  stranger  to  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments.  It  must,  therefore,  apart  from  all  prosely- 
voi*.  ?in.  87 

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tism,  be  the  earnest  desire  of  every  one  who  interests  himself  in  the 
progress,  and,  so  to  speak,  the  Europeanization  of  this  country,  that  its 
inhabitants  should  possess  adequate  translations  of  those  books,  and  no 
place  should  be  better  fitted  than  the  Hall  of  the  Asiatic  Society  for  a 
calm  discussion  of  the  aptest  method  to  be  pursued  in  the  making  of 
such  translations. 

I  say  discussion ;  for  discussion,  unfortunately,  is  forced  upon  us 
here,  where  we  have  to  deal  with  a  language  which  has  neither  from  its 
origin  been  cast  in  a  Bible  form  like  the  tongues  of  Modern  Europe,  nor 
is  yet  a  sheet  of  blank  paper  like  the  dialects  of  barbarous  tribes.  There 
are  difficulties, — almost  impossibilities, — on  every  side,  and  our  choice  lies 
between  evils.  I  must,  therefore,  be  excused  if,  instead  of  going  straight 
to  the  point  and  simply  laying  before  the  Society  the  versions  which  I 
have  attempted  of  a  few  of  the  Psalms  (one  of  the  books  of  the  Bible  of 
which  no  Japanese  rendering  has  as  yet  been  published),  I  enter  into  a 
somewhat  lengthy  consideration  of  the  conditions  which  must  determine 
the  translator's  work.  It  is  only  by  fully  appreciating  these  conditions 
that  persons  can  be  qualified  to  pronounce  on  the  merits  of  any  par- 
ticular system. 

It  should,  then,  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  single  word  "  Japanese  " 
serves  to  designate  three  different  languages  having,  indeed,  a  common 
groundwork  and  historical  connection,  but  nevertheless  far  more  distinct 
from  each  other  in  grammar  and  especially  in  vocabulary  than  many 
dialects  which  in  Europe  are  classed  as  separate  tongues.  These  are 
Classical  Japanese,  Sinico-  Japanese  and  Colloquial  Japanese.  Of  these, 
again,  each  has  its  minor  subdivisions,  as  is  but  natural  in  the  case  of 
languages  spoken  or  written  over  large  tracts  of  space  and  time.  In 
particular,  it  is  necessary  to  distinguish  in  Classical  Japanese  between  the 
Archaic  Dialect  and  the  Classical  Dialect  Proper.  The  Archaic  Dialect 
is  that  in  which  are  preserved  to  us  the  legends  of  the  Ko-zhi-ki,  the 
litanies  of  the  Norito  and  the  poems  of  the  Man-yefushifu,  all  dating 
from  or  before  the  eighth  century  of  our  era.  Its  place  might  be 
compared  to  that  of  Homeric  Greek. 

In  the  Classical  Dialect  Proper  was  written  during  the  tenth, 
eleventh,  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  the  great  mass  of  the 
standard  literature  of  the  country.    It  differs  from  the  Archaic  Dialect 

Digitized  by ' 


chambeblain:  a  Japanese  bendebing  of  some  psalms.       287 

chiefly  in  the  dropping  of  old  words  and  forms,  in  the  systematizing  of 
the  grammar  under  certain  inflexible  rules,  in  its  polish  and  its  loss  of 
strength.     It  is,  as  it  were,  the  Attic  speech  of  Japan. 

For  the  next  language  in  the  enumeration, — Sinico-Japanese, — we 
have  no  parallel  in  Greece  nor,  indeed,  in  Europe ; — not  even  in  our 
English  speech,  modified  though  it  be  by  the  introduction  of  the  French 
element.  The  Chinese  words  here  drive  the  native  vocabulary  fairly  out 
of  the  field,  and,  in  so  doing,  cause  profound  changes  in  the  grammar, 
destroying  almost  every  vestige  of  the  ancient  forms.  Most  modern 
documents,  newspaper  articles,  letters,  etc.,  are  composed  in  this  style, 
which  to  a  person  conversant  only  with  the  other  two  would  be  com- 
pletely unintelligible. 

Lastly,  Colloquial  Japanese,  which,  to  continue  the  comparison 
with  Greek,  might  be  called  the  Romaic  of  this  country,  is  a  hybrid 
dialect,  the  residue  of  what  has  gone  before  it.  It  has  never  been  fixed, 
and  is  in  the  present  day  changing  more  and  more  under  the  influence 
of  English  and  of  new  ideas. . 

The  question  now  is :  Which  of  these  divergent  kinds  of  Japanese 
is  to  be  chosen  as  the  medium  for  Biblical  translations  ?  The  Colloquial 
Dialect  is  at  once  excluded  by  its  vulgarity  and  its  wants  of  any  stand- 
ard ;  and  that  this  is  not  a  personal  prejudice,  but  a  recognized  truth, 
is  shown  by  the  fact  that  no  writer,  whether  native  layman  or  foreign 
missionary,  has  ever  attempted  to  use  it  in  any  serious  composition. 
Sinico-Japanese  must  be  excluded  for  another  reason, — that  of  useless 
difficulty  unaccompanied  by  any  counterbalancing  advantage.  Remains 
the  Classical  Language  in  its  two  branches.  The  aim  of  the  translations 
hitherto  made  from  Genesis  and  from  the  New  Testament  has  been  to 
adopt  the  Classical  Dialect  Proper ;  and  its  claims,  as  the  medium  generally 
accepted  by  the  Japanese  reading  public,  are  undoubtedly  superior  to 
those  of  the  two  dialects  previously  mentioned.  At  the  same  time,  we 
must  not  disguise  to  ourselves  two  facts :  one,  that  it  is  impossible 
to  make  even  an  approximation  to  literalness  without  perpetually 
violating  every  rule  of  grammar  and  of  style;  and  the  other,  that 
this  dialect,  always  difficult  of  comprehension  to  the  less  educated 
classes,  becomes  well-nigh  unintelligible  to  them  when  these  rules  are 
thus  violated ;  that  is  to  say,  when  exactitude  is  approached.    To  be 

Digitized  by 


chamberlain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms. 

at  once  elegant,  intelligible  and  -exact  is,  therefore,  out  of  the  question. 
It  is  even  out  of  the  question  to  be  at  once  exact  and  intelligible ;  and, 
for  the  present  at  least,  the  most  practical  plan  would  seem  to  be  to 
print  two  renderings, — one  a  Classical  paraphrase,  which  in  the  case 
of  the  poetical  books  should,  if  possible,  be  in  a  versified  form  in 
order  the  better  to  suit  the  native  taste,  the  other  a  strictly  literal 
version,  which  would  receive  its  explanation  from  the  paraphrase  and, 
conversely,  determine  the  precise  sense  of  the  latter.  In  the  literal 
version,  as  need  scarcely  be  stated,  no  attempt  whatever  should  be 
made  to  conform  to  the  usual  rules  of  Japanese  composition.1 

With  regard  to  the  versified  paraphrase  here  recommended  for  the 
poetical  books,  there  unfortunately  comes  in  a  consideration  drawn  from 
the  literary  history  of  the  country, — one  which,  though  it  might  perhaps 
not  prove  insurmountable  to  a  native  of  genius,  seems  to  me  to  bar  the 
way  against  all  attempts  by  a  foreigner  at  making  his  versions  in  the 
more  generally  comprehensible  style  of  the  Classical  Dialect  Proper,  and 
to  refer  him  to  the  Archaic  Tongue  as  his  vehicle  of  expression.  This 
consideration  is  grounded  on  the  style  of  poetry  hitherto  written  in  the 
Classical  Dialect  Proper.  Consisting,  as  it  does,  almost  entirely  of  what 
are  termed  mizhika-uta,  i.  e.  "  Short  Stanzas  "  of  but  one- and -thirty 
syllables  each,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  an  extended  poetical  phrase, — 
no  breadth  or  sweep  to  be  found  in  it,  such  as  is  indispensable  to  the 
rendering  of  any  foreign  poetry,  even  of  the  Psalms,  although  the 
sentences  in  the  latter  do  not  run  to  any  great  length.  There  is,  there- 
fore, no  standard  to  imitate ;  and  to  write  without  a  standard  in  a 
dead  or  conventional  tongue  is  impossible, — in  Japan  more  absolutely 
impossible  than  could  be  well  imagined  in  the  West,  as  the  native  taste 
requires  of  a  modern  writer  that  he  shall  be  able  to  quote  chapter  and 
verse  for  every  word,  every  phrase  and  every  term  that  he  may  make  use 
of.     We  are,  therefore,  driven  back  to  the  oldest  form  of  the  language, 

1k  considerable  future  in  Japan  would  seem  to  be  reserved  for  the  so-called 
chiyoku-yaku  or  "  literal  translation  "  style,  which  is  already  in  use  in  some  of  the 
schools,  and  is  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  wants  of  the  native  mind.  Its  barbarism 
is  amply  compensated  by  its  practical  utility  ;  for,  as  in  the  recognized  case  of 
Chinese,  so  in  the  case  of  English,  it  is  but  labour  lost  to  attempt  to  confine  the 
freer  movements  of  the  foreign  vehicle  of  expression  within  the  stiff  and,  at  the 
same  time,  complicated  rules  of  Japanese  construction. 

Digitized  by 


chambeelain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms.       289 

and  here  at  last  we  find  all  the  necessary  conditions  fulfilled.  In  the 
Man-yefu~skifu  are  hundreds  of  compositions,  and  in  the  Ko-zhi-ki  not  a 
few,  of  lengths  nearly  averaging  that  of  most  of  the  Psalms,  by  various 
poets  on  the  most  various  subjects,  and  giving  us  a  complete  vocabulary 
and  poetical  frame-work, — a  frame-work  and  a  vocabulary  which, 
although  undoubtedly  antiquated,  have  yet  been  adopted  as  the  only 
efficient  instrument  their  language  has  to  offer  by  all  the  modern 
Japanese  poets  whose  works  are  worthy  of  perusal.' 

As  already  stated,  there  are  grave  objections  to  every  possible 
method  of  translation.  Difficulty  of  comprehension  is  the  objection 
which,  in  conversation  with  private  friends,  has  been  made  to  the  style 
of  paraphrase  here  advocated.  Difficulty  and  incomprehensibility  are, 
however,  two  very  different  things.  To  an  uneducated  Japanese  or  to 
one  who,  although  otherwise  cultured,  is  a  total  stranger  to  all  Jewish 
history  and  ideas,  any  version  of  the  Psalms  will  probably  be  almost  as 
mysterious  as  the  original  Hebrew  text.  Some  previous  knowledge  and 
some  viva  voce  explanations  must  always  be  taken  for  granted ;  and 
with  them,  and  with  the  mutual  check  of  paraphrase  and  literal  prose 
version,  the  Archaic  poetical  expressions,  however  perplexing  to  a 
foreigner,  should  offer  no  special  difficulty  to  the  native  student. 

For  the  sake  of  facilitating  the  perusal  of  the  accompanying  ver- 
sified renderings  by  any  member  of  this  Society  who  may  not  have 
devoted  special  attention  to  the  Archaic  Dialect,  I  have  explained  the 
chief  difficulties  in  English  foot-notes,  while' there  have  also  been  added 
in  Japanese  a  very  small  number  of  notes  and  headings  which  seemed 
indispensable  to  an  appreciation  by  a  native  reader  of  the  general 
signification  of  each  Psalm.  The  Psalms  selected  are  the  1st,  19th, 
28rd,  100th,  118th,  114th,  115th,  128rd,  124th,  127th,  128th  and 
188rd.  No  claim  to  merit  can  be  made  for  the  actual  versions  here 
given,  whether  versified  or  literal ;  for,  having  been  perforce  moulded,  not 
on  the  original,  but  on  the  English  text,  they  are  but  the  translations 
of  translations.  Such  precautions  as  were  feasible  have  been  taken. 
The  poetical  renderings,  most  of  which  were  originally  made  from  the 
English  Prayer- Book  version,  have  all  been  revised  by  comparison  with 

*e.  g.  Mabuchi,  Motowori,  Chikage,  Tachibana  no  Moribe,  Takabatake  Shikibu, 
Taohibana  no  Toseko. 

Digitized  by 


chambeblain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms. 

de  Wette's  "  Commentar  ueber  die  Psalmen  "  and  an  English  edition  of 
Delitzsch's  "  Biblical  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,"  while  the  literal 
renderings  scrupulously  follow  those  given  in  the  latter  work.  Still  the 
dangers  of  double-filtered  translation  are  too  obvious  to  need  insisting 
on ;  and  when  it  is  the  case  of  a  Semitic  composition  which  is  rendered 
first  into  an  Aryan  and  thence  into  a  Turanian  tongue,  we  have  the 
danger  in  its  extremest  form.  A  good  knowledge  of  Hebrew,  besides 
other  special  studies,  is  the  indispensable  prerequisite  of  a  translator. 
All,  therefore,  that  is  here  intended  is,  to  indicate  a  method  and  illustrate 
it  by  a  few  examples. 

SAN-BI  NO  UTA  NO  DAI  ICHI.  (Ps.  1.) 

Yoshi-Ashi-Bito  no  Hate 

Arachi-wo  ga 
Saga-mono  ga 
Utsutahe  ni 
Nuba-tama  no 
Sachihahi  ya 
Tsuga  no  ki  no 
Ha  ha  shi  mo 

10  Mi  ha  shi  mo 
Yatsuko-ra  ha 
Aki-kaze  no 
Momiji-ba  to 

^Kaku  bakari 
Oho  mi  toga 
Uma-bito  no 


no  Tagafu  wo  Yomeru  Uta  : 
Sakashira  tohazu 
Ihe  ni  i-tatade 
Ama  tsu  Sumera  no 
Oho  mi  koto-nori 
Hiru  shi  mo  manebi 
Yo-narabe  omofu  tatasu 
Iya  tsugi-tsugi  ni 
Toha  ni  kare  sede 
Musubanu  aki  naku 
Nihohi-tsutsu  aru  ni 
Kaku  narazu  koso 
Use  ni  use-kere 
Ama  tsu  Sumera  ga 
Tomo  ni  ye-irade 
Yoki  hito  koso  ha 

Digitized  by 



l  *  *Arathi-wo  (ffc  $|)  and  Saga-mono  (j§  ^?)»  "bad  and  violent  men." 
Oa  was  originally  used  to  denote  the  Genitive  relation,  while  no  constantly  indicated 
what  we  should  call  the  Nominative.  In  later  times  this  usage  was  reversed, 
tea  gat  "  my,"  "  our,"  alone  retaining  the  ancient  force  of  ga.  I  here  and  constantly 
Expletive.  3  Ama  tsu  Sumera  (3^  ^  or  Jt  ^  ;  according  to  the  Simoo-  Jap.  pro- 
nunciation Ten-Tei  or  better  Shiyau-Tei),  lit.  "  Monarch  of  Heaven"  or  "Supreme 
Monarch,"  the  nearest  equivalent  for  the  word  "  God."  Kami  (jj/f)>  which  some 
prefer,  simply  means  "  ancestral  spirit,"  and  has  the  additional  disadvantage  of 
being  generally  understood  as  a  Plural.  Alternating  with  Ama  Uu  Sumera  for 
"  God,"  Oho-Kimi,  Ama  tm  Oho-Kimi,  A  ga  Oho-Kimi,  etc.,  have  been  employed 
for  "  the  Lord,"  "  our  Lord  "  in  the  versified  rendering.  In  the  prose  version,  the 
Hebrew  term  «•  Jehovah  *'  has  been  retained  for  the  latter.  iShiki-maseru  oho  mi 
koto-nori,  "  the  decree  which  He  has  promulgated.*  The  Honorific  masu,  now 
used  indiscriminately,  was  anciently  applied  only  to  Divine  and  Imperial  person- 
ages. 5  Akarahiku,  pillow- word  for  hiru.  Manebi1*rch.loimanabi.  *Nuba-tamano, 
p.-w.  for  i/o.  Yo-narabe,  "  every  night."  7  Sachihahi,  arch,  for  saihahi.  Pi,  arch, 
for  be,  "side."  Tatasu,  the  Causat.  form  of  tatsu,  used  merely  for  ele- 
gance. 8  Tsuga  no  ki  no,  p.-w.  for  tmgi-t&ugi,  but  here  to  be  taken  in  its  proper  sense 
of  "  like  the  Uuga  tree,"  no  standing  for  no  gotoku.  hja,  arch,  for  iyo-iyo.  9  This 
line  has  but  four  syllables.  Such  irregularities  as  the  use  of  lines  of  four,  six  and 
eight  syllables  are  among  the  usual  ornaments  anciently  employed  to  relieve  the 
monotony  of  the  five-seven  metre.  The  second  ha  (wa)  is  the  Separative  Particle. 
Toha  ni,  "  for  ever."  Kare  sedey  arch,  for  karede.  UNihofu  in  the  arch,  sense  of 
"bright-coloured,"  "flourishing."  li Momiji-ba  to,  "like  the  autumn-leaves" 
("  autumn-leaves  "  substituted  for  "  chaff  ").  17  Uma-bito,  "  the  righteous."  l&Ken, 
here  Conclusive,  not  Attributive.    M Iyoyo,  arch,  for  iyo-iyo. 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaxu. 
Fu-shin-zhiii  (/£  ^  A)  no  kuwan-gen  (£J  *§*)  in  ayumazu,  sau 
shite  tsumiudo  no  michi  ni  tatazu,  Ban  shite  giyakn-zhin  no  tan  ($£)  ni 
za  sezu,  kakerite  kare  no  tanoshimi  ha  Yehoba  no  nori  ni  oite  ari,  san 
shite  kare  ga  chin-ya  Kare*  no  nori  wo  kaiigahern  tokoro  no  hito  ha 
saihahi  nari.  San  shite  kare  ha  ka-riu  no  katahara  ni  uwerare,  sore  no 
zhi-setsn  ni  oite  sore  no  mi  wo  shiyanzhi  (£{?  & ),  san  shite  sore  no 
ha  ha  karezaru  tokoro  no  zhiyu-moku  (ffi  /fc)  no  gotoku  ari ;  shikau  shite 
kare  ga  nasn  tokoro  no  ono-ono  no  mono  woba  kare  ga  shi-togu. 

•Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu. 

Digitized  by 


chamberlain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms. 

Fn-shin-zhin  ha  kaku  narazu.  Eaherite  kare-ra  ha  kaze  no  fuki- 
harafu  tokoro  no  mugi-gara  no  gotoku  ari.  Yuwe  ni  fu-shin-zhin  ha 
sai-dan  nioite  tatsu  atahazu,  sau  shite  tsumiiido  ha  zen-nin  no  kuwai- 
shia  (ff  |J|)  ni  tatsu  atahazu;  ikan  to  nareba  Yehoba  ha  zeii-niii 
no  michi  wo  shirub;    kaherite  fu-shm-zhin  no  michi  ha  metsu-bau 


bShiru  ha  sunahachi  yomi  shi-tamafu  no  i  nari. 

DAI  ZHIFU  KU.    *(Ps.  19.) 

Ama  tsu  Sumera  no  Hi  wo  Mote  Tsuchi  wo  Terashi  Mi  Nori  Mote 
Hito  no  Kokoro  wo  Terashi-Tamafu  wo  Mede-Tatahete  Yomeru  Uta  • 

Koto-tohi  ha  sede 

Ame  ni  nori  ari 

Sora  ni  kowe  ari 

Hiru  mo  ahi-tsuge 

Yoru  mo  katar'ahi 

I-tsukusu  kihami 

I-hatsuru  made  ni 
Ama  tsu  Eimi  ga  Mi  idzu  wo  tatahe 
Mi  te-buri  wo        Shimeshi-matsuru  ha 

Hi  wo  yadosu  beshi  to 

Ama  tsu  Sumera  no 

Futo  mi  araka  yu 

Tsuma  ni  ahan  to 

Eado  idzuru  goto 

Wa  ha  makeme  ya  to 

Kihohi-afu  goto 


Nishi  no  umi  made 

Terasu  hi-kage  no 

Hito  no  goto 
Hisa-kata  no 
Wataru  hi  no 
5Nuba-tama  no 
Uma  no  tsume 
Funa  no  he  no 

10Kumo  no'he  ni 
Kake-maku  mo 
Waka-kusa  no 
Mukogane  no 

15Mokoro-wo  ni 
Masura-wo  no 
Toho-yama  yo 
Kuma  ochizu 
Ura-ura  to 

•Both  translations  of  this  Psalm  have  been  made,  not  from  Delitzch,  but  from 
the  English  Prayer-Book. 

Digitized  by 




^Kushi-kage  wo 
Shika  mi  idzu 
Oho-Kimi  ga 
Morn  tami  no 
A  ga  Kimi  ga 

^Kiku  tami  no 
Ma-gokoro  wo 
Omi  ga  me  mo 
Kegare  sezu 
Tokoshihe  ni 

Natsu-mushi  no 
Tsuyn  yori  mo 
Yo  no  hito  no 
Ku-gane  yu  mo 

^Mube  ehi  koso 
Ono  ga  ozo 
Iha-buchi  ni 
Oho-sora  ni 

Kuchi  wo  mote 
Eokoro  mote 
Ynrngi  naki 
Tanomi  aru 


Kiyoki  mi  nori  wo 
Saga  ba  i-barabi 
Kataki  mi  koto  wo 
Ozo  ba  ncbi  toke 
Managari  mo  seznte 
Awo-hito-gusa  wo 
Obo  mi  nori  koso 
Susur'ara  bana  no 
Eagnhasbi  kerashi 
Mi  koto  kasbikomi 
Sacbi  to  naru  mono 
Shim  bito  nakedo 
Kakurnru  saga  mo 
Hibikern  saga  mo 
Wa  ga  noru  koto 
Wa  ga  'mofu  koto  mo 
Chi-biki  no  iba  to 
Wa  ga  Oho-kimi  ba 
tamahanan ! 

I  Goto,  arch,  for  gotoku.  Koto-tohi,  "  speech."  a,  3,  4,  5  The  first  half  of  each 
line  is  a  p.-w.  Nori,  "  telling."  6,  7  The  arch.  Jap.  poet,  equivalent  for  "  into  all 
lands,"  and  "  into  the  ends  of  the  world."  Funa  no  he  is  written  jft  ®.  9  Mi 
te~buri,  "  His  handiwork."  Ha  here  has  almost  the  force  of  "  the  reason  why." 
10'Heloiuhe  (_t)*  U-Kake-maku  mo,  a  reverential  phrase  which  is  thus  ex- 
plained: Iyaskiki  kuchi  ni  kakete  tonahe-taU-mateuran  wo  o*oremi*tsut$uma»hiki 
toifunari:  makuha  mu  wo  nobetaru  nari.  MTtmkurashishi,  Causative  used  as 
an  Honorific.  Futo  mi  araka  (>fc  $P  j!"E  J3f)>  "palace."  Yu,  arch,  foryort*. 
13  Waka-kusa  no,  p.-w.  for  tsuma.  It  was  necessary  in  this  passage  to  diverge 
slightly  from  the  original.    To  a  Japanese  poet  the  idea  of  a  bridegroom  being 

VOL.  VIII.  38 

Digitized  by 


chambeblain  :  a  Japanese  bendering  of  some  psalms. 

joyfully  radiant  when  leaving  his  chamber  would  be  inconceivable.*  UMukogane, 
"bridegroom."  15 Mokora-wo  (jfl  B  5f)t  "  well-matched  antagonist."  Waha, 
etc.,  "  resolved  not  to  be  outstripped."  Wa  arch,  (except  in  wa  ga)  for  ware. 
17  Yo,  arch,  for  yori.  18  .BTttwia  ochizu,  •  *  every  part."  20  iftw/it  ( S|) » in  compounds, 
"marvellous,"  "sacred";  etc.  23Jlfon*  for  mamoru.  &A,  arch.  Pronoun  of  the 
First  Person.  25  Ozo,  "  folly."  26 I-yorohoboshi,  arch,  for  yorokobasht  27  #rot  ( |§) , 
"subjects,"  "  servants."  WManagari,  the  original  form  of  magari.  Sezute,  arch, 
for  sede.  aOHiki-maseru,  "  leading,"  " swaying.';  34 Ku-gane,  "gold."  SBSocAt, 
same  as  eachihaki,  "happiness,"  "blessing."  Wlha-buchi  ni,  " in  private "  (lit. 
"in  a  rocky  gorge").  UKoto,  f£.  42Koto,  ^t.  MChi-biki,  "which  it  would 
need  a  thousand  men  to  move."    To,  "  like."    45  ...  .  nan,  Optative. 

Onazhiku  Chtyoktj-Yaktj. 

Ten  ha  Shiyau-Tei  no  yei-yo  (£|  §£)  wo  katari,  sau  shite  sora  ha 
Kare  no  te-waza  wo  ihi-arahasu.  Ichi-zhitsu  ha  ta-zhitsu  ni  ihi,  sau 
shite  ichi-ya  ha  ta-ya  ni  shiiiyou  (jjjj  J$)  sasu.  Gen-giyo  mo  dafi-wa 
mo  arazu :  shikashi  nagara  kare-ra  no  kowe  ga  kare  no  ahida  ni  kikoyu. 

Kare-ra  no  oto  ha  shiyo-kokn  ni  ide,  san  shite  kare-ra  no  gen-giyo 
ha  se-kai  no  hate  made  idenu.  Mnko  ga  kare  no  ne-ya  wo  idzuru 
gotoku  ide,  san  shite  wi-zhiyau-fu  (f$  ^  ^c)  Sa  kare  no  kiyan-sou 
($  He)  suru  koto  wo  yorokobu  gotoku  yorokobi,  ten  no  motsutomo  toho- 
ki  tokoro  yori  ide-tachi,  san  shite  mata  sore  no  hate  made  hase-mahari, 
san  shite  sono  dan-ki  wo  mote  ban-butsu  wo  terasu  tokoro  no  tai-yau  no 
tame  ni  Rare  gab  karera0  ni  oite  maku  wo  hariki. 

Yehoba  no  nori  ha  tamashihi  wo  kai-knwa  sasnrn  isagiyoki  nori 
nari.  Yehoba  no  chikahi  ha  kaku-tei  (J$£  j£)  nari,  san  shite  gu-zhiii  ni 
chi-shiki  wo  tamafu.  Yehoba  no  okite  ha  tadashiku  ari,  sau  shite 
kokoro  wo  shite  yorqkobashimn.  Yehoba  no  mei-rei  ha  kiyoku  ari, 
san  shite  me  ni  hikari  wo  tamafu.  Yehoba  no  osore  ha  ketsu-paku 
(3R  6)  nar*»  san  shite  yei-kiu  ni  soil  su.  Yehoba  no  sai-dan  ha  nawoku, 
san  shite  matsutaku  tadashiku  ari. 

Kare-ra d  ha  kin  yori  mo,  ohoku  no  zhiyun-kin   (f£  &)  yori  mo 

b Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu.   '  c Ten  to  sora  to  wo  ifu. '      d Nori,  chikahi,  ton  wo  ifu. 

Digitized  by 




hori  ($f)  seraru  beshi ;  naho-sara  hachi-mitsu  to  hachi-bau  yori  amashi. 
Hata  mata  Nanji  no  bokue  ha  kare-ra  ni  yorite  oshiherare,  sau  shite 
kare-ra  wo  mamoru  koto  ni  oite  dai  naru  hau-bi  ari.  Kare  ga  iku  tabi 
han-pafu  (|B  ££)  suru  wo  tare  shiru  atafu?  Nanji*  yo !  wa  ga  kakure- 
taru  toga*  yori  ware  wo  kiyome-yo !  Mata  ha  kare-reg  ga  ware  wo 
tsukasadoranu  yan  (1§fc)  ni  Nanji  no  boku  wo  ogorera  akn  yori  sukuhe- 
yo :  sareba  ware  ha  isagiyoku,  san  shite  tai-zai  wo  ukezarafi  to  su.  Wa 
ga  chikara  to  wa  ga  kiu-shiyuu  (^fc  ^)  naru  Yehoba  yo  !  wa  ga  kuchi 
no  kotoba  to  wa  ga  kokoro  no  kangahe  wo  shite,  tsune  ni  Nanji  no  me 
ni  kanahaseshime-yo ! 

e  Onore  wo  ifu. 
BTsxigi  ni  iheru  aku  wo  ifu  nari. 

f  Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu. 

DAI  NI  ZHIFU  SAN.    (Ps.  28.) 

Tatahe-Uta  : 

A  wo  mora  ha 
Kimi  nareba 
Nade-masan  to 

5Ma-kusa  kahi 
Ma-gokoro  ni 
Shika  bakari 
Hiki  no  mani 

10Kashikoku  mo 
Nuba-tama  no 
I-yuku#to  mo 

Ame  shiroshi-mesu 
Nani  ka  kaku  beki 
Kiyoki  kaha-be  ni 
Makoto  no  michi  ni 
Nigoreru  kokoro 
Urahashi  Eimi  no 
Mi  nori  wo  tsuwe  to 
Taganete  yukeba 
Euraki  mi  kuni  ni 
Ani  ojime  ya  mo 

Digitized  by 



Iya  hi  keni  A  wo  seme-kitaru 

Ada-bito  wo  Nagome-masan  to 

^Nube  n'uchi  ni  Ama  tsu  mi  te  mote 

Mi  ke  tamahi  Oho  mi  ki  tamahi 

Minanowata  Ka-gnroki  kami  ni 

Kushi-abura  Sosogi-tamaheba 

Tamagiharu  Inochi  no  kagiri 

90  Mi  megumi  shi  Kaumuri-mateuri 

Tokoshihe  ni  Tsukahe-matsuran 

Kimi  ga  mi  araka  ni. 

5Ma-kusakahi," feeds  with  good  grass."  6  Atomohite,  " leading."  BUruhcuhi, 
for  uruhashiki :  in  the  arch,  language  the  Conclusive  is  often  thus  found  where 
classical  usage  would  require  the  Attributive  form.  QHikino  mani,  "  following 
His  lead.'*  WKashikoku  mo  -(equivalent  to  kakemaku  mo),  prop,  "though  with 
fear  and  trembling,"  but  almost  an  Honorific  Expletive.  Taganuru  (^  W>)>  "  *° 
lean  on."  13 Iya  hi  keni,  "daily  more  and  more."  UNagomuru  (ft),  "to 
subdue,"  "  to  quell."  l5Nu~be  n'uchi  ni,  arch,  for  no-be  no  uchi  ni,  u  on  the  moor." 
Ama  Uu  mi  te,  "God's  hands."  lQKe,  "food."  Ki,  "drink."  17 Minanowata, 
p.-w.  for  ka-guroki,    Ka,  expletive.    MTamagiftaru,  p.-w.  for  inochi. 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Yehoba  ha  wa  ga  boku-shiya  nari :  ware  ha  fu-soku  sezhi.  Kare 
ga  awo-kusa  ni  oite  ware  wo  shite  fusashime;  Rare  ga  sei-riu  (jjj&  jjfe) 
no  katahara  ni  ware  wo  hikiwi ;  Kare  no  na  no  tame  ni  Kare  ga  wa  ga 
tamashihi  wo  kai-fokn  (jjjfc  fa)  shi ;  kare  ga  ware  wo  nahoki  michi  ni 

Sareba,  ware  ha  shi-in  (Jfc  f£)  no  tani  ni  ayumu  to  mo,  ware  ha 
idzure  no  gai  nite  mo  qjifi  to  sezu ;  ikan  to  nareba  Nanji 1  ha  ware  to 
tomo  ni  ari :  Nanji  no  shi-ki-dzuwe  (^  H  ft)  to  Nanji  no  tsnwe  to 
ware  wo  nagusamn.  Ware  wo  ka-koku  (^f  g§)  suru  hito  n0  gan-zen 
ni  Nanji  ha  ware  ni  mukahite  shiyoku-dai  wo  mauke ;  Nanji  ha  abnra 
wo  mote  wa  ga  kaube  wo  tiruhoshi ;  sau  shite  wa  ga  hai  (jjg)  ha  mitsu. 

i&hiyau-Tei  wo  aasu. 

Digitized  by 



Wa  ga  itsu-shiyau-gai  (—  §£  jjf )  saihahi  to  megumi  to  nomi 
ware  ni  oyobaii  to  shi ;  sau  shite  ware  ha  mata  yei-kiu  ni  Yehoba  no 
ihe  ni  soman  to  sn. 

DAI  HIYAKU.    (Ps.  100.) 

Ama  tsu  Sumeba  wo  Home-Tatahe-Mahoshiki  wo  Yobodzu  no  Tami- 


Ono  dzu  kara  Ware  ha  ohi  Bezu 

Mite  moclrite  Ama  tsu  Snmera  no 

Uruhoshiku  Tsukurashi-tamahi 

Mi  tami  zo  to  Mori-masu  Eimi  ga 

5  Oho  mi  idzu  .  Sane  tana-shkite 

Ame  ga  shita  Yorodzu  no  hito  no 

Yorokobohi  Utafd  utahi  ni 

Eowe  tayezu  Mede-hayasanan 

Mi  megumi  shi  Toha  ni  karesezu 

10  Mi  koto  shi  mo  Yo-yo  ni  kuchi  senu 

Umashi  Eimi  ga  Ushi-haki-i-masu 

Mi  araka  ni  Mure-wi-worogami 

Oho  mi  na  wo  Mochi-itsukanan 
Yo  no  naka  no  hito  t 

lOhisezu,  (/P  4).  This  line  follows  the  English  Prayer-Book  rendering. 
5 Sane,  "  truly."  Tana-shim,  arch,  for  shim.  7  Yorokobohi ',  prop.  yorokob'ahi,  "  re- 
joicing together."  10 Kuchi  senu,  arch,  for  Kuchinu  (7{%  ^J).  11  Conclusive  umashi 
for  Attributive  umaki .  XJshi-haki-  i-masu  (i  5§  3? )  > '  'where  He  dwells  and  rules" 
(i  for  the  more  usual  wi).  MWorogwiii  (from  wori-kagami)  arch,  for  wogami. 
W  Mochi-itsukanail,  (^jf  Jjf),  Optat.  or  Imperat.,  "  take  and  worship." 

Onazhtku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 
Shiyo-koku  yo  !  Yehoha  ni  mukahite  kuwan-sei  (gfc  fj$)  wo  idase. 
Kin-ki  (Sfc  IF)  wo  mote  Yehoba  ni  tsukahe-yo  ;  kau-kiyou  (jg  £$)  wo 

Digitized  by 



mote  Kare  no  mahe  ni  kitare !  Yehoba  ha  Shiyau-Tei  nari  to  shiyou-chi 
(^  to)  se"y°  5  Kare  ga  ware-ra  wo  tsukuri,  sau  shite  ware-ra  wa  Kare 
no  mono  ($j),  Rare  no  tami,  sau  shite  Kare  no  maki-ba  no  gnn-yau 
($  *£)  nari. 

Shiya-rei  (f|}  f§[)  wo  mote  Kare  no  mon-nai  ni  iri,  san-bi  wo  mote 
Kare  no  tei-ri  (Jg  J[)  ni  ire-yo  t  Kare  ni  shiya  se-yo  !  Kare  no  na  wo 
ai-shiyou  (§|  fjj)  se-yo !  Ikan  to  nareba,  Yehoba  ha  yososhiku,  Kare 
no  megumi  ha  tayezu,  sau  shite  Kare  no  shin-zhitsn  ha  dai-dai  ni  ari. 

DAI  HIYAKU  ZHIFU  SAN.    (Ps.  118.) 

Ama  tsu  Sumera  no  Hi-Kage  ni  Moreshi  Itashiei  Hito  wo  Megumi- 
Tamafu  wo  Mede-Tatahete  Yomeru  Uta: 

Kakemakn  mo 
Kashikokn  mo 
Oho  mi  na  wo 

6Yufu-hi  sasu 
Kefa  yori  ha 
Tokoshihe  ni 
Kuni  ha  shi  mo 

•    Ame  ha  shi  mo 

10Taka  shirann 
Komoriku  no 
Ame  tsnchi  wo 
Chiri  ni  fusu 

wUmazu-me  ni 
Sakaye  aru 

Ama  tsn  Sumera  ni 
Higashi  no  kata  yu 
Nishi  no  sora  made 
Yorodzn  yo  kakete 
Tayezu  koso  agame 
Saha  ni  aredomo 
Hiroshi  to  ihedo 
Kumo  no  anata  ni 
Miya  ni  wi-mashito 
Madzushiki  mono  wo 
Yoki  mi  to  mo  nashi 
Ko-dakara  sadzuke 
Tozhi  to  shi  megumu 
A  ga  Oho-Kimi  ni 

Tagufu  beki  are  ya  ? 

Digitized  by 



tKakete  has  the  force  of  "  until."  *Saha,  "  numerous ;"  oonf.  Colloquial  taku- 
tan,  written  ^  llj.  10  ••  Beyond  the  immeasurably  high  clouds."  UKomorikuno, 
14  remote."  M Mi  here  has  the  force  of  kurawi.  15  Takara  adds  little  to  the  mean- 
ing.   16  Tozhi,  "  a  housewife."    18"  Is  there  any  who  is  like  ?" 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

HareruyaM  Yehoba  no  boku  yo!  Yehoba  no  na  wo  Bau-bi  se-yo, 
san-bi  se-yo  !  Ima  yori  nochi  yei-kiu  ni  Yehoba  no  na  ha  ai-shiyou  sera- 
refi  wo  wa  ga  negafu.  Hi  no  idzuru  yori  sono  iru  made  Yehoba  no  na 
ba  san-bi  su  beshi. 

Yehoba  ha  ban-koku  no  uhe  ni  hiide ;  Eare  no  yei-yo  ha  ten  no  uhe 
ni  hiidzu.  Giyoku-shiyau  (3i  Jft)  oi  za  shite,  ten-chi  wo  haruka  ni  mi- 
oroshi,  kareb  wo  ki-zoku,  sunahachi  Eare  no  kunic  no  ki-zoku  ni  narabeii 
ga  tame  ni  jin-ai  (J&  J£)  yori  hi-zhin  (%  A)  wo  age,  hai-tai  ( JJ  jg() 
yori  hin-zhin  (^  A)  wo  kakage,  dou-zhi  (^  *?g)  no  ureshiki  haha 
tote  umazu-me  wo  shite  ihe  wo  tamotsu  hito  to  naraehimuru  wa  ga  Shiyau- 
Tei  nam  Yehoba  ni  tare  ka  niru  ? — Hareruya ! 

•Isurayeru  no  go  ni  shite,  Shiyau-Tei  wo  ai-shiyou  se-yo  to  no  i  wo  fukumeri. 
b  Bhimo  ni  iheru  hi-zhin  hiii-zhin  nari.    c  Tefi-koku  wo  ifu. 

DAI  HIYAEU  ZHIFTJ  SHI.  (Ps.  114.) 

Isurayeru-Bito  no  Fubuki  Tsutahe  ni  Chinamite  Ama  tsu  Sumera 


Eumo-wi  nasu  A  ga  toho  tsu  oya  no 

Eoto-sayegu  Enni  ideshi  toki 

Bhiko  tsn  kuni  Uchi-ideshi  toki  ni 

Hisa-kata  no  Ama  tsu  Sumera  no 

6Seo-yama  ni  Mi  yashiro  wo  shime 

Yo-mo  no  kuni  Eikoshi-wi-mashiki 

So  wo  mireba  Umi  mo  michi-sake 

Digitized  by 



So  wo  mireba  Kaha  mo  shiri-zoki 

Ashibiki  no  Yama  mo  wo-zhika  no 

10Tachi-mahishi  Koko  shi  omohoyuru 

Michi-sakeshi  Umi  no  ara-nami  mo 

Shiri-zokishi  Kaha  no  haya-se  mo 

Sa-wo-shika  no  Tachi-mafu  yama  mo 

Nani  zo  ya  to  Wa  ha  omohedomo 

15Chi-biki  nasu  Ishi  wo  shimidza  ni 

Kahe-tamafa  Ama  tsu  Sumera  no 

Mi  idzu  ni  ha  Umi  yama  kaha  mo 
Kashikomazarame  ya  ? 

lKumo-wi  nasu,  p.-w.  for  tolw,  "  distant."  Toho  tsu  oya,  "ancestors." 
*  Koto-say  egu,  generally  used  as  the  p.-w.  for  Morokoshi,  "  China/1  bat  here  in  its 
proper  sense  of  "  chirping,"  contemptuously  applied  to  foreign  languages.  SShiho 
tsu  hum,  *' vile  country."  Uchi,  here  and  constantly  Expletive.  &Seo,  "Sion," 
used  for  "  Judah."  Shimuru,  "to  fix,"  "to  establish."  6  Yo-mo  no  kttni,  "  the 
surrounding  provinces,"  i.e.  "  Israel."  Kikosu,  "  to  rule."  The  repeated  his  in 
this  verse  is,  after  the  commentators,  taken  as  applying  to  the  Deity.  7  So,  arch, 
for  sore.  0  Ashibiki  no,  p.-w.  for  yama.  Wo-zhika  no,  "  like  young  stags "  ("  stags  " 
substituted  for  "  rams  "  and  '<  lambs  ").  .10  TacM,  Expletive.  Attributive  mahishi 
for  Conclusive  mahiki  on  account  of  the  quasi- Accusative  connection  with  the 
succeeding  clause.  In  prose  omoJioyuru  would  be  followed  by  ha.  13  5a,  Expletive. 
Shika  must  not  here  take  the  nigori.  After  no  supply  gotoku,  as  above.  15  CM- 
biki  nasu,  same  as  chUbiki  no. 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Isurayeru  ga  Ejifuto  wo  ide,  Yakobu  no  ka-zoku  ga  i-gen  no  knni 
wo  ideshi  toki  ni, — sono  toki  ni  Yuda  ha  Kare*  no  sei-shiyo  (^fe  Jjff) 
to  nari,  Isurayeru  ha  Kara  no  riyau-bufi  to  nareri. 

Umi  ha  sore  wo  mi,  sau  shite  nige ;  Yorudau  ha  shiri-zoki ;  tai-zan 
(^  [Ij)  ha  wo-hitsuzhi  no  gotoku,  seu-zan  (>Ji  |Jj)  ha  waka-hitsuzhi  no 
gotoku  tobiki. 

Umi  yo  1  nani  wo  nrehite  nanji  ha  niguru  ?  Yorudan  yo  !  nani  wo 

*  Shiyau-Tei  wo  saau.    Tsugi  no  Kare  mo  onazhi. 

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chamberlain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms. 


urehite  nanji  ha  shiri-zoku  ?  Tai-zaii  yo )  nani  wo  nrehite  nanji-ra  ha 
wo-hitsuzhi  no  gotoku  tobu  ?  Seu-zan  yo  !  nani  wo  nrehite  nanji-ra  ha 
waka-hitsuzhi  no  gotoku  tobu  ? 

Chi  yo !  Iha  wo  midzu  no  ike  ni  kuwa  shi,  kataki  iha  wo  idzumi 
ni  kuwa  sum  tokoro  no  Yehoba,  snnahachi  Yakobu  no  Shiyau-Tei,  no 
men-zeii  ni  shifi-ku  (jg  JS)  se-yo  1 

DAI  HIYAKU  ZHIFU  GO.  «(ft.  116.) 

To  tsu  Kuni-Bito  no  Tafutomu  Kami  ha  Mono  Ihanu  Hito-Gata  ni 
Shite,  Wa  ga  Tanomu  Ama  tsu  Sumera  no  Mi  Idzu  ha  Mede- 
Tatahe  Beki  wo  Yomeru  Uta  : 

Eokotaki  Kimi  no 
Iyashiki  tami 
To  tsu  knni-bito  no 
Worogama  oni  no 
Koto  wo  ye-norazu 
Mono  wo  ye-miyezu 
Kowe  wo  ye-kikazu 
Mono  ni  ye-furezu 
Tsuchi  wo  ye-fomazu 
Kawori  ye-kagazu 
Oto  mo  kikoyenu 
Ko-gane  mote  seshi 
Shiko  hito-dochi  zo 
Ari  nami  wo  sa  to 

Mi  sakaye  ha 
Ware-ra  mina 
Shika  ha  aredo 

6  So  gakuchiha 
So  ga  me-ra  ha 
So  ga  mimi  ha 
So  ga  te-ra  ha 
So  ga  ashi  ha 

10  So  gahanaha 
Koto  tohazu 
Shiro-kane  ya 
Shiko-gata  wo 
Yatsuko-ra  mo 

^Shikasuga  ni 

•The  opening  and  closing  portions  of  the  versified  rendering  of  this  Psalm  are 
more  than  usually  free. 

vol.  vni.  89 

Digitized  by 




Megumi  ha  mo 
Mi  koto  ha  mo 
Hisa-kata  no 

20  Oho  na  sahe 
Saga-hito  ha 
Afage-yo  ya 
Ya-so  kuni  no 
Wo- date  nasu 

Umashi  Kimi  zo 
Ya-so  kuni  no 
Tsuma  ko-ra  mo 

»Toho  tsu  kuni 
Hito  mina  ha 
Ame  tsuchi  wo 
Hisa-kata  no 

^Ara-kane  no 
Oho-Kimi  wo 
Kefu  yori  ha 

Hito  mo 

Megumasu  Kimi 
Iya  kataki  Kimi . 
Ame  ni  mi  idzu  wo 
Ama  tsu  Wagimi  ga 
Nani  omohi-kemu 
Mi  tami  mo  negi  mo 
Yoki  hito  made  mo 
Na  wo  mora  Kimi  wo 
Mi  tami  mo  negi  mo 
Yoki  hito  made  mo 
Hi-tarashi-bito  mo 
Nigihahi-masan  wo 
Yomi  no  sakahi  ni 
Toha  ni  koyaseru 
Mi  idzu  shiranedo 
Ame  ni  mashi-mashi 
Tsuchi  wo  hito-gusa  ni 
Kokota  tafutoki 
Yorodzu  yo  kakete 
Ware  ha  hayasana 
hayasane ! 

IKokotaki  (f^  ^),  arch,  for  ohoki.  ^TotsukunUbito,  "  the  heathen."  4  0ni' 
"bad  spirits";  Kami,  used  in  the  literal  version,  may  denote  spirits  good  or 
bad.  8  6  SMe-ra  and  te-ra,  arch.  Plurals.  H"  Speechless  and  deaf."  ^Shiko-gata, 
"idols."  Uffito-dochi,  "the  same  kind  of  creatures."  U>Ari  nami  wo  su  to, 
"  denying  the  truth."  W  Megumasu,  Honorific  Causat.  for  megumu.  17  Mi  koto  for 
makoto.  19  Wagimi,  contraction  of  wa  ga  Kimi.  &Afuge,  pronounced  aoge. 
Negi,  "priests"  (properly  the  grade  of  Shintau  priests  above  the  kaiinushi). 
23 Ya-so,  "all"  (lit.  "eighty,"  A+)«  ^Wo-date  nasu,  "like  a  shield":  the  tro, 
though  written  )Js  is  expletive.  Na,  arch.  Pronoun  of  the  Second  Person.  &  Hi- 
tarashi-bito,  "adults."  V&Nigikahi,  Active  Verb.  Wo  has  the  force  of  "but." 
90  «  To  the  distant  country,  the  frontiers  of  the  dark  land."  si  Ite  arch,  for  yukite. 
Toha  ni  koyaseru,  "remain  for  ever."  MMashi-mashi,  "augustly  dwells,"  the 
first  half  of  the  compound  retaining  the  original  meaning  of  "  to  dwell,"  while  the 

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chamberlain:  a  Japanese  rendering  of  some  psalms.       808 

second  is  softened  into  an  Honorific.  ^Ara-kane  no,  p.-w.  for  Uuchi.  Hito-gu*a, 
"mankind."  36  Yos<uu,  "  to  grant."  38 &  39 "I  will  praise,  and  do  yon  praise*'.' 
na  arch.  Future,  and  ne  arch.  Imperative. 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Yehoba  yo  !  Ware-ra  ni  yei-yo  wo  tamahazu,  ware-ra  ni  yei-yo 
wo  tamahazu,  Nanji  no  on-kei  (Jg,  Jg)  to  Nanji  no  shin-zhitsu  no 
tame  ni  Nanji  no  na  ni  yei-yo  wo  atahe-yo.  Ta-koku-zhinb  ha  nani  yuwe 
ni  ihan  :  "  Ima  kare-ra0  no  Shiyau-Tei  ha  idzuku  ni  aru  ?" 

Shikaa  shite  ware-ra  no  Shiyau-Tei  ha  ten  ni  ari ;  Kared  no  hori 
suru  tokoro  no  nani  nite  mo  Rare  ga  sore  wo  okonafa.  Eaherite  kare- 
ra6 no  kami-tachi  ha  zhin-saku  no  kin-gin  nari.  Eare-ra  ha  kuchi  wo 
mochite  mo  katarazn.  Kare-ra  ha  me  wo  mochite  mo  mizu.  Eare-ra  ha 
mimi  wo  mochite  mo  kikazu.  Eare-ra  ha  hana  wo  mochite  mo  kagazn. 
Eare-ra  no  te  ha,  kare-ra  ga  mote  furezu.  Eare-ra  no  ashi  ha,  Eare-ra 
ga  mote  ayumazu.  Eare-ra  ha  kare-ra  no  nodo  wo  mote  katarazn. 
Kare-ra  wo  tsukuri,  kare-ra  wo  tanomu  tokoro  no  ono-ono  no  hito  ha 
kare-ra  no  gotoku  ni  naru. 

Isurayeru  yo  I  Yehoba  wo  tanome-yo !  Eare'  ha  kare-ra*  no  tayori 
to  tate  (fl|)  nari.  Arona  no  ka-zoku  yo  !  Yehoba  wo  tanome-yo  !  Eare 
ha  kare-ra  no  tayori  to  tate  nari.  Yehoba  wo  osoruru  ( J£)  tokoro  no  hito- 
bito  yo !  Yehoba  wo  tanome-yo !  Eare  ha  kare-ra  no  tayori  to  tate  nari. 

Yehoba  ha  ware-ra  wo  kokoro  ni  kakeki ;  Eare  ha  meguman  to  su. 
Eare  ha  Isurayeru  no  ka-zoku  wo  meguman  to  shi,  Eare  ha  Arona  no 
ka-zoku  wo  meguman  to  shi,  Eare  ha  Yehoba  wo  osoruru  tokoro  no 
hito-bito  chiyau-yeu  (J|$J)  tomo  ni  meguman  to  shi ;  Yehoba  ha  nafiji- 
ra  to  nanji-ra  no  ko-domo  to  ni  mono  wo  masan  to  su. 

Teii-chi  no  zau-butsu-shiya  naru  Yehoba  nite  naiiji-ra  ga  megu- 
maruru  wo  wa  ga  negafu.    Ten  ha  Yehoba  no  tame  no  ten  nari,  sau 

shite  Eare  ga  chi  wo  zhin-shiyu  ( \%&)  ni  tamahiki. 

.  * 

b  Shiyau-Tei  ni  tsukahezaru  shiyo-kokuno  hito  wo  ifu. 

c  Shiyau-Tei  ni  tsukafuru  hito  wo  ifu. 

d  Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu. 

e  Shiyau-Tei  ni  tsukahezaru  hito  wo  ifu. 

1  Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu.  «Isurayeru-bito  wo  ifu. 

Digitized  by 



Shi-shiya  (^g  ^£)  mata  ha  shi-kiyau  ($6  Jjfc)  no  nra-sei  ($*§?)  ni 
kudaru  tokoro  no  shiyo-nin  (^  A)  ha  Yehoba  wo  san-bi  sezu.  Eaheriie 
ware-ra  ha  ima  yori  nochi  yei-kiu  ni  Yehoba  wo  ai-shiyou  seii  to  su. — 
Hareraya ! 

DAI  HIYAKU  NI  ZHIFU  SAN.    (Pa.  128.) 

Ababuru  Hito  ni  Semerarete  Ama  tsu   Sumera  no  Mi  Tasuke  wo 

Negi-Matsuru  Uta  : 

Hisa-kata  no  Ame  ni  masu  tefu 

Oho-Kimi  wo  Wa  ha  afugana 

Masura-wo  no  Nushi  afugu  goto 

Wotome-ra  no  Tozhi  afugu  goto 

6  Me  kare  sezu  Afugi-tanomite 

Mi  megumi  wo  Tayezu  wa  ga  negu 

Hokorahishi  Hito  ni  warahaye 

Chihayaburu  Hito  ni  nikumaye 

Umashi  Kimi  no  Megumi  shi  nakuba 
10Ikaga  semu  ka  mo? 

1  Tefu,  pronounced  clw,  contraction  of  toifu,  lit.  "  said  to,"  but  almost  an  ex- 
pletive. 2 Afugana,  arch.  Future.  6 Me  kare  sezu,  "with  eyes  that  tire  not." 
QNegu,  "to  pray  for;"  conf.  negi,  "a  priest."  The  compound  form  negafti  has 
survived  in  common  usage.  7  Warahaye,  arch.  Passive  for  waraliare.  8  Chihaya- 
buru, "violent,"  "oppressive."  In  the  later  poetry  it  passed  into  a  p.-w.  for  bad 
gods,  and  eventually  for  gods  in  general.  Nikumaye,  arch.  Passive  for  nikumare : 
prose  would  here  require  the  Participle  or  the  so-called  Conditional,  instead  of  the 
Radical  form. 

Onazhtcu  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Teii  no  giyoku-shiyau  (3£  jffc)  ni  za  sun*  tokoro  no  Naiiji  ni  ware 
ha  wa  wo  agu.  Mi-yo-ya !  Boku-ra  no  me  ha  Karera  no  shiyuu- 
kuii  (j£  JjJ)  no  te  he  mukafu  gotoku,  hi  (jfa)  no  me  ha  Kare  no  shiyuu- 

Digitized  by 



b°  (i  fit)  n0  te  he  mukafu  gotoku, — sono  gotoku  ware-ra  no  me  ha, 
Kare*  ga  ware-ra  wo  megumu  made,  Yehoha  he  mukafu. 

Yehoba  yo !  ware-ra  wo  megume,  ware-ra  wo  megume-yo !  Ikau  to  na- 
reba  ware-ra  ha  zhifu-bun  (-f*  ft)  ni  kei-hetsu  wo  nkeki.  Ware-ra  no 
tamashihi  ha  keu-shiya  (f|  q§ )  no  anadori]  to  bau-kun  (||  g)  no 
kei-betsu  to  zhifu-bun  ni  ukeki. 

•Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu. 

DAI  HIYAKU  NI  ZHIFU  SHI.     (Ps.  124.) 

Ama  tsu  Sumeba  no  Mi  Tasuke  wo  Mede-Kashikomu  no  Uta: 

Arachi-wo  no  Osohi-koshi  told 

Hisakata  no  Ama  tsu  Oho-Kimi  no 

Mi  idzu  mote  Tasuke-masazuba 

Chihayaburu  Hito  ni  ya  nomare 

6Tagi  tsu  se  no  Kaha  ni  ya  ware  ha 

6hidzumi-hate  Horobi-haten  wo 

Ame  tsuchi  wo  I-nashi-tamahishi 

•  Oho-Kimi  no  Aharemi-maseba 

Shiko  tsu  wo  ga  Ye-mono  to  narazu 

10Tonami  hari  Torafu  hito  no  te  yu 

Tobi-kakeru  Eaho-dori  no  goto 

Mi  yo  no  tanoshisa ! 

&Tagi:  in  arch,  usage  this  word  takes  the  nigori,  and  signifies,  not  so  much  a 
waterfall,  as  the  rapids  of  a  river.  6.  . .  ten  wo,  "  should  have  .  .  .  but."  10  Tonami, 
contraction  of  tori  no  ami.  Torafu,  from  tori-afu  (though  written  }$),  "  to  catch.,, 
UKaho-dori  ( jfc  ,%),  "  a  beautiful  bird."  12 The  whole  sentence  has  the  force  of 
an  exclamation. 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 
Isurayern  wo  shite  ihaseshime-yo :  Hito-bito  ga  ware-ra  ni  sakahite 
hatsu-ki  (f$4B)  seshi  toki  ni,  Yehoba  ha  wa  ga  mikata  ni  arazareba,  sono 
toki  ni  kare-ra  no  ikari  ga  ware-ra  ni  sakahite  hatsu  seshi  toki  ni,  kare- 

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ra  ga  ware-ra  wo  sei-doii  (^#)  seshi  naran,  sono  toki  ni  midzu  ga 
ware-ra  wo  oboraseslii  naran,  kaha  ga  ware-ra  no  tamashihi  wo  ahidzu- 
meshi  naran,  ken-man  ni  minagiru  midzu  ga  ware-ra  no  tamashihi  wo 
shidzumeshi  naran.    . 

Kare-ra  no  shi-ga  (jUfj  ^p)  no  ye-mono  tote  ware-ra  wo  sntezarishi 
tokoro  no  Yehoba  ha  ai-shiyou  serareii.wo  waganegafu.  Ware-ra  no 
tamashihi  ha  kiii-teu  ('fif  J^)'  no  gotoku  ho-teu-sha  (^§  j^  qjf)  no 
ami  yori  nigeki :  ami  ha  sake  (§jl),  saa  shite  ware-ra  ha  nigeki. 

Ten-chi  no  zau-butsu-shiya  nam  Yehoba  no  na  ha  ware-ra  no  tayori 

•This  compound  is  used  because  the  simple  word  tori  suggests  the  idea  of  "  a 
barn-door  fowl." 

DAI  HIYAKU  NI  ZHIFU  SHICHL    (Ps.  127.) 

Yorodzu  no  Eoto-goto  Ama  tsu  Sumeba  no  Mi  Tama-Mono  Nabu  wo 
Yomebu  Uta  : 

Ihe  ha  mo  Ama  tsu  Oho-Kimi  no 

Mi  te  mote  Tatezuba  tatazu 

Iha-ki  ha  mo  Ama  tsu  Oho-Kimi  no  * 

Mi  idzu  mote  Morazuba  yohashi 

6  Mi  ke  shi  mo  yo  Wa  ha  inuru  to  mo 

Ama  tsu  Eimi  no  Tada  ni  kudasu  zo 

Shikasuga  ni  Oho  tari  mi  mi  no 

Mi  megumi  to  Omohoyede  koso 

Ake-boshi  no  Ide-konu  saki  yo 

10Yu£u-dzutsu  no  Eage  kururu  made 

Adzusa-yumi  Itodo  isoshimu 

Eahi  nakere  Umare-ide-kuru 

Eo-ra  chifu  mo  Tami  wo  uruhosu  to 

Ama  tsu  Eimi  no  Tamafu  takara  ya 

wMasura-wo  ga  Yu-de  no  ya  no  goto 

Ya  nareba  ya  Ei  no  kana-do  ni 

Wa  ga  ada  ni  I-mukafu  toki  zo 

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chamberlain:  a  Japanese  bendemng  of  some  psalms.        807 

Ito  saha  ni  Yugi  ni  sono  ya  wo 

Takuhafuru  Chichi  no  mikoto  ha 

^Tanoshikiro  ka  mo ! 

l  to  4  Considerably  compressed  to  suit  the  Japanese  taste  for  brevity.  Iha-ki 
(%j  Sfc)>  "  a  firm  castle  "  or  ••  fortified  city."  7  Oho  tari  mi  mi  (^C  J£  ^  #), 
"  the  great,  all-sufficing,  august  being."  9  To,  arch,  for  yori.  ^Adzusa-yumi,  p.-w. 
for  words  beginning  with  A  and  others.  Isoshimu,  "  to  hurry,"  "  to  take  pains." 
13 Ko-ra,  "  children,"  arch.  Plural.  CJiifu,  pronounced  chiyil,  arch,  contraction  of  to 
i/u.  15  Yu-de,  for  yumi-te,  "  the  left  hand."  16  Ya  narebaya,  "  being  arrows."  Ki 
(Si)>  arch,  for  "  a  castle."  Kana-do  (from  &  and  P"),  arch,  for  ftado,  "a 
gate."  17  Wa  ga,  "  their."  19  Chichi  no  mikoto  (usually  preceded  by  the  p.-w.  cAi- 
chinomino),  *' father."  ^Tanoshikiro  ka  mo,  "is  happy  indeed " :  fciro  would* 
seem  to  stand  for  ....  fa*  art*;  &a  mo  is  exclamatory  like  the  common  classical 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Ihe  wo  ba  Yehoba  ga  zau-ritsu  (|§J  3j£)  sezareba,  sore  wo  zau-ritsu 
suru  tokoro  no  hito-bito  ha  mu-yeki  ni  rau  (|£)  su.  To-fu  (%$  Jff) 
wo  ba  Yehoba  ga  shiu-go  (^p  H?)  sezareba,  sore  wo  shin-go  sum  tokoro 
no  hito  ha  mu-yeki  ni  yo  wo  akasu. 

Nafij'i-ra  ga  ku-rau  (^  $£)  no  pan  wo  kuhi-tsutsu,  hayaku  okite 
sau  shite  tada  osoku  ikofu  ha  mu-yeki  nari.  Eedashi  sono  gotoku  Rare* 
ga  Kare  no  ai-shi  ( j|  Ijh)  ni  nemuri  no  uchi  ni  tamafu. 

Mi-yo-ya  I  Dan-zhi  (^  §g)  ha  Yehoba  no  tama-mono  nari ;  hara 
no  mi  ha  hau-bi  (3§J  H)  nari.  Yei-iyuu  (^  ££)  no  te  ni  ya  (^J)  no 
aru  gotoku,  sono  gotoku  sau-nen  (t|£  dp)  no  dan-zhi-domo  nari. 

Kare-rab  ni  mitsuru  yugi  wo  motsu  tokoro  no  hito  ha  saihai  nari. 
Kare-ra  ha  mon  ni  oite  teki  to  kataru  toki  ni,  kare-ra  ga  hajin  to  sezu. 

*  Shiyau-Tei  wo  sasu.    bDau-zhi  wo  ifu. 

DAI  HIYAKU  NI  ZHIFU  HACHI.     (Ps.  128.) 

Yoki  Hito  no  Sachihahi  wo  Yomeru  Uta  : 

Yasumishishi  Wago  Oho-Eimi  ni 

Kake-maku  mo      Tsukahe-matsurite 

Digitized  by 


806       chambeblain:  a  Japanese  bendekino  of  some  psalms. 

Hisa-kata  no  Ama  tsu  mi  nori  wo 

Kashikoku  mo  Mori-ken  hito  no 

5  Bono  sachi  ya  Kagiri  mo  shirani 

Ta  tsn  mono  Mi -nori  yutakeku 

Hata  tsu  mono  Woshi-mono  saha  ni 

Waka-kusa  no  Tsuma  no  mikoto  ha 

Niha  n'uchi  no  Tama-katsura  goto 

10Ari-ginu  no  Takara  no  ko-ra  ha 

Haru-no-be  no  Waka-na  no  gotoku 

Ono  ga  mi  mo  Toshi  no  wo  nagaku 

Ko-ra  ga  ko  no  Suwe  no  suwe  made 

Kuni  sakiku  Miyako  yutaka  ni 

^Nagarahen  Ama  tsn  Oho-Kimi  no 

Mede-tamahi  Megumase-tamafu 

Hito  no  tanoshisa ! 

1  Yasumiskiski,  p.-w.  for  the  following.  Wago,  arch,  irreg.  form  for  wa  ga.  5 Ka- 
giri mo  shirani,  "  boundless  ";  ni  is  the  arch.  Radical  form  of  the  Negative  nu.  6  Ta 
tsu  mono,  "  the  produce  of  his  field";  7"  The  produce  of  his  garden  and  his  food 
being  very  abundant."  ^Waka-kusa  no,  p.-w.  for  tsuma.  Tsuma  no  mikoto,  "  wife." 
0  N'uchi,  arch,  contraction  for  no  uchi.  Tama,  "  beautiful ."  The  figures  of  the 
vine  and  the  olive-branches  can  only  be  thus  rendered  by  equivalents.  10  Ariginu 
no,  p.-w.  for  takara,  which  latter  is  almost  an  Expletive.  U  No-be  ($f  jJJ),  "  a 
grassy  lea."  12 Toshi  no  wo  {if  $|J),  "  the  thread  of  his  life."  U Sakiku, "  pros- 
perous," only  used  in  the  Adverbial  form.  17  "  0 1  the  happiness  of  the  man  who 
etc.,  etc." 

Onazhiku  Chiyoku-Yaxu. 

Yehoba  wo  osore,  Kare  no  michi  wo  ayumu  tokoro  no  ono-ono  no 
mono  (%)  ha  saihahi  nari.  Nanji A  ha  mochi-rofi  nanji  no  shiu-sei  (^  JU) 
no  mono  wo  kuhan  to  su ;  nanji  ha  saihahi  nari,  sau  shite  nanji  ha  nani- 
goto  mo  tanoshiku  ari. 

Nanji  no  tsuma  ha  nanji  no  ihe  no  oka  ni  ara  yutaka  nam  bu-dau 
no  gotokn  ari ;  nanji  no  ko-domo  ha  nafiji  no  tsukahe  no  mahari  nam 
kan-ran  no  ko-yeda  no  gotoku  ari. 

*  Michi  wo  ayumu  shin-zhiya  (4f§  ;§)  wo  ifu. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQ IC 


Mi-yo-ya !  Yehoba  wo  osornrn  tokoro  no  hito  ha  mochi-ron  kaku 
aiseraru.  Seo-yama  yori  Yehoba  ha  nanji  wo  mede ;  sau  shite  nafiji 
no  shiyau-gai  (££  2£)  nanji  ha  Yerusaren  no  haii-zhiyau  {%  §|)  wo 
mi ;  sau  shite  nanji  ha  naiiji  no  ko-domo  no  ko-domo  wo  min  wo  wa  ga 
negafu.    Isurayeru  ni  hei-aii  aran  wo  wa  ga  negara. 

DAI  HIYAKU  SAS  ZHIFU  SAfi.  (Ps.  188). 

Taoahi  ni  Mutsumeeu  Mi  no  Sachihahi  wo  Yomebu  TJta: 

Uruhashiku  Ahi-stunu  tami  no 

Sono  sachi  ya  Taguhete  ihana 

Nagnhashiki  Oho-negi  Arona  no 

Itadakite  Ya-tsuka  no  hige  yn 

5Eoromo  made  Mo  no  suso  made  ni 

Sosoga  chifa  Kushi-abura  ga  goto 

Mata  ha  shi  mo  Taguhete  ihana 

Hisa-kata  no  Ama  tsu  Oho-Kimi  no 

Kashikoku  mo  Mi  koto-nori  shite 

10Toko-toha  ni  Mede-tamahi-masu 

Seo-yama  no  Kushi-yama  no  he  ni 

Hernmo-ne  yn  Urohobi-okern 

Tsuyu-shimo  no  Shira-tama  goto  mo 

Uruhashiku  Ahi-sumu  tami  no 
15  Sono  sachihahi  ha  I 

2  Taguhete,  "  by  a  similitude."  Ihana,  arch.  Future  (for  iha fi).  3 Naguhashiki 
(/&  $B))  "  far-famed/1  arch,  equivalent  of  the  phrase  na  ni  *hi  ofu,  common  in 
the  classical  poetry.  *  Ya-tsuka  (  A  5R)>  "very  long."  10  Toko-toha  ni,  "for 
evermore."  11  Kushi-yama,  "  sacred  mountain.*1  He,  J§.  13  Tsuyu-shimo,  "  dew,*' 
shimo  being  an  Expletive,  though  written  f§,  and  not  to  be  confounded  with  the 
particles  shi  mo.  14  &  15  Initial  lines  repeated  after  the  manner  of  the  se-dou-ka. 
vol.  vm.  40 

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"810       chamberlain:  a  Japanese  BBKDXBiNa  of  boms  psalms. 

Onazhku  Chiyoku-Yaku. 

Mi-yo-ya!  Kei-tei  mo  itsu-shiyo  (—  ffi)  ni  sumu  koto  ha  ika  ni 
yoroshiku,  sau  shite  ika  ni  nreshiku  aru  yo  !  Sore  ha  Arona  no  hige  ni 
shidzuka  ni  nagare-kudari,  kare  no  i-fuku  no  suso  made  shidzuka  ni 
nagare-kudarn  kaube  no  tafutoki  abura  no  gotoku ;  mata  ha  Seo-yama 
ni  shidzuka  ni  nagare-kudarn  Herumo  no  tsuyu  no  gotoshi :  ikan  to  nareba 
soko  ni  Yehoba  ha  ofi-kei,  sunawachi  inochi  wo  yei-kiu  ni  maakeki. 


The  Bey.  J.  L.  Amerman  observed  that  the  Japanese  could  use  their  colloquial 
dialect  with  the  element  o!  vulgarity  eliminated.  It  then  became  suitable  for 
serious  compositions.  He  knew  of  several  serious  publications  in  the  colloquial 
dialect  which  had  achieved  a  very  wide  circulation.  He  considered  that  the 
greatest  objection  to  the  plan  proposed  by  Mr.  Chamberlain  was  the  fact  that 
there  was  a  double  rendering.  In  translating  the  Scriptures  it  was  very  essential 
that  the  sacred  text  should  be  expressed  in  one  way  and  one  way  only.  Any 
paraphrase  would  be  apt  to  reflect  the  distinctive  doctrinal  views  of  the  translator. 
The  experience  of  those  who  had  used  the  English  Prayer-Book  version  of  the 
Psalms  seemed  to  show  that  a  paraphrase,  versified  and  amplified,  was  unnecessary. 
The  present  tendency  in  Japan  was  towards  the  extended  use  of  Sinico-Japanese, 
between  which  and  the  colloquial  style  a  gradual  approximation  seemed  to  he 
taking  place. 

Mr.  Satow  said  he  had  had  the  pleasure  of  reading  Mr.  Chamberlain's  transla- 
tions into  ancient  Japanese  verse,  and  he  had  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  they 
appeared  to  him  to  convey  the  spirit  of  the  English  original  much  more  closely 
than  the  literal  versions.  In  spite  of  the  success  obtained  by  the  author  of  the 
paper,  he  was,  however,  inclined  to  agree  with  the  view  of  the  last  speaker,  that 
this  style  would  not  be  found  adequate  to  translating  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment. The  Chinese  classics  to  the  follower  of  Confucius,  and  the  Chinese  versions 
of  the  Buddhist  Scriptures  to  the  Buddhist  priest,  were  what  the  Bible  is  to  the 
European,  and  their  style  ranked  as  high  in  the  judgment  of  Japanese  as  that  of 
the  English  version  in  the  opinion  of  Englishmen.    If  the  Chinese  version  of  the 

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Old  Testament  already  in  existence  were  made  to  conform  more  closely  to  the 
classical  Chinese,  it  could  be  read  with  facility  by  educated  Japanese,  and  if 
published  with  a  Japanese  translation  in  the  same  way  as  the  Chinese  classios  are, 
would  be  easily  understood  by  the  common  people,  who  by  the  medium  of  the 
popular  newspapers,  printed  in  Chinese  characters  with  Japanese  characters 
along-side,  were  daily  becoming  more  familiar  with  the  Sinioo-Japanese  style.  Such 
had  been  the  opinion  expressed  to  him  by  several  Japanese  with  whom  he  had 
conversed  on  the  subject. 

Dr.  Faulds  said  that  there  were  elements  at  work  tending  to  raise  the  colloquial 
language  out  of  its  present  degraded  state,  and  that  the  Japanese  were  beginning 
to  look  on  the  high  Chinese  style  as  rather  ridioulous,  and  to  compare  scholars  of 
Chinese  to  those  painters  who  were  celebrated  for  their  classical  pieces,  which  no 
one  understood,  but  who  failed  miserably  when  they  laid  themselves  open  to 
general  criticism  by  painting  something  commonplace  and  intelligible. 

Mr.  Blanchet  handed  in  a  copy  of  a  "  Japanese  version  of  the  hundredth  Psalm," 
translated  by  a  committee  of  missionaries  in  Sinico-Japanese  style.   [See  next 

Mr.  Wright  asked  Mr.  Chamberlain  whether  the  plan  he  advocated  was 
intended  to  apply  to  the  translation  of  the  Psalms  for  actual  use  by  Japanese 
converts  to  Christianity? 

Mr.  Chamberlain  said  that,  having  already  exposed  his  views  at  length  in  the 
paper  now  under  discussion,  he  would  not  take  up  more  than  a  few  moments  of  the 
meeting's  time.  He  simply  desired  to  remind  Mr.  Amerman,  who  had  objected  on 
principle  to  the  plan  of  printing  two  parallel  versions  of  the  Psalms  and 
making  one  of  these  versions  a  poetical  parapharase,  that  in  the  chief  book 
of  one  of  the  chief  churches  of  Christendom,— the  English  Prayer-Book, — 
two  such  versions  were  given.  That  the  metrical  version  was  in  this  par- 
ticular case  a  very  unsatisfactory  one,  did  not  affect  the  argument.  He  also 
begged  to  correct  a  statement  of  Mr.  Amerman's  to  the  effect  that  he  (Mr. 
Chamberlain)  had  denied  the  existence  of  any  serious  works  in  Sinico-Japanese, 
and  observed  that,  after  all,  the  distinction  between  Sinico-Japanese  and  the 
Chiyoku-yaku  style  which  he  had  advocated,  was  not  essential.  If,  as  Mr.  Satow 
seemed  to  think,  the  existing  Chinese  versions  of  the  Scriptures  are  those  which 
are  most  likely  to  suit  the  taste  of  Japanese  readers,  then  we  may  find  pleasure 
in  the  thought  that  the  labour  of  translation  is  already  accomplished.  If,  on  the 
contrary,  the  colloquial,  when  it  shall  have  been  rendered  fit  for  literary  purposes, 
is  to  be  the  medium,  then  in  all  probability  no  person  now  living  will  survive  to  see 
the  result.  No  one  would  hail  with  greater  delight  than  himself  the  substitution 
of  one  common  easily  understood  language  for  the  present  cumbrous  system 
according  to  which  the  Japanese  write  in  a  manner  different  to  that  in  which  they 
speak.    But  the  versions  in  his  paper  had  been  made  with  a  view,— not  to  a  distant 

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(  812  ) 

future,  bat  to  the  present  moment,— and  were  intended  to  be  o!  a  kind  that  would 
please  the  educated  olass,  the  most  important  of  all  classes,  leading,  as  it  does,  the 
way  in  which  the  masses  afterwards  follow. 


1.  Sekai  mina  Yehoba  ni  yorokobi  yobawari ;  yorokobi  wo  motto 
Yehoba  ni  tsukaye,  uta  wo  motte  sono  maye  ni  kitarubeshi. 

2.  Nanjira  Yehoba  wa  Kami  nam  wo  shiru  beshi,  Shu  wa  war  era 
wo  tsukuri-tamayeri. 

8.  Warera  midzukara  tsukurishi  ni  aradzu,  Shu  no  tami,  Shu  ni 
kawaruru  hitsuji  nari. 

4.  Kansha  wo  motte  Shu  no  mon  ni  iri,  sambi  wo  motte  Shu  no  den 
ni  nobori,  Shn  ni  shashi,  mi  na  wo  home  tatematsurubeshi. 

5.  Shn  wa  megumi  ari,  Shn  no  awaremi  kagiri  naku,  sono  makoto 
yoyo  ni  tsukizareba  nari. 

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By  Eenest  Satow. 

[Rmd  April  13,  1880.] 

A  great  impulse  has  lately  been  given  to  the  study  of  archaeology 
in  this  country  by  the  important  discoveries  of  Prof.  Ed.  Morse  in  the 
shell-heaps  at  Ohomori1  and  elsewhere,  by  the  publication  of  Mr.  Yon 
Siebold's  "Notes  on  Japanese  Archeology,"  full  of  interesting  facts 
and  valuable  illustrations,  and  still  more  recently  by  the  researches  of 
Mr.  John  Milne  in  Yezo,  which  have  formed  the  subject  of  a  paper 
already  presented  by  him  to  this  Society.2  Fresh  helps  to  the  study  of 
this  subject  may  be  daily  looked  for,  and  every  additional  scrap  of 
information  is  worth  collecting.  It  is  with  this  conviction  that  I  venture 
to  oner  to  the  society  a  few  notes  on  some  prehistoric  burial-mounds  in 
the  province  of  Kaudzuke  which  were  opened  about  two  years  back,  as 
well  as  on  the  ancient  pottery  and  other  articles  discovered  in  them  and 
at  one  or  two  neighbouring  places. 

Whoever  has  travelled  in  the  province  of  Yamato  cannot  fail  to 
have  visited  some  of  the  remarkable  circular  tumuli,  often  surrounded 
by  moats,  under  which  lie  the  remains  of  the  early  sovereigns  of  this 
country.  In  Kaudzuke,  also,  there  are  numerous  circular  burial-mounds, 
and  in  the  course  of  an  hour's  ramble  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
village  of  Ohomuro  on  the  occasion  of  a  recent  visit,  I  counted  at  least 
six  undoubted  ones,  three  of  which  have  been  already  opened,  besides 
as  many  more  of  similar  shape  that  will  probably  turn  out  on  examina- 
tion to  be  of  the  same  character.     None  of  those  that  had  been  opened, 

1See  "  Memoirs  of  the  Science  Dept.,  University  of  Tokio,  1879,  vol.  i,  pt.  1. 
'Transactions,  vol.  viii.,  pt.  1. 

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as  far  as  I  could  ascertain,  were  known  to  have  yielded  any  relics  of 
antiquity,  but  then  one  of  them,  the  largest,  was  opened  so  long  ago 
that  all  memory  of  the  event  has  been  lost.  In  this  province  the 
circular  mounds  appear  to  have  been  reserved  for  persons  of  inferior 
rank,  and  the  great  finds  of  pottery  and  other  articles  have  been  made 
in  tumuli  of  another  form.  These  are  situated  in  the  villages  of  Ohoya 
and  OHomuro,8  two  in  the  former,  three  in  the  latter  village.  Of  the 
two  at  Ohoya,  one  was  opened  about  60  years  ago,  and  the  last  survivor 
of  those  who  had  a  hand  in  its  demolition  died  three  years  back.  It 
yielded,  besides  a  circular  mirror  hung  with  small  bells  and  one  so- 
called  maga-tama,  several  very  curious  pieces  of  pottery,  which  will  be 
described  further  on.  The  second  was  opened  in  1878.  Of  the  three 
at  Ohomuro  two  only  have  been  opened,  and  it  was  from  one  of  these 
that  a  large  and  varied  assemblage  of  extremely  characteristic  pottery 
was  obtained,  besides  iron  weapons,  articles  of  bronze  and  blue 
glass  beads. 

The  general  shape  of  these  mounds  is  best  shown  by  the  accompany- 
ing sketch  of  one  of  them.  They  are  in  fact  double  mounds,  and  are 
therefore  popularly  called  Futa-go  yama  or  Twin-hills.  A  line  drawn  from 
end  to  end  would  run  nearly  from  east  to  west.  The  west  end  is  square, 
the  eastern  being  round.  While  the  latter  contained  the  tomb,  with 
the  corpse  lying  north  and  south,  the  former  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
quarter  from  which  reverence  was  paid  to  the  dead  by  the  presentation 
of  offerings.  About  the  middle  there  is  a  slight  contraction,  to  which  a 
depression  in  the  connecting  ridge  corresponds.  Each  mound  seems 
to  have  been  originally  built  up  in  three  tiers,  though  the  outlines  have 
been  obliterated  in  the  course  of  ages  by  the  growth  of  vegetation  and  the 
action  of  wind  and  rain.  On  the  top  of  each  jiier  was  a  fence  formed  of 
a  row  of  terra  cotta  pipes  about  two  feet  high,  connected  by  wooden 
poles  or  bamboos  passed  through  holes  about  half-way  from  the  base. 
Of  these  three  mounds  those  which  lie  on  the  north  and  south  have  a 
single  surrounding  moat,  but  the  central  one  had  once  a  double  moat, 
traces  of  which  are  still  easily  distinguished.  Several  small  circular 
mounds  are  dotted  irregularly  about  the  immediate  vicinity,  but  as  these 

8 About  7  miles  E.  of  Mahebashi,  the  capital  of  the  Gun-ba  prefecture,  and 
6  miles  N.  of  Isezaki  on  the  high-road  from  Tou-kiyau  to  that  town. 

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have  not  yet  been  examined  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  they  are  in 
any  way  connected  with  the  principal  mounds,  as  being,  for  instance, 
the  burial-places  of  retainers.  It  may  perhaps  be  that  the  double-moated 
tumulus  covers  the  tomb  of  a  personage  of  still  higher  rank  than  either 
of  the  others,  and  when  it  comes  to  be  opened  may  be  expected  to  yield 
an  even  larger  collection  of  relics. 

For  convenience'  sake  I  will  begin  with  the  southernmost  mound. 
Its  greatest  height  is  86  feet,  its  length  872  feet  and  width  284  feet,  ac- 
cording to  the  official  measurement.  The  tomb  is  in  the  ciroular  part  at 
the  east  end,  and  opens  towards  the  south,  but  a  little  to  the  east.  It  is 
divided  into  three  sections,  the  outermost  of  which  is  a  passage  88  feet 
in  length,  to  which  succeeds  a  sort  of  sacrificial  chapel  24  feet  long,  and 
.  then  a  chamber  6  feet  in  depth,  which  is  supposed  to  have  contained 
the  coffin.  The  height  throughout  is  rather  over  6  feet,  and  the  width, 
beginning  with  about  8  feet  at  the  entrance,  gradually  increases  to  about 
4£  feet  at  the  further  end.  No  exact  measurements  are  possible,  because 
the  stones  of  which  the  walls  and  roof  are  constructed  are  rough  un- 
trimmed  blocks,  just  in  the  state  in  which  they  were- brought  from  the 
quarries  on  the  hill-side  in  the  neighbourhood.  The  size  of  these  blocks 
is  considerable.  Those  in  the  roof  of  the  outer'passage  must  be  at  least 
6  feet  long,  and  as  there  are  8  of  them,  must  average  over  4  feet  in 
width.  This  part  of  the  tomb  was  filled  up  with  loose  stones  and  earth, 
and  at  its  further  end  were  two  large  slabs  which  closed  the  entrance  to 
the  interior.  The  sacrificial  chapel  was  divided  from  the  coffin  chamber 
by  a  low  sill  of  stone.  When  the  mound  was  first  opened  the  interior  of 
the  tomb  was  found  filled  half-way  to  the  roof  with  fine  dust,  which  had 
evidently  accumulated  during  the  lapse  of  centuries  by  falling  through 
the  crevices  between  the  stone  slabs  overhead.  On  removing  this  there 
were  discovered  in  the  outer  compartment  seventeen  pieces  of  pottery, 
part  of  a  bronze  head- piece  for  a  horse,  a  bronze  stirrup  in  fragments, 
an  iron  spear-head,  a  quantity  of  iron  arrow-heads  and  some  bits  of  iron 
chain.  In  the  innermost  compartment  were  found  about  three  hundred 
beads  of  blue  glass,  a  small  gold  ring  (Fig.  29),  a  circular  bronze 
mirror  4£  inches  in  diameter,  an  iron  spear-head,  some  iron  hooks  and 
bits  of  chain,  and  four  ornaments  in  bronze,  much  broken,  lying  in 
the  four  corners.    Mr.  Atkinson  has  kindly  analyzed  some  fragments 

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of  the  beads,  and  states  that  they  appear  to  consist  of  a  silicate 
of  potash  and  lime,  containing  some  ferrous  silicate  and  coloured 
with  oxide  of  cobalt.  The  glass  contains  no  lead,  and  its  specific  gravity 
is  low — 2.88.  The  iron  was  almost  entirely  converted  into  rust,  and 
the  bronze  articles  had  also  rusted  considerably,  with  the  exception 
of  the  mirror,  which  appears  to  have  suffered  little.  The  floor  was 
covered  with  a  quantity  of  reddish  dust,  some  of  which  I  brought 
away.  It  has  been  found  by  Mr.  Atkinson  to  consist  mainly  of  red 
oxide  of  iron,  with  very  slight  traces  of  phosphoric  acid  and  lime.  It  is 
•supposed  that  the  body,  together  with  a  necklace  formed  of  these  beads, 
the  ring  and  the  mirror,  was  enclosed  in  a  wooden  coffin  filled  with  red 
oxide  of  iron  (known  to  the  Japanese  as  benigara) ;  and  that  the  coffin 
was  then  suspended  from  the  roof  by  the  iron  hooks  and  chains  of 
which  fragments  were  found  lying  on  the  floor.  The  four  bronze 
halberd-shaped  ornaments  were  perhaps  fixed  on  the  end  of  staves,  and 
placed  upright  in  the  four  corners.  In  the  course  of  time  the -body, 
burial  clothing  and  wood  of  the  coffin  evidently  decayed,  while  the 
imperishable  contents  fell  to  the  bottom  of  the  tomb.  The  hooks  and 
chains  were  eaten  through  by  rust,  and  gave  way,  some  falling  outside 
the  sill,  the  rest  within.  This  must  have  happened  before  the  dust 
began  to  find  its  way  through  the  crevices  of  the  roof.  If  the  coffin  were 
made  of  maid  (Podocarpus  macrophylla)  as  we  learn  from  the  Ni-hon-gi 
was  the  practice  in  early  times,  it  would  have  a  good  chance  of  lasting 
twenty  or  thirty  years,  before  falling  to  pieces,  as  this  is  one  of  the  most 
durable  kinds  of  wood  grown  in  Japan. 

The  pottery  discovered  in  the  interior  of  the  tomb  was  mainly  of 
two  sorts,  one  being  blackish  grey,  thick  and  extremely  hard,  the  other 
red,  inclining  to  pink,  thin  and  comparatively  soft.  A  third,  which  may 
be  called  terra  cotta,  probably  made  from  a  somewhat  coarser  clay  of  the 
same  character  as  the  last,  was  used  for  the  tubular  posts  of  the  fences 
already  mentioned.  The  ornamentation  is  chiefly  of  seven  kinds :  1st, 
horizontal  parallel  ridges  and  grooves  at  regular  distances ;  2nd,  angular 
wave-lines  or  zigzags  impressed  on  the  paste  by  means  of  a  comb  with 
from  two  to  seven  teeth ;  3rd,  a  pattern  made  by  cutting  shallow  notches 
with  a  knife  in  a  direction  inclined  from  the  axis  of  the  article  and  then 
impressing  a  row  of  blunt  points  on  the  left  hand  side  of  the  notch;  4th, 

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irregular  designs  produced  by  parallel  strokes  made  with  a  blunt  point, 
which  are  crossed  by  other  strokes  only  slightly  differing  in  direction  or 
by  strokes  at  right  angles,  the  effect  being  in  some  cases  a  resemblance 
to  the  impression  of  a  coarse  kind  of  cloth ;  6th,  curved  strokes  made 
without  any  particular  intention,  crossing  each  other  in  an  irregular 
manner ;  6th,  concentric  circular  incised  lines ;  7th,  small  buttons  or 
bosses  of  clay;  and  lastly,  square,  triangular  and  round  holes  made 
through  the  bases  of  vessels.  The  terra  cotta  pieces  have  their  surfaces 
generally  covered  with  parallel  striae  in  the  direction  of  their  length, 
made  with  some  article  of  the  nature  of  a  brush. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  describe  the  contents  of  the  first  tumulus 
in  detail.4 

No.  1. 

Of  common  red  clay,  without  any  glaze,  made  with  the  wheel.  In 
the  base  two  triangular  apertures,  cut  out  of  the  soft  paste  with  a  knife. 
One  side  was  partly  blackened,  apparently  with  lamp-black. 


Height  11.94 

Diam.  of  mouth  6.18 

"       "  throat   4.05 

"      "  globe 7.78 

II  "  top  of  base 2.91 

"      "  foot  of  base 6.86 

No.  2. 

Brown  clay  inclining  to  pale  red,  the  fractures  black.  Distinct 
marks  of  the  wheel  on  the  inside  of  the  bowl.  Underneath  the  rim  on 
the  outside  runs  a  zigzag  pattern  made  with  seven  points,  then  two 
grooves,  another  zigzag  mark,  and  then  the  latticed  pattern  made  with 
a  blunt  point.  The  zigzags  are  repeated  on  each  of  the  four  sections  of 
the  base. 

*  See  the  illustrations. 

6  These  measures  were  taken  in  Japanese  inches  and  afterwards  converted  into 
English  measure  by  multiplying  by  1.19.  The  2nd  decimal  cannot  be  depended  on 
for  exactness. 

vol.  vm.  41 

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Height  15.6 

Diam.  of  bowl  14.28 

Height  of  base 10.71 

Diam.  of  top  of  base 4.28 

"     of  foot  of  base   10.82 

No.  8. 

A  kind  of  flat  circular  jar  of  dark  brown  clay,  with  concentric 
circles  incised  on  the  front  side,  the  back  quite  plain.  Apparently 
intended  to  J>e  hong  against  a  wall  by  cords  passed  through  its  two  ears, 
but  discovered  resting  upright  in  the  bowl  of  No.  2. 


Diam 10.11 

From  back  to  front  5.71 

Diam.  of  mouth 2.78 

Height  of  neck 1.48 

No.  4. 

This  resembles  No.  2  very  closely,  almost  the  only  difference  being 
that  the  base  has  one  section  less.  The  bottom  of  the  interior  of  the 
bowl  is  covered  with  curved  lines  made  with  a  broad  point.  The  lip  of 
the  bowl  has  zigzag  ornaments  made  with  two  points  only.  On  the 
bottom  of  the  bowl  are  two  sets  of  parallel  straight  lines  crossing  each 
other  at  an  acute  angle.     Colour  and  material  the  same  as  No.  2. 


Height  14.99 

Height  of  base 10.11 

Diam.  of  bowl 14.28 

"      "  foot    12.14 

"     "  top  of  base 4.46 

No.  5. 

A  flat  circular  jar  like  No.  8,  with  a  wider  neck,  slightly  inclined  to 
one  side,  and  the  zigzag  mark  under  the  lip.  This  was  found  resting 
in  No.  4. 

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FIG  .3  SIDE  VIEW  OF  FIQ  % 

FIG. 4 

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No.  6. 

A  tall  column  surmounted  by  a  small  basin,  in  the  bottom  of  which 
is  a  hole  1.5  in.  diameter.    To  what  purpose  this  was  applied  can  only 
be  a  matter  of  conjecture.    It  is  possible  that  it  held  a  staff  to  which 
were  attached  streamers  of  cloth,  representing  the  aratahe  and  nigitahe 
frequently  mentioned  among  offerings  made  to  the  gods.     Colour  gener- 
ally dark  brown,  but  the  base  has  apparently  been  coloured  with  red 
*■  "*"  of  iron.     The  bowl  has  distinct  marks  of  the  potter's  wheel, 
rnamentation  consists  of  the  zigzag  pattern  on  the  outside  of  the 
and  on  each   section  of  the  columns  and  base,  besides  small 
s  or  bosses  on  the  bands  which  divide  the  six  sections  of  the 
.     The  upper  edge  of  the  base  has  the  pattern  made  with  the 
d  blunt  points,  and  is  further  decorated  with  four  small  images 
ppear  to  represent  a  bird,  a  fish,  a  frog  and  a  mouse.    There  is 
for  one  more,  which  has  been  lost.     Each  of  the  upper  five 
s  of  the  column  has  two  rows  of  zigzag  marks,  the  bottom 
i  only  one.    The  bell-shaped  base  has  one  row  of  zigzags  in  the 
section,  two  each  in  the  second  and  third  sections,  and  one  in  the 
q  section.    All  made  with  a  five-toothed  comb. 


ghtofbowl x 2.86 

•       "  column 12.02 

"  base 8.69 

Total  height 28.57 

Diam.  of  bowl 7.78 

"      "  top  of  column  4.28 

"      "  bottom  of  column 8.45 

"      "  top  of  base  5.06 

"      "  bottom  of  base 11.66 

No.  7. 

A  wide-mouthed  vase  of  blackish  grey  clay,  with  traces  of  colouring 
with  red  oxide  of  iron.  Ornamentation  on  the  neck,  three  closely  united 
rows  of  zigzags  made  with  a  five-toothed  comb ;  on  the  globe,  two  rows 
of  the  pattern  made  with  the  knife  and  blunt  points. 

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Height  9.28 

Diam.  of  mouth    5.47 

"      "  globe 7.6 

"      "  throat 8.57 

Height  of  globe 5.86 

No.  8. 

A  tazza  of  brown  clay,  no  colouring,  with  three  triangular  aperture? 
in  the  base,  formed  with  curvilinear  sides.  Zigzag  mark  on  th  avI 
formed  by  a  three-toothed  comb. 

Height  !2 

"      of  base J.i; 

Diam.  of  bowl  5    S 

"      "foot 8.S9 

"      "throat LAS 

Three  of  these  vessels  were  found,  one  of  them  broken  into  t*     ]  ieoes. 

No.  9. 

A  vase  of  brown  clay,  with  a  round  bottom,  so  that  if  1  (><*-»  not 
readily  stand  upright.  The  whole  of  the  neck  is  covered  ~\itl  'ho 
zigzag  pattern,  and  round  the  middle  of  the  globe  runs  a  ban  .  i  h  we 
pattern  made  by  the  knife  and  blunt  points.  In  this  band  .  <  i  a 
carefully  formed  round  aperture,  but  no  traces  are  visible  oi  in  ut 
having  at  any  time  been  attached. 


Height  ^ 

"     of  globe 2.8 

Diam.  of  mouth  5.71 

"      "globe  4.4 

"      "  throat 2.8 

No.  10. 

A  tazza  of  brown  clay  similar  to  No.  8,  with  truncated  triangular 
apertures  in  the  base. 


Height  5.95 

Diameter 5.88 

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FIG.   1  * 

FIG.   77        Flo.    7  <r 

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J  '.   *         >  _.--''.      V-1""      ~^*j 

,S        :  „■    ,'    •    ^    y  _.  -"  /  .  :f  -,fJ 



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No.  11. 

A  tazza  of  red  clay,  without  ornament. 


Height  5.85 

Diam.  of  bowl  7.88 

11      "foot 6.24 

A  pair  of  these  were  found. 

No.  12. 

Similar  tazza  of  smaller  dimensions. 


Height  6.12 

Diam.  of  bowl  6.48 

"      "  foot    5.24 

There  were  a  pair  of  these. 

No.  18. 

A  saucer  of  red  clay,  with  perpendicular  sides ;  no  ornament. 

Diameter   4,64 

Height  1.78 

No.  14. 

Bronze  cheek-piece  for  the  head-stall  of  a  horse,  composed  of  a 
horizontal  plate  18in.  in  length,  and  a  vertical  plate  8$  in.  high,  with  a 
double  edging  ornamented  with  small  circular  bosses. 

No.  15. 

Stirrup-iron,  consisting  of  a  circular  ring  for  the  foot,  6  inches 
diameter,  and  a  straight  piece  by  which  it  was  suspended  10  in.  long, 
much  rusted  and  broken  into  four  pieces. 

Nos.  16  and  17. 

Two  iron  spear-heads,  each  about  a  foot  in  length,  much  rusted. 

No.  18. 

Halberd-shaped  ornament  of  bronze  plates,  with  double  edging 
ornamented  with  small  bosses  about  17  in.  long.  There  were  four  of 
these,  all  in  a  more  or  less  corroded  and  broken  condition. 

No.  19. 

Fragment  of  a  human  head  in  red  clay,  found  buried  in  the  earth 
at  the  base  of  the  tumulus.    Full  size. 

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No.  20. 

Hand-made  tubular  post  of  terra-cotta  dag  up  at  the  base  of  the 
tumulus.  The  upper  part,  above  the  hole  through  which  a  bamboo  or 
wooden  pole  was  passed,  has  been  broken  off.  Surface  covered  with 
close  longitudinal  marks  of  a  coarse  brush. 


Height  to  edge  of  hole    11.54 

Diameter 6  to  6.65 

No.  21. 

Is  a  similar  corner-post,  which  apparently  terminated  in  a  knob. 
Of  rough  terra  cotta,  without  marks  of  the  brush,  hand-made.  This  was 
found  at  one  of  the  tumuli,  but  I  was  unable  to  ascertain  which. 


Height 14.28 

Diameter 4.64  to  6 

It  would  be  easy  to  obtain  more  by  digging,  as  the  ground  seems 
to  yield  fragments  of  these  posts  whenever  disturbed. 

The  central  tumulus,  as  I  have  already  stated,  has  not  yet  been 

The  northern  tumulus,  when  opened,  was  found  to  contain  a  single 
chamber  about  21  feet  deep,  5  ft.  wide  at  the  entrance,  increasing  to 
9  ft.  at  the  back,  and  a  little  over  6  ft.  high,  built  of  the  same  huge  uncut 
blocks  as  that  already  described.  The  roof  is  formed  by  five  of  these. 
The  longest  block  measures  7  feet  by  5,  and  2  ft.  is  apparently  the  average 
thickness.  The  opening  bears  S.W.  by  S.  Nothing  was  found  in  this 
tomb  but  a  few  human  teeth,  a  fragment  or  two  of  bone,  a  quantity 
of  iron  arrow-heads  (see  Fig.  22-4)  and  rings  of  different  sizes,  some  of 
iron,  others  of  silver-plated  bronze. 

Among  the  miscellaneous  pieces  of  pottery  in  the  collection  obtained 
from  these  tumuli  is  a  curious  fragment,  which  has  an  ornament  on  the 
inner  side  formed  of  circles  and  curves  drawn  in  the  clay  with  a  blunt 
point,  and  usually  considered  to  be  characteristic  of  ancient  Korean 
pottery.  The  outer  side  has  a  pattern  similar  to  what  has  already  been 
described  as  found  on  the  specimens  figured  as  Nos.  2  and  4,  and  which 
is  apparently  formed  of  series  of  parallel  depressed  lines  or  grooves 
made  with  a  blunt  point,  and  crossing  each  other  at  a  very  acute  angle, 

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but  sometimes  at  a  right  angle.  The  exact  spot  where  this  bit  was 
discovered  was  not  known,  bnt  I  was  informed  that  it  had  been  found 
in  digging  over  a  field  somewhere  in  the  village.  Drawings  of  both 
surfaces  after  rubbings  are  given  in  Fig.  88. 

At  the  adjacent  village  of  Ohoya,  behind  a  Shin-tau  temple  called 
San-tai  zhin-zhiya,  dedicated  to  the  goddess  Ko-no-hana-saku-ya  hime, 
is  a  fourth  double  tumulus  with  five  attendant  circular  mounds  close 
by.  This  tumulus  was  the  first  to  be  opened.  The  tomb  consists  of  a 
single  chamber,  about  6  ft.  wide  7  high  and  16  deep.  The  roof  is 
formed  of  three  large  blocks,  each  of  which  must  measure  about  ten  feet 
ty  four.  No  pottery  was  discovered  in  it,  but  it  yielded  several  sword- 
blades,  numerous  arrow-heads  and  ten  rings.  Some  of  the  latter  were 
of  iron  covered  with  bronze  (see  Fig.  25),  others  of  bronze  gilt  (see 
Fig.  26),  others  again  of  bronze  without  any  trace  of  precious  metal 
(Fig.  27),  some  of  bronze  with  a  coating  of  silver. 

On  the  south  side  of  the  same  temple  are  the  remains  of  a  double 
tumulus  which  was  opened  some  sixty  years  ago,  when  a  considerable 
quantity  of  relics  were  found,  some  of  which  are  still  in  the  possession 
of  Kohito  Mamichi,  the  priest  in  charge.  The  stones  of  the  tomb  were 
carried  off  by  some  masons  to  use  as  building  material.  I  give  a  list 
of  the  principal  articles  in  this  small  collection. 

No.  29  represents  a  small  vase  of  black  clay,  somewhat  resembling 
No.  9.  It  has  the  neck  almost  entirely  covered  with  the  zigzag  orna- 
ment, and  in  the  band  which  surrounds  the  middle  of  the  globe  is  a 
perfectly  formed  round  hole.  This  vessel  is  formed  so  as  to  stand 
steadily  on  its  bottom. 


Height  6 

"     of  globe 2.08 

Diam.  of  mouth    6.24 

"      "  globe 4.06 

"      "  throat 1.84 

No.  80. 

A  jar  of  black  clay,  resembling  Nos.  8  and  5,  but  differing  from 
them  in  having  the  concentric  grooves  all  over  it,  both  front,  back  and 
sides.     The  diameter  of  its  flat  back  is  7.14  inches  and  its  thickness  from 

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824  satow:  asotjbnt  sepulchral  moutos  nr  kahdzuke. 

back  to  front  6.9  inches ;  diameter  of  month  8.8  inches.  It  is  difficult 
to  decide  what  was  the  position  which  this  vessel  was  intended  to 
assume.  It  might  be  hung  np  by  the  ears  against  a  wall,  or  laid  flat  on 
the  ground,  for  its  mouth  is  so  near  the  convex  front  that  it  could 
still  contain  a  fair  quantity  of  liquid  even  in  that  position,  but  in 
either  case  the  ornament  at  the  back  would  be  quite  useless.  Perhaps 
it  may  have  been  intended  to  rest  in  a  stand  like  those  found  in  the  1st 
tumulus.     (See  figs.  2  and  4.) 

In  this  tumulus,  but  outside  the  tomb,  were  found  the  following 
articles : — 

No.  81,  the  fragment  of  a  vase  which,  from  its  rapidly  attenuating 
form,  must  have  been  intended  to  be  planted  in  the  ground. 

No.  82. 

A  jar  of  reddish  rough  clay,  much  scratched  and  apparently  pared 
with  a  knife.  It  was  probably  moulded  with  the  hand,  and  its  walls 
were  then  pared  to  the  required  degree  of  thinness.  The  fractures 
show  a  black  clay  inside,  and  the  red  colour  is  attributed  by  the  owner 
to  long  exposure  to  the  weather.  It  was  for  some  time  used  as  a  flower- 
pot, and  a  hole  was  made  in  the  bottom  to  adapt  it  to  that  purpose. 

Height  5. 

Diam.  of  lip 5.95 

No.  88. 

Large  jar  of  light  brown  colour  inside  and  outside,  with  black 
patches,  probably  due  to  irregular  action  of  the  fire  in  the  kiln.  The 
neck  is  much  broken,  so  that  the  precise  form  of  that  part  cannot  be 


Height 11.9 

Diam.  of  neck  inside 6.07 

No.  84. 

Yase  of  pale  reddish  pottery,  with  a  wide  flat  lip,  the  lower  part 
broken  off.  The  dotted  line  shows  how  rapidly  the  interior  tapers  to  a 
point.    It  probably  had  a  foot  like  the  fragment  represented  in  fig.  27. 

But  the  most  interesting  piece  in  this  little  collection  is  the  bust  of 
a  human  figure,  which  was  dug  out  of  the  same  tumulus,  and  for  a  time 

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FIG.  %0 

F  I  G  .  3  /   y\ 

FIG. 3  % 


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P     I    A        A     m 


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FIG.   3  5- 

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FIG.    3^ 

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^  ■ 




ii  *frj       A 



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FIG.   3* 

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to  sleep  dreamed  each  a  dream.  At  daybreak  the  elder  reported  to  his 
father  that  in  his  dream  he  had  aseended  a  certain  hill,  and  turning  to 
the  east,  eight  times  brandished  his  spear  and  eight  times  dealt  a  blow 
with  his  sword.  The  yonnger  then  told  his  dream  in  turn.  He  had 
ascended  the  same  hill,  and  spreading  a  rope  on  all  sides  of  him,  had 
hunted  the  sparrows  that  devoured  the  corn.  From  these  two  dreams  it 
was  naturally  inferred  that  the  gods  intended  the  elder  to  be  governor 
of  the  Eastern  Provinces  and  the  younger  to  be  monarch  of  the  whole 
empire.  The  latter  was  therefore  recognized  as  heir  to  the  throne,  and 
the  former  appointed  ruler  of  the  Eastern  Provinces.  These  events  took 
place  in  the  48th  year  of  Su-zhiii  Ten-wau,  which,  according  to  popular 
chronology,  corresponds  to  the  year  60  B.C.,  but  this  date  cannot  be 
accepted  with  any  more  confidence  than,  let  us  say,  the  year  1184  B.C. 
for  the  fall  of  Troy.  The  son  of  Toyo-ki-iri  hiko  was  Ya-tsuna-da,  who 
.  was  in  turn  succeeded  in  the  governorship  of  the  east  by  his  son  Hiko- 
sa-ahima  no  miko,  but  the  latter  died  on  the  way,  just  after  setting  out 
from  the  capital  to  take  possession  of  his  office.  The  Easterners  (some 
of  whom  may  perhaps  have  come  up  to  Yamato  to  meet  him)  secretly 
carried  off  his  body  and  buried  it  in  the  province  of  Eaudzuke.  The 
Ni-hofi-gi  (from  which  these  notices  are  taken)  goes  on  to  say  that 
Mi-moro-wake  no  miko,  son  of  Hiko-sa-shima,  was  appointed  in  the 
following  year  to  take  his  father's  place.  This  event  is  ascribed  to  the 
56th  year  of  Kei-kau  Ten-wau  or  126  A.D.,  according  to  the  same 
fabulous  chronology,  and  it  adds  that  "  the  descendants  of  this  prince, 
who  was  a  wise  and  benevolent  ruler,  exist  in  the  eastern  provinces  to 
this  day  "  (i.e.  some  time  in  the  8th  century). 

If  it  be  admitted  that  the  local  tradition  which  identifies  the  centra* 
tumulus  with  the  burial-place  of  Mi-moro-wake  no  miko  is  authentic, 
then  the  conjecture  of  Japanese  archaeologists  that  the  tumulus  in  which 
so  much  pottery  was  found  is  probably  that  of  Toyo-ki-iri  hiko,  seems 
worthy  of  acceptance.  On  the  west  of  Mahebashi,  at  the  village  of 
Uheno,  there  was  formerly  a  sepulchral  mound  said  to  be  that  of  Toyo- 
ki-iri  hiko,  and  in  Vol.  I.  of  the  Euwan-ko  Dzu-setsu  Mr.  Ninagaha  has 
figured  a  beautifully  shaped  vase  found  in  it  about  the  end  of  the  18th 
century.    The  ornamentation  of  this  vase  so  closely  resembles  that  of 

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the  pottery  dug  up  at  Ohomuro,  that  it  is  impossible  not  to  conclude 
that  the  two  mounds  were  constructed  about  the  same  period  by  people 
of  the  same  race.  The  burial  place  of  Hiko-sa-shima,  whose  body  was 
carried  off  by  the  inhabitants  of  this  province,  still  remains  to  be  dis- 
covered. The  large  number  of  sepulchral  tumuli  in  this  part  of  the 
province  seems  to  indicate  the  site  of  a  town  of  considerable  size,  and 
on  the  north  of  the  village  of  Ohomuro  in  a  commanding  situation  is  a 
piece  of  ground,  where  it  would  not  be  unreasonable  to  suppose  that 
the  great  man  of  the  locality  had  a  fortified  residence.  It  is  raised 
above  the  fields  on  the  south,  west  and  east  sides,  and  surrounded 
entirely  by  what  was  once  a  moat.  Even  in  those  portions  of  the 
moat  which  have  been  converted  into  paddy-fields,  the  outer  bank  can  still 
be  traced  with  unbroken  completeness.  In  adopting  the  view  that  these 
tumuli  are  really  the  burial  places  of  the  above-named  heroes  of  antiquity, 
I  do  not  at  all  mean  to  support  the  correctness  of  the  Japanese  dates, 
and  the  true  age  of  the  mounds  must  be  determined  by  archaeologists 
who  can  give  a  well-based  opinion  as  to  the  probable  date  of  the  pottery 
which  they  have  been  found  to  contain.  • 

Frequent  mention  has  been  made  of  the  ancient  Japanese  custom  of 
burying  human  beings  and  horses  at  the  tombs  of  chieftains,  for  which 
clay  figures,  such  as  those  already  described,  were  afterwards  substituted. 
The  most  important  passage  is  in  the  Ni-hon-gi,  Book  VI,  in  the  Annals 
of  Suwi-nin  Ten-wan,  which  I  think  is  worth  translating  as  closely  as 

"  On  the  Ka  no  ye  uma  day  of  the  10th  moon,  the  rising  of  which 
was  on  the  Hi  no  ye  tora  day,9  the  Mikado's  uterine  younger  brother, 
Yamato-hiko  no  Mikoto,  died.  On  the  At  no  to  tori  day  of  the 
11th  moon,  the  rising  of  which  was  on  the  hi  no  ye  saru  day,10  they 
buried  Yamato-hiko  no  Mikoto  on  Tsuki-zaka11  at  Musa.  On  this 
they  assembled  those  who  had  been  in  his  immediate  service,  and 
buried  them  all  upright  round  his  sepulchre  alive.  For  many  days 
they  died  not,  but  day  and  night  wept  and  cried.  At  last  they 
died    and   rotted.     Dogs  and  crows  assembled  and  ate  them.    The 

9  I.e.  the  5th  day  of  the  month. 

10  I.e.  the  second  day. 
"tfrffiJI  read  ttuki. 

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set  tip  by  the  road-side  for  the  entertainment  of  pilgrims  to  the  temple, 
until  it  suffered  so  much  from  the  tricks  of  mischievous  village  children, 
who  amused  themselves  with  throwing  stones  on  to  it,  that  the  grand- 
father of  the  present  owner  rescued  it  from  their  hands,  and  placed  it  in 
safety.  When  first  discovered  it  was  a  sitting  figure  complete  as  far  as 
the  knees,  on  which  rested  the  hands.  The  arms  are  said  to  have  been 
clothed  in  long  narrow  sleeves,  but  nothing  more  seems  to  be  definitely 
known  about  the  costume  than  can  be  seen  from  the  accompanying  fig. 
85.  The  height  of  the  fragment  is  nearly  14  inches.  Its  material  is  a 
very  hard  black  clay,  and  the  only  traces  of  moulding  are  the  marks 
of  some  textile  fabric  on  the  brim  of  the  hat,  by  means  of  which  the 
required  shape  was  given  and  maintained  while  the  figure  was  drying. 
I  shall  not  venture  to  make  any  comments  upon  the  strange  physiognomy 
of  this  bust ;  it  seems  to  speak  sufficiently  for  itself.  Fig.  86.  presents 
a  view  of  it  from  the  side. 

A  very  curious  fragment  of  pottery  is  shown  in  fig.  87,  of  dirty 
black  clay,  with  the  ornament  already  described  as  being  produced  by 
means  of  the  knife  and  blunt  points,  applied  in  patches  on  the  surface 
of  the  piece,  round  which  are  regularly  formed  curved  depressions,  made 
after  the  other  pattern  had  been  completed.  It  is  reproduced  in  the 
figure  undiminished  in  size,  but  is  not  large  enough  to  afford  any  clue 
to  the  general  shape  of  the  vessel  of  which  it  must  have  formed  a  part. 
It  is  said  to  have  been  dug  up  in  a  field,  the  precise  locality  of  which 
was  unknown. 

Of  so-called  maga-tama  none  were  found  in  either  of  the  three 
tumuli  opened  in  1878,  but  Eohito  possesses  one  of  a  whitish  cornelian, 
with  an  unpolished  surface,  which  he  states  was  found  in  the  tumulus 
from  which  the  pottery  was  derived. 

Sepulchral  mounds  exist  also  at  Kami  Dakushi,6  a  village  between 
Isezaki  and  Sakahi  machi  on  the  Mahebashi  road,  and  some  highly  in- 
teresting pieces  of  ancient  pottery  obtained  from  them  about  sixty  or 
seventy  years  ago  are  now  in  the  possession  of  a  doctor  named  Suzuki 
Eiyou-tai,  who  lives  at  Hodzumi,  close  by  Kami  Dakushi.  These  con- 
sist, 1st  of  a  human  figure  in  terra  cotta  (fig.  89),  18  inches  high, 
with  arms  and  hands  complete,  and  wearing  a  round-crowned  narrow- 

6±s±  \ 

vol.  vra.  42 

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brimmed  hat.  The  nose  has  been  knocked  off,  which  deprives  the  face 
of  its  proper  expression.  The  ware  is  exactly  like  that  of  the  terra  cotta 
posts  already  described,  and  has  the  same  longitudinal  brash-marks. 
Secondly,  the  head  of  a  horse  (fig.  40),  also  in  terra  cotta,  with  the 
longitudinal  brush-marks,  and  a  head-stall  moulded  on  to  it,  ornamented 
with  bosses  and  knobs.  These  knobs  represent  small  hollow  bronze 
spheres,  with  a  small  loose  sphere  inside,  forming  a  kind  of  bell.  One 
eye  has  been  knocked  out,  the  mane  and  forelock  broken  off,  and  one 
ear  lopped  short.  The  front  length  of  the  face  is  about  17  inches. 
From  the  appearance  of  the  back,  it  seems  most  likely  that  the  complete 
figure  included  the  neck.  Besides  these  two  figures,  there  is  a  tube-post 
of  terra  cotta  with  the  brush-marks,  the  top  of  which  is  broken,  height 
19.16  inches,  diameter  5.7  inches,  the  hole  for  the  cross-bar  being  near 
the  top  (fig.  41).  I  was  assured  by  the  persons  who  exhibited  these 
things  to  me  that  there  are  several  tumuli  at  Kami  Dakushi  still  un- 
touched, but  I  had  no  time  to  visit  the  locality. 

No  inscription  of  any  kind  has  been  found  at  these  mounds  which 
would  help  in  discovering  the  names  of  the  persons  buried  in  them, 
but  local  tradition  appears  to  afford  a  clue  to  their  identity.  In  the 
"Catalogue  of  Families,"7  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  show 
that  at  a  very  early  period  an  offshoot  of  the  imperial  family  had 
received  the  eastern  part  of  Japan  for  its  appanage,  and  this  house 
seems  to  have  afterwards  divided  into  two  branches  called  Princes 
(kimi)  of  Kaudzuke  and  Shimotsuke,8  from  which  sprang  many  other 
families.  The  first  ancestor  of  them  all  was  Toyo-ki-iri  hiko,  elder 
brother  of  the  Iku-me-iri  hiko,  who  afterwards  became  Mikado,  and  is 
known  in  history  as  Suwi-nin  Ten-wau.  A  legend  narrated  in  the 
Ni-hon-gi  tells  how  their  father  loved  both  in  such  equal  measure  that 
he  could  not  decide  which  of  them  to  make  his  heir,  and  he  resolved 
therefore  to  let  each  tell  him  a  dream,  from  which  he  would  obtain 
auguries  to  guide  his  choice.     The  two  princes,  having  received  his 


8  Or  Kami-tsu-ke-nu  and  Shimo-tsu-ke-nu,  as  they  were  called  when  that 
"  Catalogue  "  was  compiled. 

Digitized  by 



Hani-ski  seems  to  have  been  the  common  word  for  potter  in  ancient 
times.  In  the  Wa-miyau  Sen  (abt.  960)  twelve  villages  in  Kahachi, 
Idzumi,  Kami-tsu-ke-nu,  Shimo-tsu-ke-nu,  Tanba,  Inaba,  Bi-zen,  Aha 
(in  Shi-koku),  Chiku-zen  and  Chiku-go  are  mentioned  which  take 
their  name  Hani-shi,  Heshi  or  Hashi  from  the  potting  industry. 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  practice  of  killing  servants  and  horses 
at  the  grave  of  a  prince,  or  great  man,  was  completely  done  away  with 
by  the  invention  of  clay  images  as  a  substitute.  As  late  as  the  year 
646  (which  is  in  the  historical  period)  the  reigning  Mikado  found  it 
necessary  to  issue  some  sumptuary  regulations  with  regard  to  funerals, 
and  prohibit  cruel  and  useless  slaughter  of  this  very  kind.  The  passage 
is  [extremely  interesting,  because  it  gives  the  dimensions  of  the  vaults 
and  of  the  mounds  that  might  be  raised  over  them  in  the  case  of  all 
degrees  of  persons  from  grandsons  of  the  Mikado  and  his  high  officers 
down  to  the  common  people.  For  instance,  a  prince  might  be  buried  in 
a  vault  9  feet  long  and  5  feet  wide  within,  covered  by  a  mound  72  feet 
feet  square  and  40  feet  high.  A  thousand  labourers  might  be  employed 
in  the  construction,  and  the  work  was  to  be  completed  in  7  days.  The 
vault  for  a  functionary  of  the  highest  rank  was  to  be  of  the  same 
dimensions,  but  the  mound  was  to  be  only  56  feet  square  and  24  feet 
high,  while  only  half  the  number  of  labourers  was  allowed.  A  prince 
was  to  be  borne  to  the  grave  in  a  car ;  a  high  functionary  on  the 
shoulders  of  bearers.  The  common  people  had  to  be  buried  in  the 
ground  on  the  day  of  their  death,  and  no  mound  could  be  raised  over 
the  grave.  Up  to  that  time  the  dead  had  been  buried  just  where  the 
family  found  it  most  convenient,  but  it  was  now  ordered  that  special 
cemeteries  should  be  set  apart  for  their  reception.  The  decree  proceeds 
to  say :  "  Let  there  be  complete  cessation  of  all  such  ancient  practices  as 
strangling  one's  self  to  follow  the  dead,  or  strangling  others  to  make  them 
follow  the  dead,  or  of  killing  the  dead  man's  horse,  or  burying  treasures 
in  the  tomb  for  the  dead  man's  sake,  or  cutting  the  hair,  or  stabbing  the 
thigh,  or  wailing  for  the  dead  man's  sake."  And  another  copy  of  the 
edict  contained  the  additional  sentence :  "  Bury  not  gold,  silver,  brocade, 
diaper  or  any  kind  of  variegated  thing." 17  This  passage  may  perhaps  be 
of  some  use  in  determining  a  minimum  age  for  the  burial  mounds  of 
wNi-hofi-gi,  bk.  xxv. 

Digitized  by 


882  satow:  ANCIENT  sbpulghbal  mounds  in  kaudzttke. 

Ohomuro  and  Ohoya,  for  as  they  are  not  constructed  in  conformity 
with  the  roles  here  laid  down  as  to  size  and  form,  and  contained,  besides, 
gold  and  silver,  and  many  articles  that  would  be  classed  as  "  treasures," 
it  may  not  unreasonably  be  inferred  that  they  are  older  than  646,  the  date 
of  the  edict.  And  if  local  tradition  should  be  right,  they  are  much  older 
than  this  period. 

There  is  an  amusing  little  story  in  the  Annals  of  Yuu-riyaku  Ten- 
wau  (bk.  xiv.  of  the  Ni-hon-gi),  whose  reign  is  placed  between  457  and 
479  A.  D.,  which  illustrates  the  practice  of  burying  clay  images  at  these 
mounds.  A  certain  man,  riding  near  a  tumulus,  fell  in  with  another 
mounted  on  a  very  swift  horse  of  a  red  colour,  which  took  his  fancy 
immensely.  Becoming  desirous  of  obtaining  the  animal  for  himself,  he 
started  in  pursuit,  but  could  by  no  means  overtake  the  stranger,  who  at 
length  divining  his  wish,  stopped  short  till  he  came  up,  and  then  offered 
to  exchange.  The  cavalier  of  course  accepted  with  great  joy,  and 
returning  home  put  his  new  acquisition  into  the  stable.  On  visiting  it 
next  morning,  what  was  his  astonishment  to  find  the  animal  transformed 
into  a  clay  figure,  but  going  again  to  the  spot  where  he  had  met  with 
the  adventure,  he  found  his  own  steed  among  the  clay  horses  of  the 
tumulus,  and,  it  is  needless  to  say,  lost  no  time  in  resuming  possession 
of  it. 

In  concluding  these  notes  I  have  great  pleasure  in  acknowledging  my 
obligations  to  Mr.  Shinagaha,  the  Assistant  Vice- Minister  of  the  Interior, 
and  to  Mr.  Oki  Moritaka,  cjiief  secretary  of  the  Gun-ba  prefecture,  for 
giving  me  every  facility  for  visiting  the  mounds  and  having  sketches 
made  of  their  contents,  as  well  as  to  Mr.  Hasegaha  Kiyomi,  who  accom- 
panied me  from  Mahebashi  to  Ohomuro,  and  to  my  excellent  host  the 
village  elder,  Mr.  Negishi  Zhifu-zhi-rau,  in  whose  house  the  collection 
is  kept. 

Digitized  by 



Mikado,  hearing  the  sound  of  their  weeping  and  crying,  felt  saddened 
and  pained  in  his  heart.  He  commanded  all  his  high  officers,  saying : 
•  It  is  a  very  painful  matter  to  force  those  whom  one  has  loved  daring 
life  to  follow  him  in  death,  and  though  it  is  an  ancient  custom,  why 
follow  it,  if  it  be  bad  ?  From  now  and  henceforth,  plan  so  as  to  stop 
causing  [men]  to  follow  the  dead.' 

"  In  the  autumn  of  the  32nd  year,  on  the  tsuchi  no  to  u  dayu  of 
the  moon,  which  rose  on  the  kino  ye  inu  day,  the  empress  Hi-ba-su 
hime  no  Mikoto  (in  another  source  called  Hi-ba-su  ne  no  Mikoto)  died, 
and  they  were  several  days  going  to  bury  her.13  The  Mikado  com- 
manded all  his  high  officers,  saying :  *  We  knew  before  that  the  practice 
of  following  the  dead  is  not  good.  In  the  case  of  the  present  burying, 
what  shall  be  done?'  Thereupon  Nomi14  no  Sukune  advanced  and 
said :  '  It  is  not  good  to  bury  living  men  standing  at  the  sepulchre  of  a 
prince,  and  this  cannot  be  handed  down  to  posterity.  I  pray  leave  now 
to  propose  a  convenient  plan,  and  to  lay  this  before  the  sovereign.*  And 
he  sent  messengers  to  summon  up  a  hundred  of  the  clay- workers'  tribe 
of  the  country  of  Idzumo,  and  he  himself  directed  the  men  of  the  clay- 
workers'  tribe  in  taking  clay  and  forming  shapes  of  men,  horses  and 
various  things,  and  presented  them  to  the  Mikado,  saying :  *  From  now 
and  henceforward  let  it  be  the  law  for  posterity  to  exchange  things  of 
clay  for  living  men,  and  set  them  up  at  sepulchres.'  Thereupon  the 
Mikado  rejoiced,  and  commanded  Nomi  no  Sukune,  saying :  '  Thy  ex- 
pedient plan  has  truly  pleased  Our  heart;'  and  the  things  of  clay 
were  for  the  first  time  set  up  at  the  tomb  of  Hi-ba-su  hime  no 
Mikoto.  Wherefore  these  things  were  called  hanitca  (a  circle  of  clay).1* 
Then  he  sent  down  an  order,  saying :  '  From  now  and  henceforward, 
be  sure  to  set  up  these  things  of  clay  at  sepulchres,  and  let  not  men  be 

"I.e.  the  6th  of  the  month. 

"I.e.  several  days  elapsed  before  the  funeral. 

14  Some  read  this  name  Numi,  bat  Nomi  is  usual. 

u  A  gloss  in  the  original  runs :  "  Another  name  is  Tate-mono"  i.e.  things  set 
up.  The  Wa-miyau  Sen  (Bk.  XIV,  F.  210.)  defines  Hani-wa  as  "  human  figures 
made  of  day,  placed  upright  like  a  cart  wheel  round  the  edge  of  a  sepulchral  mound." 

Digitized  by 



Blab/  The  Mikado  bountifully  praised  Nomi  no  Sukune,  bestowed  on 
him  a  kneading-place,  and  appointed  him  to  the  charge  of  the  clay- 
workers1  tribe." 

In  the  year  781  fifteen  members  of  the  tribe  presented  a  memorial 
recalling  the  great  services  of  their  ancestor  Nomi  no  Sukune,  in  which 
they  say:  "In  the  reign  of  Suwinin  Teii-wau,  ancient  customs  still 
prevailed  and  funeral  ceremonies  were  ill-regulated.  Whenever  a  death 
occurred,  it  was  the  general  custom  to  bury  other  persons  along  with 
the  deceased.  When  the  empress  died  and  the  mortuary  hut  was  still 
in  the  courtyard,  the  emperor  took  counsel  with  his  high  officers,  and 
asked  them  how  the  empress  should  be  buried.  The  high  officers  replied 
that  the  ancient  precedent  of  Yamato-hiko  no  Mikoto  should  be  rigidly 
followed,  whereupon  your  servants'  ancestor  Nomi  no  Sukune  spoke  out 
and  said  that,  as  far  as  his  foolish  opinion  went,  the  custom  of  burying 
others  with  the  deceased  was  contrary  to  the  principles  of  humane 
government,  which  aimed  at  profiting  the  state  and  promoting  the 
advantage  of  the  people.  He  consequently  brought  some  800  clay- 
workers,  and  he  himself  directed  them  in  taking  clay  and  forming  images 
of  various  things,  which  he  presented  to  the  Mikado.  The  Mikado 
greatly  rejoiced,  and  had  them  substituted  for  the  men  who  followed  the 
deceased.  They  were  called  hard-vca,  and  also  tate-mono  (things  set  up) .  * >u 
In  the  Ko-zhi-ki  the  notices  of  this  custom  are  extremely  brief,  but 
they  refer  to  the  same  two  persons  as  those  in  the  Ni-hoii-gi.  Of 
Yamato-hiko  it  is  simply  said :  "  At  the  [funeral]  time  of  this  prince 
a  fence  of  men  was  for  the  first  time  set  up  at  a  sepulchre."  Taking 
this,  together  with  the  expression  "  ancient  precedent  of  Yamato-hiko," 
used  in  the  memorial  of  the  clay- workers'  tribe,  Motowori's  conclusion 
that,  although  the  custom  of  burying  servants  in  company  with  their 
dead  master  was  of  ancient  date,  the  funeral  of  this  prince  was  the 
first  occasion  on  which  such  a  large  number  were  sacrificed,  seems 
reasonable  enough. 

The  other  reference  in  the  Ko-zhi-ki  tells  us  very  little.  It  merely 
says:  "Also  at  the  [funeral]  time  of  his  chief  consort,  Hi-ba-su  hime 
no  Mikoto,  they  appointed  the  stone-coffin  makers,  and  also  appointed 
the  clay-workers'  tribe." 

uBhiyoku  Ni-hoii-gi  $  B  jfc  ft,  bk.  89,  f.  44v. 

Digitized  by 


(  888  ) 


By  Josiah  Condeb,  M.  R.  I.  B.  A. 

[Read  May  11,  1880.] 


No  apology  is  needed  for  bringing  into  notice  the  subject  of  the 
costume  of  the  Japanese,  and  yet  there  are  not  a  few  reasons  why  a 
short  explanation  of  its  interest  and  importance  might  be  advisable. 
With  regard  to  the  modes  of  dress  worn  by  our  own  ancestors  during 
the  middle  ages  and  succeeding  periods,  very  little  was  actually  known 
until  comparatively  recent  years.  The  works  of  several  authors  giving 
us  the  results  of  their  researches  among  old  pictures  and  manuscripts, 
and  the  careful  examination  of  ancient  monuments  have  given  us  at  length 
an  authentic  history  of  European  costume.  Up  to  that  time  the 
writings  of  historians  and  romancers,  the  historical  paintings  of  artists, 
and  more  particularly  the  representations  in  our  theatres,  were  full  of 
ludicrous  anachronisms  in  points  of  architecture,  dress  and  equipment. 
It  was  not  uncommon  for  Greek,  Roman,  or  Mediaeval  celebrities  to  be 
presented  to  the  public  in  the  scenes  and  clothing  peculiar  only  to 
Elizabethan  or  Jacobean  times.  All  must  appreciate  the  importance 
of  the  drama  as  a  portrayer  of  the  events  and  characters  of  history, 
and  in  the  exhibitions  of  dramatic  art  truth  and  correctness  in  matters 
of  attire  are  of  the  highest  importance. 

To  the  painter,  historian,  romancer  and  actor  of  Japanese  incidents, 
an  understanding  of  the  subject  of  this  paper  may  be  considered  as 

vol.  vra.  43 

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884  condee:  the  histoby  of  Japanese  costume. 

Farther,  the  costume  of  any  country  or  any  period  of  fashion  has  a 
more  intimate  connection  with  other  points  of  interest,  such  as  habit, 
climate,  and  even  physique,  than  would  at  first  sight  appear  to  be  the 
case.  And  an  understanding  of  such  necessary  subordination  is  sufficient 
to  account  for  the  absurdities  noticeable  in  a  country  changing  its  long 
established  costume,  or  among  foreigners  resident  in  such  a  country 
when  assuming  a  dress  which  they  are  unable  to  wear  in  other  but  a 
ludicrous  manner.  A  great  French  archaeologist  and  artist  has  expressed 
himself  on  the  subject  in  the  following  terms  :l  "  With  each  important 
modification  in  dress  the  deportment  of  the  wearers  and  the  manner  of 
holding  the  arms  change.  It  is  evident,  for  example,  that  very  ample 
robes  and  long  sleeves  oblige  one  to  hold  the  elbows  to  the  body  and  to 
walk  in  a  certain  manner,  so  as  not  to  entangle  the  legs  in  the  folds, 
whereas  on  the  other  hand  close  fitting  garments  compel  one  to  hold  the 
arms  at  some  distance  from  the  body  and  to  walk  with  the  legs  close. 
The  belt  tightened  to  the  waist  occasions  the  bending  of  the  loins  and  a 
prominence  of  the  chest.  It  results  from  this,  that,  observed  from  the 
distance  of  several  centuries,  or  even  of  several  decades,  the  people  of 
one  epoch  appear  to  have  among  themselves  certain  points  of  resem- 
blance, Without  going  further  back,  for  example,  the  women  of  the 
first  Empire  have  an  air  of  family  likeness  which  one  cannot  fail  to 
"notice  in  studying  the  best  portraits  of  the  period.  It  is  the  same  in  all 
periods  of  fashion.  A  cavalier  or  a  lady  of  the  time  of  Louis  XEH.  was 
not  of  the  same  type  as  was  a  cavalier  or  a  lady  under  Frances  I. 
These  physical  differences  grow  out  of  the  fashions,  or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  out  of  the  physical  types  which  best  ally  themselves  with  each 
fashion  and  which,  to  a  certain  extent,  impose  their  adoption  and  mode 
upon  all.  If  it  be  the  fashion  to  have  short  waists,  the  people  who  have 
long  waists  do  all  that  is  possible  to  correct  this  relative  defect :  though 
not  having  that  grace  in  their  movements  which  one  finds  in  those 
naturally  formed  for  the  reigning  mode,  still  by  the  study  and  imitation 
of  that  which  is  considered  good  they  attain  to  some  extent  the  result 
sought  for.  One  might  call  this  the  physiology  of  costume.  With 
regard  to  the  habit  of  wearing  long  or  short  clothes,  this  again  has  on 
the  physique  a  distinct  and  marked  influence.    It  seems  hardly  necessary 

1Pictionnaire  du  Mobilier  Fran^ais,  Violet  le  Due, 

Digitized  by 


oondbb:  the  HISTOBY  OF  JAPANESE  COSTUME.  886 

to  insist  upon  the  connection  between  raiment  and  physique,  since  we 
can  any  day  see  proofs  of  it.  One  can  recognize  the  military  man  in 
civilian's  dress  by  his  gait  and  movements  alone ;  in  the  same  way  we 
can  distinguish  an  ecclesiastic,  and  it  is  but  few  barristers  who  wear 
their  robes  in  other  than  a  ridiculous  fashion.  Not  living  habitually  in 
his  gown,  which  he  dons  in  the  courts,  his  movements  and  gestures  are 
in  entire  disaccord  with  the  dress  that  he  pleads  in.  He  hauls  and 
shifts  about  the  folds  of  his  robe  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  one  the 
impression  that  he  is  labouring  to  escape  from  under  a  black  cloth. 
How  many  actors  fail  to  train  their  physique  in  accord  with  the  costumes 
imposed  upon  them  by  their  role  t  It  is  certain  that  Agamemnon  had 
neither  the  gait,  gestures  nor  fashion  of  behaviour  of  Charles  V." 

A  study  of  the  costume  of  Japan,  as  it  has  existed  with  but  slight 
changes  through  many  centuries,  will  reveal  a  remarkable  suitability 
to  physical  conditions  as  well  as  to  climate  and  habits  of  life:  it, 
however,  naturally  follows  that  changes  in  custom  and  habits  should 
bring  about  changes  in  costume.  To  allude  merely  to  one  small  point, 
the  Japanese  mode  of  sitting  has  in  itself  rendered  comfortable  and  shewy 
certain  styles  of  attire  which  would  have  been  cumbersome,  inconvenient 
and  ugly,  and  therefore  logically  incorrect,  if  worn  by  people  using  chairs 
and  couches.  The  reverse  also  holds  good,  and  one  can  well  understand 
how  the  modern  yakunin  is  only  too  glad  to  doff  his  official  clothes  when 
lounging  in  the  comfort  of  his  own  home.  Perhaps  there  is  no  country 
in  the  world,  unless  it  be  China,  in  which  such  great  importance  has 
been  attached  to  the  minutin  of  dress  as  has  been  done  in  Japan.  Not 
only  the  form  and  cut  has  been  fixed  according  to  station  and  rank,  but 
rules  of  colour,  pattern,  fabric,  and  even  such  trivial  matters  as  the 
plaits  of  a  cord  or  the  loops  of  a  bow  have  been  most  strictly  fixed. 
The  inviolable  restrictions  of  rank  and  of  caste  also,  as  in  all  countries 
during  a  state  of  feudal  government,  has  rendered  imperative  distinctions 
in  the  clothing  of  the  various  classes  of  the  people.  It  would  have 
been  impossible  in  Japan,  as  indeed  it  was  in  Europe  during  the  middle 
ages,  for  servants  to  assume  the  left-off  finery  of  their  masters.  Each 
class,  as  may  even  now  be  noticed  in  some  parts  of  the  Western  con- 
tinent, had  its  distinctive  style  of  costume.  The  broad  distinctions, 
however,  of  king,  courtier,  soldier,  priest,  merchant  and  peasant  have 

Digitized  by 


886  oondbb:  the  history  of  jaj*nese  costume. 

been  in  Japan  so  very  comprehensive,  including  so  many  minor  sub- 
divisions of  rank  and  so  many  individual  rights,  that  each  a  classification 
is  alone  insufficient  when  applied  to  the  subject  of  modes  of  attire.  It 
is  only  natural  to  suppose  that  during  the  many  centuries  of  Japanese 
civilization  there  should  have  been  considerable  changes  in  the  customs 
of  clothing  among  the  people ;  and  yet,  on  the  contrary,  from  the  time 
of  the  establishment  of  fixed  ranks  and  rules  of  ceremonial  founded 
upon  those  of  Ohina,  very  few  important  modifications  seem  to  have 
taken  place.  If  we  refer  for  comparison  to  the  development  of  the 
modes  of  costume  in  European  countries  from  the  time  of  Charlemagne 
to  the  period  of  the  Renaissance,  an  epoch  which  for  gorgeous  ceremonial 
and  feudal  vassalage,  as  well  as  for  the  ostentatiousness  of  ceremonial 
dress,  may  be  well  chosen  as  a  parallel,  we  find  that  each  century 
exhibited  a  great  change,  sometimes  quite  revolutionary,  in  the  forms  of 
costume  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  classes.  It  is  probable,  more- 
over, that  changes  in  minor  points  of  shape  and  of  toilet  took  place  at 
the  same  time  with  almost  the  same  rapidity  as  is  to  be  observed  at  the 
present  day  in  our  ever-changing  fashions.  Japan  seems  to  have 
remained  far  more  conservative  ;  and  from  the  period  to  which  reliable 
history  takes  us  back,  when  a  well  established  form  of  government  and 
complicated  ceremonial  existed,  up  to  the  present  day,  there  have  been 
no  revolutionary  changes  and  very  few  minor  modifications  in  the  styles 
of  dress.  The  minor  changes  referred  to  consist  chiefly  of  rights  con- 
ferred upon  nobles  and  gentlemen  to  assume  articles  of  dress  or  colours, 
materials  or  patterns  in  their  clothing  which  had  hitherto  been  confined 
in  their  use  to  their  superiors ;  also  in  more  recent  times  there  appears 
to  have  grown  up  a  kind  of  laxity  in  the  observance  of  ceremonial 
minutiae  resulting  in  the  use  of  forms  of  costume  by  those  who  originally 
had  no  right  to  assume  them. 

Such  conferments  of  Imperial  favour  and  irregularities  in  following 
ancient  ritual  appear  to  have  been  the  only  way  in  which  changes  were 
produced.  Certain  books  upon  antiquarian  subjects  give  descriptions  and 
drawings  of  various  articles  and  forms  of  dress  which  in  later  times  have 
become  obsolete.  Such  a  book  is  the  Kot-to-shu,  and  in  this  there  are  to 
be  found  explanations  of  several  ancient  forms  in  the  popular  clothing  as 
well  as  such  matters  as  hair-dressing  and  toilet,  which  later  fashions  seem 

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oondeb:  the  kktcobv  of  Japanese  costume-  88? 

to  have  changed.  Sach  modifications,  however,  appear  to  have  been  very 
Blow  and  insignificant.  The  Imperial  decrees  fixing  the  costume  of 
the  nobles  and  office  bearers  according  to  rank,  naturally  imposed  no 
restrictions  preventing  fluctuations  modifying  the  character  of  the  clothing 
of  the  middle  and  lower  classes.  There  were,  however,  and  still  are, 
among  these  classes  other  influences  rendering  such  modifications  few 
and  far  between. 

The  seclusion  of  Japan  had  much  to  do  with  the  conservatism  q£ 
old  established  customs.  The  frequent  changes  in  costume  in  other 
countries  are  mainly  due  to  the  intercourse  with  other  nations  and  the 
tendency  to  imitate  and  adopt  their  example. 

Among  those  nations  of  the  European  continent  which  took  the 
lead  and  set  the  fashion  to  the  others,  the  adoption  of  new  modes  was 
in  the  main  arbitrary  or  fanciful,  but  may  in  many  cases  be  accounted 
for  by  the  influence  that  literary  revivals  and  studies  from  the  ancients 
and  from  modern  and  foreign  peoples  had  upon  the  public  taste. 
Japan  has,  on  the  other  hand,  until  recent  years,  held  little  intercourse 
with  any  country  except  China,  a  country  perhaps  more  conservative 
and  unchangeable  in  its  tastes  than  Japan  itself.  It  is  not  to  be 
wondered  at,  then,  that  having  fixed  upon  a  costume  fitted  to  its 
ceremonial  and  the  demands  of  its  climate  and  customs,  the  forms 
instituted  should  remain  for  many  centuries  uninfluenced  by  the  fluctua- 
tion of  changing  fashions.  The  general  shapes  of  the  popular  dress 
being  established,  there  still  remained  plenty  of  room  far  variety  and 
individuality  in  the  variation  of  colours,  patterns,  and  modes  of  arrange- 
ment, such  as  the  bow  of  the  old,  the  length  of  sleeves,  and  manner 
of  hair-dressing.  Within  certain  limits,  however,  such  variations  have 
been  governed  by  social  conventions  seldom  if  ever  violated.  Each  age 
in  manhood  and  womanhood  has  its  special  distinction  in  colour  and 
arrangement,  which  habit  and  the  fear  of  public- ridicule  prevents  the 
most  ambitious  dandy  or  coquette  from  transgressing.  As  an  instance 
of  this  it  may  be  noted  that  every  lady  in  Japan  shews  within  a  few 
years  the  period  of  her  life  in  the  respective  arrangements  and  forms  of 
her  attire  and  her  toilet. 

The  subject  of  this  paper  necessarily  divides  itself  into  several 
parts.    The  civil,  ecclesiastic,  and  military  drew  are  each  of  them 

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distinct  and  require  to  be  considered  separately.  The  Shi-zoku  or 
Samurai  having  been  virtually  always  armed,  their  civil  and  military 
dress  merge,  and  it  will  be  sufficient  to  classify  under  the  division  of 
military  costume,  armour  and  such  arms  as  were  not  carried  in  private 
life  and  used  only  in  time  of  war.  From  the  civilian's  dress,  whether  it  be 
that  of  the  noble  or  the  samurai  in  his  official  or  private  life,  the  sword 
is  inseparable.  Again,  it  is  necessary  to  describe  respectively  the  dresses 
of  the  two  sexes  in  each  class,  as  well  as  distinctions  made  in  the  attire 
of  children.  In  considering  the  subject  of  the  civilian  costume  of  the 
Japanese,  that  of  the  nobles  takes  the  first  place,  and  under  this  head 
we  shall  treat  of  not  only  the  ht-ge  or  nobles  of  Imperial  blood,  but  also 
the  Sho-guns,  and  Dai-miyds,  who  as  far  as  certain  ceremonial  rights  and 
styles  of  attire  were  concerned,  were  equal  with  the  highest  prince  of  the 
land.  The  term  Kuwa-zoku  might  be  used  as  including  these  different 
dignities  under  one  nomenclature,  but  the  term  is  a  modern  one  and 
may  be  objected  to  by  some  scholars  as  being  ill  defined. 


The  distinctive  differences  in  attire  among  the  nobles  were  fixed 
according  to  the  rank.  The  different  ranks  were  formally  established  in 
the  reign  of  Kd-toku  Ten-no,  about  the  year  650  A.D.,  in  correspon- 
dence with  those  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

They  constitute  in  all  nine  ranks,  some  divided  into  two  and  others 
into  four  grades,  making  in  all  thirty  different  grades  of  rank.  The  first, 
Sho-ichi-i,  was  rarely  bestowed  upon  nobles  during  life-time,  but  was 
often  given  as  a  posthumous  rank  to  the  deceased.  Those  not  yet 
possessing  rank  were  called  Mu-i.  There  were  other  ranks  of  a  higher 
class  bestowed  upon  the  Emperor's  nearest  relatives,  including  the  heir 
to  the  throne,  who  were  called  Shin-no.  These  ranks  were  denoted  by 
the  terms  Ip-pon  Shin-no,  Ni  hon  Shin-no ',  Sam  bon  Shin-no,  Shi  hon 
Shin-no.  Those  among  these  royal  princes  upon  whom  rank  was  not 
yet  bestowed  were  called  Mu-hon. 

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condeb:  the  exbtobt  of  japambsb  oostumb. 

This  title  of  Shin-no  was  on  some  rare  occasions  bestowed  npon  the 
Sho-guns,  who  had  no  claim  to  royal  blood,  as  a  very  special  favour 
from  the  Emperor ;  in  many  cases  the  Sho-gun  received  the  highest 
rank  of  a  noble  that  was  possible  during  life,  namely  Ju-ichi-i. 

Japanese  histories  contain  frequent  references  to  the  official  titles  of 
the  dignitaries  of  the  government  and  the  offices  or  departments  to  which 
they  belong.  The  ranks  corresponding  to  these  official  titles  varied  at 
various  periods  and  with  the  merits  of  the  holder,  but  for  the  most  part 
they  may  be  taken  as  correctly  represented  in  the  Supplement  to 
Klaproth's  "  Annales  des  Dairis." 

Again,  in  addition  to  the  distinction  of  forms,  colours,  and  patterns 
of  clothing  according  to  rank  and  to  office,  there  were  other  regulations 
fixing  the  style  of  dress  for  particular  occasions  of  ceremony.    The  chief 
of  these  ceremonial  occasions  were  as  follows : — 
Jo-i :  Appointment  of  an  heir  to  the  throne. 
Go  8oku-i :  Ceremony  of  accession. 
Dai-jo-ye :  Large  public  ceremony  of  accession. 
Gem-buku:  Arrival  at  manhood  of  Emperor  or  heir. 
Shi-ho-hai :  Religious  ceremony  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year,  on 

which  occasion  the  Emperor  visits  the  temple  shrines  within  the 

On-ha-gatame :  Congratulatory  offering  of  rice  cake  to  the  Emperor. 
Sho-chd'hai :  Ceremony  at  twilight  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year,  on 

which  occasion  the  Dai-jin  meet  and  feast  with  the  Emperor. 

Cho-gu:  Religious  ceremony  on  the  morning  of  the  first  day  of  the  new 

year,  on  which  occasion  the  Emperor,  Dai-jin  and  Ku-ge  meet  the 

Emperor  at  the  Dai-goku  den. 
Sechi-ye :  Visit  to  the  Shi-shin-den  and  meeting  and  feasting  with  the 

court  on  the  first  day  of  the  new  year  after  the  Sho-cho-hai,  in  the 

On  Cho  no  Hajime :  Ceremony  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  new  year  in 

honour  of  the  Imperial  buildings.    The  court  meets  at  the  Nai-shi 

dokoro,  wearing  Kariginu,  and  two  carpenters  wearing  suwo  go 

through  the  ceremony  of  plaining  wood. 

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840  oohdsb':  the  histoby  of  japakssh  oostomb. 

Sm-shu  Ban-zai ;  Visit  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  first  month  to  the  Sei-rio- 

den,  where  the  Man-zai  dance  is  performed  before  the  Emperor. 
Nanakusa  no  ma :  Ceremony  on  the  7th  day  of  the  1st  month,  consisting 

in  the  offering  to  the  Emperor  of  seven  different  pickled  herbs 

significant  of  good  health  throughout  the  year. 
Haku-ba  no  Sechi-ye :  Ceremony  on  the  7th  day  of  the  1st  month,  on 

which  occasion  a  white  horse  is  conducted  through  the  grounds  in 

sight  of  the  Emperor. 

Miyuki  no  Hajime :  The  first  visit  of  the  Emperor  of  the  year  outside 
the  palace  in  which  visits  are  paid  to  the  palaces  of  the  Imperial 

San-gi  cho ;  Ceremony  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  1st  month,  being  the 
occasion  of  the  burning  of  the  first  manuscript  of  the  year  written 
by  the  Emperor.  The  idea  of  this  ceremony  seems  to  be  that  the 
ashes  of  the  burnt  paper,  ascending  to  heaven,  may  bring  a  blessing 
of  skill  upon  the  hand  of  the  writer. 

Toka  no  Sechi-ye :  Ceremony  on  the  sixteenth  day  of  the  1st  month,  with 

songs  and  feasting,  this  being  the  first  day  after  the  close  of  the 

New  Year  ceremonies. 
Dai-jin  Tai-kiyo :  Ceremony  on  the  11th  day  of  the  1st  month,  on  which 

day  the  Dai-jin  are  received  and  feasted  by  the  Emperor  at  the 

Tsune  go-ten. 
Nat-yen :  Ceremony  on  the  21st  and  22nd  day  of  the  first  month,  on 

which  occasion  the  Imperial  relatives  are  received  by  the  Emperor 

at  the  palace  and  feasted. 
Rek-ken:  Ceremony  on  the  7th  day  of  the  second  month,  on  which 

occasion  the  Emperor,  visiting  the  Dai-jo-kuwan,  an  examination 

and  rewarding  of  those  holding  ranks  below  roku-i  takes  place. 
Kaeuga  Mateuri :  Religious  festival  in  honour  of  the  gods  of  the  temple 

of  Easuga,  commencing  on  the  first  saru  no  hi  of  the  2nd  month 

and  lasting  three  days. 
8eki-ten :  Ceremony  in  honour  of  the  Confucian  Sages,  when  their  portrait 

pictures  are  exhibited,  taking  place  on  the  first  hinoto  no  hi  of  the 

2nd  month. 

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coudsb:  the  history  of  Japanese  costume.  841 

Ko-i :  Ceremony  of  robing  in  summer  clothes  on  the  1st  day  of  the 
4th  month. 

Kamo  aoi  Matsuri :  Festival  to  the  gods  of  Kamo,  when  sacred  grass  is 
worn  in  the  hat,  taking  place  on  the  second  tori  no  hi  of  the  fourth 

Hachi-man  Jid-jd-ye :  Religious  festival  to  the  gods  of  Hachi-man  from 
the  18th  to  the  16th  day  of  the  8th  month. 

Wa-ka  no  On  kuwai :  Ceremony  and  feast  to  the  Emperor  offered  by  the 
princes  and  nobles  on  the  9th  day  of  the  9th  month. 

Shin-jo-ye :  Harvest  festival  on  the  second  U  no  hi  of  the  11th  month. 

Toyo  no  akari  no  Sechi-ye:  Ceremony  on  the  day  following  the  Shin-jo-ye, 
the  eating  of  the  first  fruits  by  the  Emperor. 

Go-setm  no  Mai :  Festival  on  the  first  ushi  no  hi  of  the  11th  month, 
with  dancing  and  feasting. 


The  garment  called  Ho  is  the  principal  robe  or  upper  tunic  which 
was  worn  as  the  ceremonial  dress  of  the  Emperor  and  nobles.  It  is  of 
very  ancient  origin,  having  been  made  in  the  first  instance  of  silk 
specially  imported  from  China  (about  800  A.D.)  by  female  Chinese 
seamstresses  who  were  hired  and  brought  to  Japan  for  the  purpose. 
There  are  many  different  names  given  to  this  robe  according  to  its 
colour,  the  pattern  of  the  silk  or  differences  in  cut.  The  general  name 
given  to  the  principal  shape  used  among  the  highest  ranks  is  Hd-yeki  Ho, 
It  consists  of  a  loose  oblong  body  reaching  some  little  way  below  the 
knees  and  having  a  border  at  the  bottom  about  8  inches  deep,  which 
widens  at  the  two  sides  in  such  a  way  as  to  form  two  large  flaps  called 
"  ran."  It  has  deep  loose  sleeves  about  2  feet  long.  The  whole  length, 
as  would  be  supposed,  varied  with  the  wearer,  but  figured  drawings 
give  a  length  of  4  feet  8  inches  as  the  most  ordinary  size.  In  the  front 
the  Ho  was  closed  by  folding  over  from  left  to  right  and  was  secured  by 
a  tight  collar  fastened  by  a  silk  cord.  Behind,  at  the  level  of  the  waist, 
was  formed  a  loose  square  flap  or  pocket  to  allow  of  a  belt  being  -tied  up 
vol.  vm.  44 

Digitized  by 


842  condeb:  the  history  of  Japanese  costume, 

under  it ;  this  was  called  the  kaka-bukuro.  The  wearing  of  this  robe, 
though  originally  granted  as  a  special  favour  from  the  Emperor  to  a  few, 
became  eventually  common  to  all  classes  of  nobles,  the  different  ranks 
being  distinguished  by  the  special  colours,  the  quality  of  material,  and 
the  pattern  of  the  ornament.  Each  rank,  moreover,  had  the  privilege  of 
using  one  of  two  or  three  colours,  according  to  the  occasion.  The 
Emperor's  ceremonial  Ho  is  said  to  have  bcpn  of  a  yellowish  brown- 
coloured  damask,  with  embroidery  representing  the  kiri  tree  (fcawlonia 
imperialis),  bamboo  and  kirin  (a  fictitious  animal  resembling  the  unicorn), 
the  pattern  being  repeated  twenty-four  times.  It  was  made  very  thin  in 
the  summer,  but  in  the  winter  was  rendered  thick  by  lining.  The  colour 
for  a  Prince  of  the  Blood  (Shinnd)  was  yellow,  or  in  some  cases  pale 
greenish  blue  (asagi).  The  colour  for  the  highest  class  of  Eu-ge,  including 
also  an  Emperor  dowager,  was  deep  purple;  the  retired  Emperor, 
however,  sometimes  wore  a  red  Ho.  The  second  and  third  classes  wore 
light  purple.  The  fourth  class  wore  deep  red.  The  fifth  class  wore  light 
red.  For  the  sixth  class  a  dark  green  colour  was  appointed  and  an 
inferior  material  called  "  kinu  "  or  common  silk.  The  seventh  class 
wore  a  Ho  of  the  same  material  but  of  a  light  green  colour,  and  the  8th 
class  a  deep  blue  colour  (hana-iroj.  The  ninth  or  lowest  class  wore  a 
Ho  of  silk  or  fine  hemp  cloth  dyed  of  a  light  bjue  colour.  All  nobles 
above  and  inclusive  of  the  fourth  rank  were  permitted  to  wear  a  black 
damask  Ho  instead  of  their  coloured  one.  For  ordinary  occasions  not 
ceremonial  other  colours  ware  fixed  according  to  the  rank :  the  first  to 
the  fifth  class  wearing  red,  the  sixth  class  brighter  red,  the  seventh  class 
light  purple  grey  (midori),  the  eighth  class  wore  a  bright  blue  and  the 
9th  or  lowest  class  a  light  blue  Ho. 


Another  kind  of  Ho  called  the  Ketteki  Ho  was  often  used.  It 
differed  from  the  Ho-yeki  Ho  in  being  slit  on  both  sides  from  the  sleeves 
downwards,  having  no  bottom  flaps.  This  robe  somewhat  resembled  a 
garment  called  the  hariginu,  to  be  afterwards  described.  It  was  worn 
by  the  son  of  an  Emperor  and  certain  of  the  nobles ;  and  more  seldom 
by  the  Emperor  himself,    The  front  half  of  the  skirt  of  this  robe  was 

Digitized  by 



Digitized  by 






Digitized  by 


condeb:  the  bistort  o*  Japanese  costume.  848 

worn  drawn  up  so  as  to  fold  over  the  belt  at  the  middle,  forming  a  flap 
loop  at  the  waist  and  causing  the  front  half  of  the  skirt  to  appear  shorter 
than  the  back.  The  Ketteki  Ho  was  worn  by  the  Emperor's  military 
guards,  called  Dzui-jin. 


The  Kasane  or  Shita-gasane  was  a  loose  tunic  short  in  the  front, 
slit  up  at  the  sides,  having  the  hinder  portion  prolonged  into  a  long 
train  which  trailed  upon  the  ground.  This  robe  was  folded  over  in  the 
front,  leaving  the  throat  open  in  the  manner  of  an  ordinary  Japanese 
gown.  The  length  of  the  train  varied  with  the  rank  of  the  wearer,  and 
was  either  allowed  to  trail  behind  when  walking  or  was  gathered  up  and 
held  in  one  hand.  The  front  of  the  Kasane  y  which  hung  down  in  two  flaps, 
was  turned  up  under  a  belt,  or  sometimes  was  made  quite  short.  The 
train  was  eventually  separated  from  the  tunic  to  save  trouble,  being  in 
one  single  piece,  which  could  be  tied  on  under  the  tunic  or  Kasane.  It, 
however,  always  corresponded  with  the  Kasane  in  material  and  colour. 
The  skirt  or  train,  when  separate,  was  called  the  Kiyo  or  the  Shita- 
gasane  no  Shita,  and  its  length  was  according  to  rank.  The  Dai-jo 
Dai-jin  wore  a  train  14  or  15  feet  long,  the  Dai-na-gon's  train  was  12 
or  18  feet  long,  that  of  the  Chiu-na-gon  was  12  feet,  that  of  the  San-gi 
was  8  feet,  and  for  the  4th  rank  the  Kiyo  was  7  feet.  In  old  age  it  was 
made  short,  regardless  of  rank,  being  only  about  4  feet  long.  The  body 
of  this  garment,  when  separated  from  the  skirt,  was  made  quite  short, 
only  reaching  to  the  waist,  and  the  deep  sleeves  were  partly  slit  up  from 
below  to  give  more  freedom  in  the  use  of  the  arms.  This  shortened 
portion  became  known  sometimes  by  the  name  of  Hitoye. 

The  material  used  for  the  Shita-gasane  was  silk  damask,  and  the 
ordinary  colour  was  white,  with  a  woven  pattern,  and  it  was  lined  with  the 
same  material  of  a  black  or  red  colour.  Green  and  light  purple  were  less 
frequent  colours,  and  were  mostly  used  by  youths.  This  garment  was 
worn  under  the  Ho  or  upper  robe,  by  which  it  was  mostly  hidden,  the 
Kiyo  or  train  appearing  below  it  behind,  and  the  edge  of  the  wide 
sleeves  shewing  below  the  sleeves  of  the  upper  robe. 

Digitized  by 




The  Akome  was  a  short  garment  worn  generally  immediately  be- 
low the  Hitoye  or  Shita-gasane.  It  was  sometimes  worn  instead  of  the 
Hitoye,  immediately  under  the  Ho  or  Hitatare,  which  will  be  afterwards 
described.  The  usual  colour  was  white,  bnt  sometimes  it  was  red. 
Youths  generally  wore  an  Akome  of  a  light  yellow  colour.  This  garment 
seems  to  have  been  mostly  worn  in  the  winter  and  spring  time,  and  was 
dispensed  with  in  the  hot  weather,  except  during  certain  ceremonies, 
when  its  employment  was  imperative. 


Immediately  under  the  Ho  was  often  worn  a  short  sleeveless 
garment  called  Happi,  which  was  entirely  hidden,  but  was  .stiffly  starched 
so  as  to  cause  the  upper  robe  to  bulge  out  and  look  very  full.  The  use 
of  this  dress  was  confined  to  ranks  above  and  inclusive  of  the  fifth 
class.    Young  men  often  wore  a  red  Happi  with  large  sleeves. 


Below  the  above  mentioned  garments  was  worn  a  tunic  or  shirt 
called  the  0  Katabira,  often  going  by  the  name  of  Ase  tori  (lit.  sweat- 
absorber)  when  worn  in  the  summer  time.  It  was  generally  of  a  thin 
white  material,  having  an  edging  of  red  silk  at  the  sleeves  and  three 
distinct  edgings  of  different  colours  at  the  collar  to  give  the  idea  of 
three  separate  garments.  The  splendour  of  ceremonial  clothing  greatly 
consisted  in  the  number  and  fullness  of  the  robes,  and  trifling  deceptions 
of  this  kind  are  often  practiced  to  give  to  a  single  nnder-robe  the 
appearance  of  several,  by  doubling  it  at  the  sleeves  or  collar,  where 
it  is  alone  visible.  The  triple-edged  collar  was  white  on  the  outside, 
black  in  the  middle  and  red  on  the  inside.  In  the  summer  for  the  sake 
of  coolness  the  O  Katabira  was  worn  without  the  Hitoye,  and  being 
more  exposed  was  red  in  colour  and  worn  with  Hakama,  a  kind  of  loose 
trowsers, — the  two  being  of  the  same  material. 

Digitized  by 


oonder:  thb  histoby  of  japanbbe  costumb«  845 


The  upper  tonic  or  Ho,  as  before  observed,  reached  only  a  short 
distance  below  the  knees,  and  the  other  garments  were  shorter  still, 
excepting  of  course  the  tail  or  train  of  the  Shita-ga$ane.  Below  these, 
to  form  an  efficient  covering  for  the  legs,  were  worn  a  kind  of  loose 
browsers  or  skirt  called  Hakama,  and  of  this  garment  there  were  several 


The  ceremonial  Hakama  employed  by  the  highest  ranks  on  important 
occasions  went  by  the  name  of  Uye  no  Bahama  or  upper  Hakama. 
The  Uye  no  Bahama  were  a  kind  of  straight  wide  trowsers,  reaching 
to  the  ankles,  being  very  full  and  gathered  into  plaits  at  the  loins,  where 
they  were  secured  by  wide  bands  of  silk  attached  to  the  top.  They  were 
generally  of  white  silk  damask,  figured  with  some  pattern  and  lined 
with  red  silk,  and  were  worn  with  the  shirt  or  OKatabira. 


Under  this  garment  was  invariably  worn  a  pair  of  plain  red  silk 
Hahama  of  the  same  shape,  but  a  little  longer,  so  as  to  show  edgings 
of  red  silk  just  below  the  legs  of  the  Uye  no  Bahama.  These  Hahama 
were  always  worn  by  the  Emperor,  princes  and  nobles  at  the  most 
important  ceremonies,  and  were  often  replaced  on  less  important  occasions 
by  Hahama  of  a  different  kind  called  Nu-bahama. 


The  Nu-hakama  differed  from  the  Uye  no  Bahama  in  being  longer  and 
fuller  in  the  legs  and  threaded  through  at  the  bottom  with  silk  tape,  by 
means  of  which  the  bottoms  could  be  drawn  in  tight  over  the  ankles, 
causing  them  to  hang  in  a  loose  baggy  manner  over  the  boots.  The 
Nu-bakama,  or  Sashi-nuki,  as  they  were  sometimes  called,  were  worn  in 
times  of  hunting  and  amusement,  being  found  more  convenient.    The 

Digitized  by 


846  condeb:  thb  msTOBY  of  Japanese  costume. 

colour,  material  and  pattern  varied  with  the  rank  and  the  age  of  the 
wearer,  sometimes  damask,  sometimes  common  silk,  and  often  commoner 
material  still  was  used.  The  colour  was  commonly  purple,  a  lighter- 
toned  purple  being  used  by  the  younger  wearers. 


Below  the  Nu-bakama  were  worn  the  Shita-bakama  or  under  trowsers, 
which  were  of  the  same  shape  and  size  as  the  former,  with  the  difference 
of  having  no  gathering  cord  at  the  bottom.  When  the  Nu-bakama  were 
worn  the  Shita-bakama  was  folded  in  by  hand,  whilst  the  cord  of  the 
Nu-bakama  was  fastened  below  it  and  it  was  thus  perfectly  hidden.  In 
private  life  in-doors  the  Shita-bakama  were  sometimes  worn  alone 
without  the  Nu-bakama,  and  in  this  case  they  covered  the  feet  and 
dragged  behind,  presenting  a  very  awkward  appearance  and  considerable 
difficulty  in  walking,  but  a  form  quite  common  among  the  Japanese  and 
to  be  seen  in  the  Naya-bakama  or  long  trowsers  of  the  samurai.  In 
this  case  no  socks  or  boots  were  worn.  A  drawing  given  represents 
the  Emperor  in  his  summer  private  dress,  with  red  Shita-bakama*  [See 
Fig.  II.]     The  colour  of  this  garment  was  invariably  red. 


With  the  before-mentioned  garments  was  always  worn  some  kind 
of  ceremonial  head- covering.  The  use  of  the  Kammuri,  as  this  head 
covering  was  called,  is  said  to  have  been  fixed  in  the  year  594,  and  was 
at  this  time  bestowed  upon  certain  nobles  of  the  Emperor's  court.  At 
this  time  it  was  divided  into  twelve  different  class  distinctions,  and 
these  varieties  peculiar  to  particular  ranks  increased  up  to  the  number 
of  forty-eight,  until  after  the  era  of  the  Emperor  Tem-mu  (686  A.D.), 
when  the  old  style  and  classification  ceased.  Again  an  imitation  of  the 
old  style  of  hat  with  fewer  distinctions  was  revived  in  the  year  690, 
under  the  Empress  Ji-to,  when  the  ceremonial  head-covering  of  the 
nobles  became  broadly  divided  into  two  kinds,  according  to  the  nature 
of  material  of  which  it  was  made,  the  distinguishing  names  being  Atsu- 
bitai  or  thick  crown  and  Usu-bitai  or  thin  crown.    These  caps  consisted 

Digitized  by 


oondsb:  the  hxbtobt  of  Japanese  costume.  847 

of  a  small  round  crown  or  scull  cap,  very  shallow,  with  a  raised  hollow 
horn  towards  the  back,  somewhat  like  a  beaver's  tail  in  shape,  into 
which  passed  the  cue  of  the  hair.  In  order  to  understand  the  logic  of 
the  Japanese  Kammuri,  it  is  necessary  to  know  the  mode  of  doing  the 
hair,  which  consisted  in  shaving  the  front  of  the  skull  and  drawing 
the  rest  of  the  hair  back  into  a  top-knot  behind.  This  top-knot  became 
a  stiff  hard  cue,  being  rendered  compact  by  oil,  and  was  bound  and  bent 
back  so  as  to  stand  vertically  on  the  back  of  the  head.  The  Kammuri 
shows  distinctly  its  origin  from  a  loose  cloth  drawn  over  the  crown  and 
folded  round  the  cue,  to  which  it  was  secured  by  a  large  ornamental 
pin  (kanzashi),  leaving  two  ends  hanging  down  behind.  This  early 
form  may  be  seen  in  old  drawings. 

Within  historic  times,  however,  this  covering  became  a  stiff  hat, 
formed  of  some  starched  or  varnished  material,  still  preserving  as  a 
part  of  its  ornament  two  projections,  one  on  each  side  of  the  cue  holder, 
representing  the  hairpin,  and  used  for  the  purpose  of  tying  the  hat  to  the 
head  by  means  of  a  silk  cord  wound  round  them.  The  Usu-bitai  or  thin- 
crowned  cap  was  of  thin  silk  crape,  having  a  orescent-shaped  hole  in 
the  crown,  lined  with  thinner  white  silk  crape,  probably  for  ventilation. 
The  Atsu-bitai  was  made  of  a  thicker  starched  or  varnished  material. 


To  the  back  of  the  raised  hollow  horn  of  the  Kammuri  was  fixed  a 
double  pennant  called  the  Yei,  of  thin  material.  Originally  this  pennan^ 
was  of  paper,  but  latterly  a  kind  of  silk  crape  or  gauze  was  employed. 
It  was  about  a  foot  and  a  half  long  and  two  inches  wide,  and  the  method 
of  wearing  it  differed.  Only  the  Emperor  could  wear  it  standing  straight 
up  over  the  head,  and  even  he  wore  it  thus  only  on  state  occasions. 
The  mode  of  wearing  adopted  by  high  rank  Ku-ge,  and  the  Emperor 
himself  on  semi-official  occasions,  was  one  in  which  the  ribbon  rose  up 
a  few  inches  vertically  and  then  curved  over  behind,  where  it  hung 
limp.  Another  method  was  to  let  it  fall  over  as  before  and  then  curl  it 
round  at  the  back  of  the  hat,  threading  it  under  the  cord  by  means  of 
which  the  hat  was  tied  on  to  the  head,  and  securing  it  further  by  a 
wooden  peg. 

Digitized  by 


848  conder:  the  history  of  Japanese  costume. 

There  were  many  different  modes  of  curling  the  Yd,  the  distinctions 
being  peculiar  to  different  noble  families  and  called  after  these  families. 
Such  forms  were  the  Nakayama  ke  no  Makiyei,  Kitwajtiji  ke  no  Malay ei, 
Niwata  ke  no  Makiyei,  Yabu,  ke  no  Makiyei,  Konoye  ke  no  Makiyei,  and 
Yamashina  ke  no  Makiyei.  In  some  cases  the  Yei  was  curled  oyer 
in  front  of  the  horn  of  the  Kammuri,  and  held  in  position  by  a  cloth  tied 
round  the  whole  and  falling  loosely  behind  over  the  neck ;  or  else  by  a 
stiff  piece  of  paper  slit  in  the  middle  and  passed  over  it.  The  first  of 
these  methods  was  called  the  Gosaku  kammuri  and  the  latter  the 
Kin&huhigami  kammwri. 

There  is  another  method  used  by  some  of  the  higher  ranks  called 
Koshika-basami.  Such  head-covering  as  that  just  mentioned,  as  well  as 
the  Yeboski,  which  will  be  afterwards  described,  hardly  held  the  place 
in  Japan  that  hats  do  in  Europe — as  a  shelter  from  the  weather — for 
which  purpose,  indeed,  they  were  insufficient  on  account  of  their  small 
size  and  their  material. 

They  were  worn  as  a  part  of  the  ceremonial  dress  both  indoors  and 
out  of  doors,  and  were  not  even  removed  in  the  royal  presence.  They 
are  entirely  distinct  from  the  military  hat  or  helmet,  and  from  the  kasa  or 
rain  and  sun-shade,  which  was  a  very  wide  hat  worn  by  farmers,  coolies, 
or  the  poorer  classes  more  exposed  to  the  weather.  The  Emperor  and 
nobles  carried  a  fan  for  protection  from  the  heat  of  the  sun. 


Another  kind  of  cap  worn  by  the  nobles  on  ordinary  occasions  not 
ceremonial  was  the  Yeboshu  There  were  many  kinds  of  Yeboski,  arranged 
according  to  the  rank  of  the  wearer  and  the  importance  of  the  occasions. 
This  hat  consists  of  a  conical- shaped  bag,  somewhat  like  a  brewer's 
cap,  which  was  put  on  the  head  so  as  to  cover  the  crown  and  contain 
also  the  raised  cue  of  hair.  Originally  it  was  of  limp  material,  and  the 
top  would  then  fall  over  on  either  side.  This  cap,  made  of  oiled  paper 
or  stiff  cloth,  continued  to  be  used  by  military  men  under  the  helmet, 
the  edge  being  bound  to  the  head  by  a  cloth  tightly  tied  round  the  fore- 
head at  the  bottom.  When  used,  however,  with  civilian  dress  it  became 
a   stiff  Phrygian-shaped  cap,  blackened  with  varnish,  having  different 

Digitized  by 


.ootrcn :  tbm  bstobt  or  jai*nwb  costume.  9*9 

varieties  in  shape  denoting  special  ranks  or  imperial  favours.  It  wae 
often  worn  set  right  back,  so  as  to  leave  the  front  of  the  crown  pi  the 
head  exposed,  and  hong  over  behind  in  a  curious  and  rattier  unsightly 
manner,  being  pinned  to  the  hair  cue  and  kept  on  the  head  by  a  purple 
silk  cord  wound  over  it  and  tied  under  the  chin.  The  rounded  top  of 
the  Yeboshi  was  bent  a  little  forward  and  also  turned  down  a  little  to  the 
right  or  the  left.  The  respective  rights  of  the  left  bend  and  the  right  bend 
were  confined  to  the  two  large  rival  families  of  nobles,  the  Gen-ji  and 
the  Hei-ke.  The  Migirmaye  yeboahi,  or  the  yeboM  bent  to  the  right,  wae 
worn  by  nobles  of  the  Hei-ke  family ;  and  the  Hidari-maye,  or  left-bent 
yeboshi,  by  the  Gen-ji  family. 


To  complete  the  full  ceremonial  dress  of  the  Emperor  and  nobles 
a  long  handsome  girdle  was  worn  round  the  waist  and  hanging  down 
at  the  front,  called  the  Hira~o.  This  girdle  consisted  of  a  separate 
broad  portion  some  five  inches  wide,  with  a  deep  handsome  fringe. 
This  part,  hanging  down  like  an  apron  in  the  front,  was  suspended  from 
the  girdle  proper,  which  was  threaded  through  it  and  was  bound  round 
the  waist,  being  also  narrower  than  the  front  portion.  To  this  belt  the 
sword  was  attached.  The  Hira-o  was  of  handsome  embroidered  silk, 
rendered  thick  and  stiff.  Hie  ground-work  was  of  purple,  green,  or 
dark  blue,  and  the  embroidery  in  bright  colours  represented  birds, 
flowers,  or  some  ornamental  device  suggestive  of  longevity  or  having 
some  other  congratulatory  meaning.  Among  such  congratulatory  devices 
may  be  mentioned  the  bamboo,  the  pine  and  the  crane.  The  hanging 
portion  of  the  Hira-o  sometimes  consisted  of  two  portions,  one  hanging 
down  on  the  front  and  one  on  the  left  side,  this  difference  being  made 
according  to  rank.  The  Hira-o  was  only  worn  by  those  above  and 
inclusive  of  the  fifth  rank. 


In  certain  ceremonies,  such  as  the  Seehi-yo  and  the  Mi-yuki,  the 
princes  and  nobles  wore  over  the  Hd  a  belt  called  the  IM  no  obi.    This 
vol.  vm.  46 

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was  a  stiff  belt  of  black  leather,  consisting  of  two  halves  connected  by 
cords,  the  half  which  was  towards  the  back  being  ornamented  by  a  row 
of  flat  stones,  about  nine  in  number,  tied  on  to  the  surface.  Hie  stones 
for  the  highest  ranks  were  of  green  jade,  and  for  the  lower  ranks  they 
were  simply  some  kind  of  soap-stone  or  marble.  These  ornamental 
stones  were  of  a  flat,  square  shape,  some  two  inches  in  width,  sometimes 
carved  upon  the  outer  surface,  and  tied  to  the  belt  by  silk  cords.  The 
ends  of  the  IM  no  obi  were  ornamented  with  metal  clasps.  There  are 
many  names  given  to  this  belt,  according  to  the  style  of  ornament 
or  kind  of  stone  used.  When  worn  it  was  invisible  towards  the  front, 
where  it  was  covered  by  the  waist  of  the  Ho,  but  it  was  seen  at  the 
back,  where  the  stones  shewed. 


On  similar  ceremonial  occasions  was  worn  a  peculiar  hanging  orna- 
ment called  the  Giyo-tai,  resembling  in  form  an  oblong  box  which  hung 
by  a  leather  cord  from  the  first  or  second  stone  on  the  right  of  the  Ishi 
no  obi.  The  word  Giyo-tai  is  said  to  signify  "fish  bag,"  its  original 
use  being  that  of  a  bag  or  pouch,  and  the  outer  surface  being  invariably 
ornamented  with  representations  of  fish.  The  Giyo-tai  was  covered 
generally  with  shark  skin,  and  the  princes  and  nobles  above  the  third 
rank  wore  one  of  a  red  colour  with  the  fish  of  gold  plates  let  in.  Those 
of  the  ranks  of  SM-i  and  Go-i  wore  one  having  the  metal  fish  of  silver 
in  place  of  gold.  The  cord  by  which  it  was  hung  was  generally  of 
leather,  stained  of  a  blue  colour. 


As  a  covering  to  the  feet  was  worn  a  kind  of  sock  called  ShUa-gutou 
or  Bet$u9  and  over  this  shoes  or  boots.  The  Bettu  were  usually  made 
of  white  silk,  rendered  stiff  with  lining,  having  soles  of  a  thicker  material. 
There  was  a  kind,  also  sometimes  used,  which  was  made  of  rich- 
coloured  and  embroidered  silk  and  worn  on  more  important  occasions. 
These  Shita-guto  reached  a  little  above  the  ankle,  and  were  split  up  in 
the  front  for  the  insertion  of  the  foot  and  secured  by  a  silk  tape  or  cord 

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oondee:  the  history  of  Japanese  costume.  851 

fastened  to  the  top.  Within  doors  these  were  worn  alone  without 
farther  covering,  but  in  the  gardens  and  generally  for  out-door  use  over 
these  was  worn  a  kind  of  shoe  called  the  Asa-gutou,  meaning  simply 
shallow  boot.  The  Asa-gtUsu  resembled  in  shape  the  present  Chinese 
shoe,  being  rounded  and  slightly  turned  up  at  the  toe.  They  were  of 
a  kind  of  hard  papier  mache,  covered  with  black  varnish  or  lacquer  on 
the  outside,  with  leather  soles.  Instead  of  the  Asa-gutsu  the  Fuka-gutou 
or  deep  shoes  were  worn  in  rainy  or  snowy  weather.  These  were  in 
fact  black  leather  or  papier  mache  boots,  very  loose  and  large. 


A  kind  of  superior  sandal  made  of  rush- work,  resembling  the  common 
house-sandal  called  zori,  was  also  occasionally  worn  in  private  life. 
This  went  by  the  name  of  Ota. 


The  above  mentioned  articles  of  attire  completed  the  ordinary 
ceremonial  dress  of  the  Emperor  and  nobles,  with  the  addition  of  the 
indispensable  sword  and  sceptre  or  fan.  The  word  "  sceptre  "  is  here 
applied  to  a  short  staff  called  the  Shaku,  which  was  generally  held 
vertically  in  the  right  hand.  The  Shaku  was  made  of  wood  or  of 
ivory,  the  use  of  ivory  being  confined  to  the  highest  ranks  and  the  most 
important  ceremonial.  No  noble  below  the  fifth  rank  could  use  an  ivory 
Shaku  on  any  occasion.  The  wood  used  was  from  the  yew  tree,  called 
ichi-i  or  kiyaraboku,  being  of  a  very  white  colour. 


The  closing  fan  or  Ogi  was  often  carried  instead  of  the  Shaku.  The 
land  most  used  was  constructed  of  thin  flat  wooden  ribs,  twenty-five  in 
number,  fastened  with  a  metal  rivet  and  threaded  through  near  the  top 
with  silk  strings,  which  had  very  long  ends,  sometimes  woven  together 
and  fixed  upon  the  outer  scale  in  the  pattern  of  a  wistaria  flower  or 
some  other  device.    Sometimes  the  ends  hung  loose  in  a  loop.    Such  a 

Digitized  by 



&d  was  made  of  Hi  no  ki  (Chamaecyparis  obtusa),  and  was  then  called 
Hi  dgi ;  but  before  the  age  of  fifteen  a  fan  of  a  commoner  wood  called  sugi 
(Cryptomeria  japonica)  was  carried,  and  this  was  painted  on  the  out- 
side and  ornamented  with  silk  thread  in  five  colours.  The  rivet  head 
was  often  made  ornamental,  representing  a  butterfly  or  small  bird  in 
metal  wort.  This  fan  was  generally  carried  closed,  and  held  like 
the  8haku. 

In  the  summer  time,  in  place  of  the  wooden  Ogi,  was  used  a  fan 
of  thin  wooden  ribs  covered  with  paper,  and  painted  with  some  device 
front  and  back.  The  portion  of  the  wooden  ribs  not  covered  with  paper 
was  lacquered  or  painted  in  some  bright  colour,  and  the  outer  exposed 
rib  was  carved. 


The  Emperor,  Princes  and  Nobles  carried  as  a  part  of  their  state 
dress  a  large  handsome  sword  hanging  vertically  from  above  the  left 
hip,  being  fastened  by  a  strong  silk  cord  to  the  girdle  or  Hira-o.  This 
weapon  was  about  three  and  a  half  feet  long,  slightly  curved  in  shape, 
with  a  long  handle  and  a  small  hilt  guard.  The  handle,  hilt  end  and 
sheath  were  ornamented  with  engraved  and  gilt  metal  ornaments,  and 
there  were  two  metal  rings  on  the  sheath  to  which  the  hanging  cord  was 
attached.  The  word  Ken  was  originally  used  to  distinguish  a  straight 
double-bladed  sword  from  the  curved  single-bladed  weapon  called  Tachi, 
which  was  shorter  than  the  Ken.  The  words  came,  however,  to  be 
indiscriminately  applied  to  the  slightly  curved  single-bladed  sword  carried 
by  the  nobles.  The  ornamentation  of  the  sheath  and  the  hilt  ornaments 
varied  with  the  rank  and  the  ceremonial.  Almost  every  important 
ceremony  had  its  peculiar  weapon,  distinguished  by  the  kind  of  lacquer 
with  which  its  sheath  was  covered  or  the  material  and  inlaying  of  the 
handle.  The  handle  was  sometimes  of  white  shark  skin,  inlaid  with 
knobs  of  crystal,  jade  or  soap-stone,  with  a  gold  top,  from- which  hung 
cords  of  purple  leather  enriched  with  gold  pendants  or  valuable  stones. 
In  some  swords  the  handle  was  of  engraved  silver.  The  sheath  was 
invariably  lacquered,  sometimes  with  gold  lacquer,  sometimes  with 

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oondbb:  thb  history  of  Japanese  costume.  658 

lacquer  of  a  doll  purple  colour.  The  lower  ranks  carried  a  plainer 
weapon,  with  a  sheath  of  plain  black  lacquer.  Bach  a  sword  was  also 
used  by  the  higher  classes  in  time  of  mourning. 


The  sheath  of  the  sword  was  encased  often  in  an  outer  sheath  or  bag 
called  the  Shirizayu,  made  of  the  skin  of  the  tiger  or  leopard,  having  the 
fur  outwards.  This  was  mostly  carried  only  for  out-door  purposes, 
its  chief  use  probably  being  to  protect  the  handsomely  ornamented  sword- 
sheath  from  the  rain. 

emperor's  coronation  robes.    (Fig.  1.) 

Some  form  or  other  of  the  herebefore  described  articles  of  attire  were 
worn  by  the  Emperor,  Princes,  Ku-ge,  and  Dai-miyos  as  full  dress  for  most 
of  the  state  occasions,  distinctions  of  rank  being  denoted  by  differences 
in  colour,  pattern  and  minor  details.  For  some  very  high  festivals,  such 
for  example  as  the  Accessional  Ceremony  of  the  Emperor,  called 
Da4-jd-ye9  the  dress  of  the  Mikado  and  the  high  rank  princes  differed  in 
some  important  particulars.  The  robes  worn  by  the  Emperor  on  the 
occasion  of  his  formal  accession  were  as  follows  :  The  outer  robe  or 
tunic  differed  from  the  ordinary  Ho  in  form,  gradually  widening  out 
towards  the  skirts  and  folding  over  in  front  with  a  loose  open  collar  and 
very  full  sleeves,  not  of  the  simple  oblong  shape,  but  curved  at  the 
bottom  and  very  large.  This  robe,  which  was  called  the  Kon-riyo  no  tot 
6  8ode,  was  of  red  damask,  embroidered  in  gold  and  bright  colours,  with 
representations  of  the  heavenly  constellations,  dragons,  sacred  birds, 
flame-shaped  emblems  and  mountain  peaks.  The  collar  and  sleeves 
were  bordered  with  a  wide  band  of  dark  blue.  The  body  of  the  tunic 
was  not  shewn  below  the  waist  in  front,  being  turned  up  under  the 
girdle,  from  below  which  hung  a  kind  of  fall  apron  piece  or  skirt  called 
Mo.  This  Mo  was  also  red,  being  gathered  into  large  plaits,  each  plait 
having  embroidered  upon  it  four  emblematic  symbols  consisting  of  two 
wreaths,  an  axe-head  and  a  fret  pattern.  This  was  furnished  with  silk 
bands  at  the  top  for  tying'  round  the  waist.    With  these  garments  word 

Digitized  by 


854  oondee:  the  hmtoby  of  Japanese  costume. 

worn  the  usual  white  silk  Uye-no-bdkama,  Shitagutm  and  A»aguUu9 
Underneath  the  Kon-riyo  no  i  was  worn  a  similar  garment,  somewhat 
smaller  in  size,  made  of  wadded  silk,  probably  to  give  the  upper  robe  a 
fuller,  richer  appearance.  This  having  smaller  sleeves  than  the  0  sode 
went  by  the  name  of  the  Ko-sode.  On  such  occasions,  instead  of  the 
ordinary  Kammuri,  the  Emperor  wore  a  head-covering  bearing  some 
slight  resemblance  to  a  crown,  inasmuch  as  it  was  mostly  of  metal, 
enriched  with  gold  and  precious  stones.  This  was  called  the  Qiyok-kmcan. 
It  consisted  of  a  cylindrical-shaped  crown  of  thin  gilt  copper,  engraved 
and  pierced,  with  a  flat  oversaving  square  top,  formed  of  a  metal  border, 
with  thin  silk  crape  stretched  across.  From  the  edge  of  this  broad 
tray-shaped  top  hung  jewelled  strings  on  all  sides,  forming  a  continuous 
fringe ;  and  above  it  was  a  row  of  vertical  metal  wires  topped  with 
precious  stones.  In  the  centre  of  the  front  portion  was  a  raised  point 
carrying  a  metal  disc  with  rays,  representing  the  sun  in  glory.  This 
curious  crown,  if  it  may  be  so  called,  merely  rested  on  the  top  of  the 
head,  and  was  kept  in  position  by  silk  cords  tied  under  the  chin.  Inside 
was  the  ordinary  bag-shaped  cap  or  kammuri  to  hold  the  cue  of  the  hair. 
This  head-covering,  which  was  worn  at  the  ceremony  of  accession, 
formed  merely  part  of  the  attire,  and  there  was  no  coronation  ceremony 
attached  to  the  use  of  it.  The  two  highest  ranks  of  Imperial  princes, 
called  Ip-pon  Shin-no  and  Ni-Jwn  Shin-no,  also  wore  coronets  of  a  some- 
what similar  kind.  An  example  of  one  of  these  may  be  seen  in  the 
Tokiyo  Haku-butsu-kuwan.  Bound  the  waist  the  Emperor  wore  a 
handsome  girdle  somewhat  similar  to  the  Hira-o,  but  differing  in 
having  the  portion  which  hung  down  in  front  wider  and  of  Chinese 
damask,  with  Chinese  paintings  upon  it.    This  girdle  was  called  the 


In  addition  to  this  hung  from  the  belt  on  both  sides  long  jewelled 
strings,  with  metal  plates,  reaching  to  the  ankles.  These  pendants, 
which  went  by  the  name  of  Oiyoku  haif  consisted  of  five  beaded  strings 
of  different  coloured  stones,  united  four  times  in  their  length  by  flat 
rounded  copper  gilt  plates.    The  Emperor,  who  during  the  ceremony  was 

Digitized  by 


condeb:  the  history  of  Japanese  costume.  855 

seated  upon  a  kind  of  throne  and  wore  no  sword,  carried  the  Qiyoku- 
hai  double,  one  hanging  on  each  side.  The  princes,  who  stood,  carried 
none  on  the  sword  side,  with  the  wearing  of  which  it  would  interfere. 
The  ivory  Shaku  was  held  in  the  right  hand. 


A  Prince  of  the  Blood  Royal  of  the  first  rank  wore,  on  a  like  occasion, 
robes  somewhat  similar  in  character  to  those  of  the  Emperor.  The  0 
sode,  however,  was  not  hidden  below  the  waist,  but  hung  down  over  the 
Mo,  and  thus  resembled  in  appearance  that  of  the  Ho,  with  the  exception 
that  the  sleeves  were  fuller,  the  collar  was  different,  and  the  flaps  (called 
"  ran  ")  at  the  bottom  of  the  skirts  did  not  exist.  The  colour  of  the 
O  sode  worn  by  Ip-pon  Shin-no  was  dark  purple.  The  Mo  was  of  blue, 
and  only  the  bottom  edge  was  seen  hanging  below  the  0  sode.  The 
Oiyoku-hai  and  the  Hira-o  were  also  worn,  and  also  a  metal  ooronet  or 
metal-cased  cap,  somewhat  similar  to  the  Giyok-kuwan  of  the  Emperor. 
This  was  in  met  the  ordinary  Kammuri  of  silk  crape,  having,  however, 
a  treble  or  quadruple  bag  for  the  hair  instead  of  the  single  one,  set 
inside  a  crown-shaped  diadem  of  embossed  and  pierced  metal,  the  back 
portion  of  which  was  further  extended  into  a  raised  fan-shaped  cusping 
of  open  metal  wires,  all  gilt  and  inlaid  in  several  places  with  jewels. 
An  example  of  a  diadem  of  this  kind  may  be  seen  at  the  Tokiyo  Haku- 
butsu-kuwan.  This  ivory  Shaku  and  ornamental  sword  called  kazari- 
dachi  was  carried.  The  Ni-hon  Shin-no  or  Prince  Royal  of  the  2nd 
rank  was  robed  in  a  similar  manner,  the  chief  difference  being  in  the 
colour  of  the  0  sode,  which  was  green  instead  of  purple. 


Among  the  many  Imperial  festivals  and  ceremonies  of  the  court, 
each  demanding  some  distinctive  difference  in  costume,  were  the  Shin-to 
festivals  attended  by  the  Emperor.  In  time  of  Shin-to  prayer  or 
festival  a  dress  called  the  Omi  was  worn  over  the  Ho.  The  Onri  was 
of  several  kinds,  generally  being  of  white  cotton,  with  some  pattern 

Digitized  by 


866  condbb:  thb  histoby  of  jafanbsb  oosttoou 

embroidered  in  line  upon  it  in  bine  or  green  colour.  The  Omi  was 
sometimes  long,  ending  in  a  skirt  and  flaps,  and  having  a  tight  collar 
and  bag  behind  like  the  Ho;  it  was  then  called  Hoyekt-omi.  Another 
kind  was  similar  to  the  Shita-gaume,  being  split  up  at  the  sides,  and 
longer  behind  than  in  front ;  this  was  called  the  Shi-omi.  A  third  shape 
went  by  the  name  of  Sho$hi-omi,  on  account  of  it  being  worn  by  Shoshi 
or  lower  rank  nobles.  The  Shdshi-omi  had  sleeves  considerably  shorter 
than  those  of  the  Ho,  which  shewed  below  them,  and  was  short  in  the 
body,  folded  over  in  front  and  turned  up  under  the  belt,  having  a  loose 
collar.  .Over  the  right  shoulder  of  each  kind  of  Omi  were  sewn  two 
braided  bands  called  Aka-himo.  These  were  2  or  8  feet  long,  hanging 
down  loose  behind,  one  being  red  and  the  other  black. 


When  this  robe  was  worn  the  Kammuri  was  also  ornamented 
in  a  manner  peculiar  to  religious  festivals.  A  metal  prong,  in  imita- 
tion of  a  sprig  of  plum-blossom,  and  called  the  Kokoroba,  was  fixed 
in  the  crown  of  the  hat;  and  from  the  sides  hung  down  over  the  ears,  as 
low  as  the  breast,  two  looped  and  tasselled  green  cords  called  Hikage  no 
katsura,  from  their  resemblance  to  a  moss  of  that  name,  from  which  the 
ornament  was  originally  derived.  The  Ku-ge  wore  the  Kokoroba  and 
Hikage  no  kattwra  upon  the  ordinary  Kammuri ;  the  Emperor,  however, 
wore  a  Kamnvwri  of  white  silk  on  such  occasions.  The  Kammuri  was 
tied  on  to  the  head  with  white  cord.  The  black  Ho  and  white  Kiyo 
and  Hakama  were  worn  with  the  Omi. 


The  thick  wide  robes  hitherto  described,  which  were  worn  with 
certain  variations  of  detail  and  ornament  on  ceremonial  or  semi-official 
occasions,  were  naturally  very  ponderous.  On  the  occasion  of  sports 
or  exercises,  in  which  the  princes  and  nobles  sometimes  engaged,  certain 
modifications  in  costume  were  found  advisable.  The  chief  difference  in 
dress  was  in  the  use  of  a  robe  called  the  Kari-ginu  or  Huntin